American volunteer. (Carlisle [Pa.]) 1814-1909, September 24, 1863, Image 1
VtL. U. VOLUNTEER. EVERY THURSDAY HORNING DY JOHN B. BRATTON. TERMS , .Suuscription.t—Two, Dollars if paid within the % *ar; and Two Dollars and Fifty Cents, if not paid H'ithin th.o ybttr. ad |crqd:tb { in ovdVy 'lifdthtlbb. jSTo'subscrltJtio'n clis coutinUcd'Utiiil all are paid unless at Tlfo tfption of tho Editor. . Advertisements —Accompanied by tho cash, and not exceeding ono Square, will bo inserted throe •times for One Dollar, and twenty-five cents, for each additional insertion. Those of a greater length in ‘proportion. 4 308-PRi.v i Tisrc- a -Sueh as Hand-bills, Posting-bills, Labels, Ac. Ac., executed with .’ocuraoy and-at the shortest notice. ■ • t MEW YOBK9BBOCBITIO STATE CONVENTION, NOBLE SPEECH GOVERNOR' SEYMOUR, ■ Wo copy from the Brooklyn Eagle a yor 'batim report of tho address of Governor ■Sevmour, before the Democratic State Con vention of New York, at Albany, oa the 10th inst. Governor SevModk having been invited to nddrbss the Convention, was introduced by a committee, and after the applause of bis hearty greeting had subsided, spoke as follows; ■ Mr, Chairman :—Three years have passed, ■away sinno you (ind .1 and others, some of 'whom.l see before me now, assembled in this iroom for the purpose of ■ trying to avert the 'war which now afflicts our land. Wo, sir, saw the coming storm ; wo most respectfully invoked that party which had .just 'achieved a great political triumph to pause anil 'unite with us, in efforts to avert calamities which wo feared would shake this Government to its very foundation. Our fears were derided, our prayers were mocked, and we wore told that wo wore not true men, because we fore saw what is now taking place—a bloody and devastating civil war. How sad has been the intervening period 1 How many men ,‘havo been carried down to bloody graves 1— 'How many homes filled with mourning 1 — 'How much of distress, of misery and agony 'has been felt throughout this then free, and .groat, and prosperous land of ours! Wefneot again to-night, when the war in its progress has brought us to another of its stages, and once more; Mr. Chairman, oh. behalf of the Democratic party of this State, I stand up hero to-night to appeal most earnestly and respectfully to our Republican friends again to unite with ns and save our land from yet greater calamities. Hut I will not'dwcll long •on the darker side of this picture. Sad as it has been, sonic groat good has grown out of the struggle. _ Wo have learned at least to value our Union aright ; and those who lint three of four short years since heaped upon us words of scorn because wq pleaded for it and would save it, . and stigmatized us as •" Union savers,” are to-day.ghid to come bo horcthc people and claim to be the particular -and especial friends of this Union, l-’or this fl am grateful, although I think this fueogni 'jtiiin oftho truth of our position might have been made in a more gracious form. Hut more than that; At the late convention held in Syracuse, I rejoice that it was put forth then that that party means to struggle for the Union and the Constitution. But a little time since men were stigmatized as traitors who Would protect .constitutional rights. This recognition ! accept,mostigrirteifiilly, and none the less thankfully ’because itignes forth to the world with many harsh and unkind con fines of myself I.stand hero forgetting all that is said that does wrong to ynii and to mo, with a heart full' of gratitude to know that au.length from nil parties a recognition of the 'gmttipmth that this Union has a value past that the Union is to ho pre served and the tConetitution respected by the 'common eonsent df.n'fl parlies. lam not one of those who, in this flour of the country’s distress are without hope. Indeed, I regard 'the future hopefully and confidently. This ■ sad war has taught us not only the vulue of the Union, but, before we shall have done with it, it wilt teach us other, grout truths and establish our Union on a firmer basis, and establish the rights of the States an such ■a foundation that hereafter no’ power can shako them. I know thatsome of my friends look somewhat despondently upon the future.' 1 know that the acts of the last Congress !causod great alarm in all parts of our land.— t know that these acts originated in false and mistaken views of policy, and spring from those.who would seek to make our Oovern mont stronger by concentrating a larger 'amount of. power in the national Capital. I nave never for one moment feared the result. . have felt, over since , the adoption of those measures, that the very means , seized upon by the advocates of a strong central Govcrn r mont would overthrow forever the theories they wore intended to .establish. It will be proved by our experience now, and that whioh ■s to eomo, that those provisions in our na - I ,o n,a* Constitution that restrain the powers , , General Government wore not put there so ely for the purpose of saving the rights of ■niiti- 68- States have a vitality whioh will K’ve mo . ro wrongs and ■outrages than any can inflict. They may for a moment , cr wheimod and subdued, but they never . . 1 0 oxtinguished. They are natural or w,v,J Zatlons 80 kail and bound together that u “ ®very effort has been made to suppress , m th ®y will rise up again in all their orig and maintain and assort all their ■tho ,'tot'onnl rights. It is true, that one of 'iFnno.Vrl 18 restraining the power of the f al Government was to protect the rights .and ~ “, at 08 i but these were not tho first idnno^ ol^?^ 60 *' 8 or whioh they were intro fnr ini l le y wore placed in tho Constitution ~,1™ Purpose of saving and preserving the ational Government itself, because our fath w-,, Baw Uut if this Government was invested ,ln > ®r attempted to exercise greater power iti if r oon forred upon it, it would destroy Af ’ us 800 this theory is correct.— ( j mon tb B ago the national Legislature . 0 P to “ tt measure with regard to the our and another respecting indemnity for ji a®°s whioh officials might commit against nln r *m 3 and liberties oftho Americanpoo !f r b *oy also passed tho Conscription not, .Hn,„ m, - ybo allowoll to call it such. At that ~ n i 1 111 oonvorsation with politioal friends, , “l!l I , onon t B too,—for I have had no secrets niv ,1 j, *avo entered upon tho discharge of nid.nl! n B .’ * bavo had no view in regard to iirnuDn l l r 111 1? which I have not willingly ox nomlnn roo ,y. to all; I have had uo corros chi.ni.rnfi° whioli I have not submitted most Upon.. (i'y *9 the examination oftho post of th-i( Ilorl , 108 —t then expressed the opinion nu( i„(I° n tbm measure of conscription was uto operation, an act whioh ignores the power of the States and trendies upon con stitutional rights, in my judgment, which is inconsistent with the genius of the American people—l then ventured the opinion which I now express to you, that the ultimate result of that experiment would not be the destruc tion of the rights of States, not an undue increase of the powers of the general Gov ernment, but that when they put it in oper ation they wdftld find themselves weakened and baffled, simply because they had under taken to do that which was inconsistent.with the nature of our Government. What is the result ? Oneyear ago—<t think it Was within a few da'ys of that time .that you and I and othersmet in this tootn—thbipeople had vol untarily given half a million of men ’to 'the national army ; they poured forth their treas ure without stint all over, our land, in every 1 school, district, and township, and country men went forth 'to swell the national forces, Why,? Because fliey were forcibly compell ed ? No, but because.they were sent by the popular will expressing itself in every minor locality throughout the land. At that mo ■inept our Government was armed with a military newer 'unequalcd in the . history of the world. Forgetting the source of that power and that with all that military strength their surest reliance must be upon the popular will, they entered upon a line of policy which we deemed inconsistent with public rights and opposed to public sentiment. We took issue with them when wo went out before the people, and combatted them in the very hour of their strength, when they had the largest military array to be found on the face of the ■globe, and we beat them. Then in those acts which we deemed inconsistent with the rights of the States r anS rights of persons, 'and, which they supposed were adts calculated to strengthen their power and diminish the 1 power of localities, they found their own de feat and discomfiture. "They'passed the Con script act. They sot aside that system which had heretofore prevailed, of filling Our armies by the Voluntary enlistment of men from different States, and different sections of States, and 'Undertook to say they would fill their armies by coercion. What is tho result to-day? Th,is State, that one year ago vol untarily gave 120,000 men to fill tho armies of the Union—the State of Now York which beyond any other spot in the Union was distinguished for its contributions of men and money—what do we see in that Stale to day ? Men going cheerfully and'voluntarily forth to sustain the flag that floats around us hero ? No ! but that very government whose request was enough to summon hosts to the field, finds itself compelled to put forth its utmost power'to'drag a few unwilling .men from their homes. Is this strength or is it weakness ? Is it success or failure ? Let us go a little, further. We are told that it was inipossible any longer to fill our. armies by tho systom of volunteering, and yet during '•Che, time that that system has been destroyeu by the operation of tho Conscription law, the State of Now York,."since the Ist of January 1 last, according to tlio reports of the paymaster; general, has raised more than 12,000 men— more than will ever be taken out of tbo 'State by that very Conscription la w. Ido not say ■but that a number of men will be earned into the army by the system, of substitution, but that .is volunteering, and 1 venture to say that out of the wboig draft made upon this groat State under the existing law, there will never be even six thousand who will go be cause they yore drafted. As I aitill 'boforo, I am full of hope for the future, because tf believe that any attemp' that may bo mafic'by the general Govern uncut to pass beyond its legitimate bounds, so far from endangering the rights of the States, simply endanger the power and the dignity of. the».Government itself, jmd they will bo taught by experience what our fath ers attempted to teach them by admonition, that the strength, peipetuity, and glory of the Government must bo based upon the hearts of the people, and cannot be . uphold by physical force. Believing, then, as I do, that unconstitutional legislation would be found not to strengthen, but to weaken the Government, and that the doctrine of cen tralization will bo found hereafter to bo im possible, and the mgn who favor, it will be forced'back .by experience to the teachings of our fathers, I am confident that, dur glori ous Union and the rights of the States are to be preserved, for I feel confident that ofrr po litical opponents will find themselves driven back upon this subject, as upon many rft&ers, to our ground, by the force of necessity. I believe as I do in my own existence that be fore two months have passed away their own experience in government, and the utter'fail ure Of the theory that to make a Government strong you must vest it with power which it cannot wisely and safely exercise, will bo re nounced by nil parties of man, and nut of this sad war wo shall have the satisfaction of plucking some groat and vital truths that will give anew strength and vigor to our Government, when nil classes of men have been tnugbt by the lessons of sad experience that, there is blit one way to maintain the glo ry and pO.wor of onr Government, and that is an adherence to constitutional law ; that there is but one way to preserve the Union of these States, which is by upholding the rights of all the States, and giving them those privil eges our fathers designed they should have ; that there is but one way to secure the du rability and perpetuity of the Government, gnd that is by adhering to the system which 'makes it beneficial in its operation, which respects the rights of every man, and pre serves ns sacred the rights of every house hold. Lot me say one or two words more in regard to the Conscription act v Many char ges have boon made against mo which I have never noticed, but perhaps I owe it to you, who have sustained me so far, and have passed by so generously and candidly a thou sand mistakes which I may have made in policy nad judgment, to give yon some state ments offsets which have not heretofore been laid before the public, t have never sought to embarrass this Government, opposed to it as I am, traduced by its organs and officials. I have never forgot tea, that still it was the Government of our country. I have seen in its very weakness and errors one other rea son for attempting to uphold it so far as I could consistently with my duty, andendeav or to have it enter upon a lino of policy de manded ns well by its own honor and inter- est as the honor and interests of our common country. I appealed to the friends of the na tional Administration—l appealed to its agents, who reproach rao with regard to that subject, to avoid the fatal errors they have committed, to make them see they would not find strength, hut weakness, and wore de stroying the public confidence and the public regard for the national Administration.— When that measure was passed, I attempted to savo them from tho odium whioli would attaoli to tho execution of a measure intrin- sically harsh and burdensome, if any fraud was perpetrated in putting it in operation.— I did so in no unfriendly spirit. Who had the deepest interest in having our armies filled by tho voluntary action of tho citizens ? Wo who arc out of power, or the friouds of tbo Government ? Could wo render any ser vice for which they should have -been so grate ful as the very efforts we made to save them from, the necessity cf a course so much op posed to the public will and sentiments j Yet for all this we are traduced and denounc ed. When it wasdisooverod by the returns sent to the Executive Chamber in July, arid only then discovered, that a monstrous irreg ularity existed in the burdens which this act imposed on the different counties, I deemed it not only a duty to the citizen of this State, but I considered it my duty to the national Government, arid for which I 1 should receive its gratitude, to 'pOifft dut the ‘errors which have been committed. 1 appeal to the pub lic if there was any class of men in onr land who had so deep ‘tin interest in 'having thfc act fairly and jlriitty carried Oht as the offi cers of the Government themselves. Was it for their interest to add to the odiujn of an act necessarily unpopular, by unfairness and, inequality ? I appeal to thc public ff’ltb wag not theft best friend who attempted to ward them of every wrong, and make suggestions that would commend it to popular favor and support. And therefore I deemed it iriy du ty ,to send men to Washington who I sup posed would bo acceptable to the national Administration, and.l addressed a communi cation to that Administration written with a sincere desire to save them anti our country and people from what I earnestly believed to he a groat wrong. Yet this act was stigma: tized as one of hostility to the gorioral Gov ernment, and calculated to. embarrass it in the execution, of the law. And it has been said that the publication of those Jotters was calculated 'to irritate the public feeling and arouse popular resistance. If that is true, why did they publish; the letters ? For none of tbo communications winch I have address ed to the Goverriirerit have bcen-laid before the publjo by mo. Not only the communica tions which I have addressed to the general Government have been published but those written to, the commanding General of the North-eastern District, There are two com munications which 'have 'neveryot been pub lished. I do not complpjindf '(blit, because in their form they were ndt'dfficial, although they were not declared to bo private and con fidential. In the desire to save this Govern ment from any act that would bring discredit upon it, I addressed a letter to Mr. Lincoln with the most friendly purpose. Before I received an answer I had discovered what I believed to bo a great fraud in the enrollment for the draft. 1 advised him that although I was politically opposed to his Administration, and although I might, unconsciously to my self, bo'influenced by my own partisan views nevertheless I had that regard for the'honor of ofir'country and the character of the Ad ministration, that I felt eoriipellcd to write this private letter, in order that those outra ges might be fully investigated. The letter Was not official; it commenced “ Dear sir” 'instead of “Sir,” but.it was written in a 'friendly spirit, for all my “ friends” are not in New York. But more than that. Tad dressed a letter to the General commanding t!.o Northeastern District, with whom I have been on terms of friendship, and now main tain a correspondence, and suggested to liiiii that I felt this enrollment was unequal, if nut fraudulent, and that if I had given way to ray resentment I might allow it to be carried out, and if it was it would bring shame and disgrace on its authors, and I valued the character of the Administration too much to be Willing to see it do .any act" that would bring it irito discredit in the eyesof the. world; I felt the embarrassment cf bis position, and told him J wished to avoid seeing him in a position where he might bo iriipollod by a sense of military obligation on the one band, and replied by bis aversion -to fraud and wrong on thd other. Unfortunately, the let ter disturbed his taste as to o'word, and not his sense of injustice as to a wrong. Now, with' respect to this act, I think any one who will look at the conduct of the Democratic party, and look at my own correspondence, will find that so far from being actuated by a desire to embarrass this Administration, wo have a desire do save it from plunging into great, I will not'.say fatal, errors. Task you if it was just to stigmatize men who only wished to have justice done, as unfriend |v to the Union and the institutions of our land ' I apnoal to you if you .have over found a man yet —I care not what his pditiciil sentiments were —who would say that it was not right and just that the public should not have the names of the enrolled placed before it, that all might see that it was a fair enrollment, or who desired that those rolls should bo fairly deposited in the box and drawn out under circumstances thatwould satisfy the whole community that the execution of the law was fair, equal, and just?, And, yet, wbon, through a member of my staff, I made the request that those steps should bo taken, not only was that request not complied with, but those who made it with a sincere and earnest desire to avert wrong, wore stigmatized as m n who were willing to excite this communi ty to violence, outrage, and bloodshed. My friends, wo are not among those who stand up proposing to violate law ; wo toll those in authority that our purposes are not—in the pursuit of right or the punishment of wrong —to violate law, hut ,to vindicate law. So much for the past and present. Now what for the future? Whatever wrongs we may have received from our political opponents, whatever injustice has boon done to us here tofore, how much and unjustly they may have traduced us, I stand hero for one, and t believe I express the sentiment of every man within the sound of my voice when I say let the past ho forgotten, and all the evils which have been brought upon the country because you would not hood our warning voice, pass into oblivion. Lot violations of constitutional rights and sound policy ho loft out of view if you will only heed our respect ful prayer now, when victory has crowned the efforts of our armies, to prevent calami-' ties in the future. Within the last two months the army has gained signal victories. Heretofore it was felt that any policy calcu lated to win back the South would appear as tho result of defeat end disaster. All men felt that while wo had failed to assort our power, endurance and resources, in tho eyes of the world, such a policy might lead to complications and difficulties m the future, and all men are ready to wait until the time should come when the Government, consist ently with pride, magnanimity, and generos ity, might mark out a policy that would unite the people oi tho North as one man fur tho future. Now 1 appeal to you, what should bo tho policy in the hour of victory? When tho Gov ernment has had groat anil signal success, whioli vindicate its power in tho oyos of tho world, I ask you if that policy should not bo a generous and magnanimous one? Wo have reached a point whore tho future policy of tho Government must bo marked out. Shall it bo that of subjugation? Shall wo declare, that by force, and force alone, groat States shall bo hold within the limits of this confed- eracy—each State stripped of tho character of a State, and forbidden to return again to "Otm COUNTRY—MAT IT ALWAYS BE RIGHT—BUT RIGHT OR WRONG OUR COUNTRY." CARLISLE, PA., THURSDAY, SEPTEMBERS, 1863. - the Union, except on terms inconsistent with • their constitutional rights, inconsistent with i the dignity of the States which make up this ■ groat and glorious Union ? [Loud cheers.] ■ What does that policy imply? The shedding • of blood, the exhausting of treasure, the con i tinuonco for an indefinite time of a devasta ting war, which, when it has reached its ■ highest success, must still go on, and the ; wealth of the 'tS'oi-lh Wasted to hold the South in military subjugation. It can lead to but one result. There is no man that docs not know and admit that the indefinite continu ance of-a War, with all its vast expenditures, must ultimately end in national bankruptcy and ruin. Shall we enter upon a lino of -pol icy that promises no end to-this struggle, that '[nay sacrifice 'fylood'atid treasure without lim it, which involves the uncertainties of the future, the dangers of defeat, the. liabilities of foreign intervention, rather .than sacrifice one passion, one .prejudice, or do one net of magnanimity or generosity? That is .the one policy; now what is the other., I.appeal once again to our Republican friends that, laying aside all party passions and prejudices,-they meet with us in the spirit of men who love their country and are prepared to make any and. every sacrifice to uphold its cause, that wo inay superadd to the power of force the power of conciliation. Is there not; more hope for stopping this enormous expenditure of treasure and blood which is carrying down young men to early graves, if we show to 11(0 world that Wo are prepared to enter upon a generousand conciliatory lineof policy ? How can any one object to a policy that would unite, the people of the North and awake at’the South whatever there is of love of the Union or lingering attachment to its flag, which I believe slumbers and sleeps but is not dead ? I ask if magnanimity, patriotism, true states manship—if eijery largo and noble feeling does not now impel us to say that it is the duty of the party which has shown itself inost powerful in military affairs to bo magnani mous and noble, to stand before the world and say: Our brother .has not crouched down be fore us ; we.have not'trampled upon him ; wo. have not gratified Our passions and malice and hate. Is that a position as noble as to say ih-the moment of our triumph ; Return to this Union, return to your allegiance, and every right you have as States, as ‘Communi ties, as individuals, shall be preserved to you sacred and.inviolate? Wo are brought to that stage of this war when men must choose be- tween_ two true lines of policy.' Our armies •are triumphant in the field, our soldiers have vindicated their .courage and patriotism ; they have shown, 'themselves ready to sacrifice homo and all that men hold dear, and life it self, and the question comes back to ns who have net been in the field: Will we make sacrifices of pride and passion, and give pow er to the armies by declaring that wo enter upon a policy that Knpomdds omrci'litation to force ? His: Excellency then referred to the letter of the President, addressed to the Re publican State Convention, lie was .willing to leave the Emancipation polity where the President Imd left it. •If valid it must stand, and if invalid it will fall and it must fall,, be cause it is invalid. He entirely agreed.with the President when ho declared the: emanci pation policy to.bo one of those things entire ly inoperative and absurd, and only a hull against'the comet. ' But ho read the letter with regret, because it does not apparently contemplate any end to the war, or propose a policy that will bring it to an end in any time consistent with the .safety and interest, of the Anrorioap <sroverniMont. On the other hand, wo aira ready to mark ont the policy On. the sulijeet. nnd to call upon this Government to declaro that its policy shall be conciliatory, (tail .if the South returns it will return with all. its rights as they are marked out in the. Constitution of the. country, Whether the Government was ready to say that or not, the speaker, for one. was ready, and ho believed that a party greater than the Government and more powerful. than those in office was ready—lie. me ’,nt the groat conservative party —to guarantee to the South its entire rights tipon its return to; the. Union. Ho had never sought to embarrass the Government, but to uphold its armies, anil send succor to those battling there, and he denied Himself the or dinary recreations demanded by the infirmj- ties of man, tolled until the hours of midnight, that he might do jiis duty to that portion of the army from the State of New York. lie had issued more than five thousand commis sions* arid he did.not believe the Government could find any just dissatisfaction with his action in that matter, llofqrring to his ac tion in dispatching troops to. Pennsylvania, he gave all thoicreditdo the soldiers who re sponded to (ho call. . In conclusion, ho again expressed his hope fulness of the future. He never believed that the rights of States would be destroyed; they had soon what bayonets might do to displace ballots at other"quarters, bat the principles of civil liberty and constitutional law, and the wisdom of the fathers, will outlive all the folly of thoir One good result of the war Was that wo had learned the value of tiro Union. JLossons had boon taught, nec essarily to fit us for enjoying the institutions of our country. Under those' institutions they had grown in eighty years from' an in significant nationality to bo one of the great est powers in tbo world. This much they had known, but it was hut half the truth. All knew that under our local system of local self-government wo had reached this result, but there wore men who believed that wo would have been still greater and more pros perous under a Government having more power centred at the national Capital. But this war will prove not only that wo become a groat people under the doctrine of State rights and local self-government, but that wo cannot become a groat, happy, or prosperous people if wo enlarge the powers of the Gov-, ornmont, exorcised in a region favorable neither to morality nor patriotism.. By a policy of conciliation wo shall invito and unite the people of the South to return by every consideration of patriotism and in terest; but to a dissolution of the Union he never,would consent, but labor for its restor ation so that every star that glitters on the blue hold of the national banner should be hold as sacred, and ho who would strike but one of those from its place is as groat a trait or as he who wouid rend that banner asunder. Governor Seymour resumed bis seat amid the wildest enthusiasm, SSy* When the Abolitionists of this State wore squabbling over the nomination for Governor, tho editor of the Press expressed a hope.that Andrew G. Curtin would bo post poned by tho Convention. This was snggos tod because tho Press know that Curtin was the weakest man named by tho shoddy nfirty for tho oflioo of Governor. But tho Qoifotou tion overruled tho malcontents, and gave us tho very man against whoso nomination so many of its partisans had entered their sol emn protest. “ Whom tho Gods wish to de stroy, they first mnko mad I" !C7“ Woodward will bo oloctod by 50,000 majority. [From the Philn. Evening Journal.] The Two Candidates. I'hb pooplo of Pennsylvania arc called upon to choose between two men for tlibir Governor—George W. Woodward and An drew G. Curtin—and it is but proper forus to inquire ns to the diameter and qualifica tions of these men, in both a personal and political point of view, for the high office to which one of them is to be elected. Mr. Curtin, having been Governor for the term which is drawing to a close, and having been Secretory of the Commonwealth during the term of (governor Pollock, ns well as a prominent Know Nothing politician, until he -became identified with the AbolWilhhits, is pretty well known to‘the people of Pennsyl vania. Personally, he is an urbane, kind hearted man, and ho is indebted to this fact for the warm personal friend-hip of many people. It was owing to,his personal quali ties (It 'heart rather 'thfee.'to 'tiny ipfecW'ihlr powers of mind that he became Governor., — lie has, however, sufficient of intellectjal force to enable him, with the aid of what is called good nature, to make a plausible and pleasing speech on the stump, and to pass in the crowd for h man of respectable ability.— But, it is duo to truth to say, that Governor Curtin, in his intellectual endowments and acquirements, falls far short of the capabili ! ties that should characterize a statesman, or ■a man occupying a position that should bo occupied by, a statesman. Phot, place and those times are not for a man of a soft nature, —not for a man of, yielding soul and timid heart. If they were, a woman might prop erly bo elected;Governor of Pennsylvania on the 13th of. next month 1 We have already seen, in Governor Curtin’s official career, the ‘bvil effects of his ■aim.'ilMo w'OaktlCss—in his abject servility to tho Federal power—in his base subservience to usurpation and. tyranny —in his submission to indignities offered to his State and pooplo. The blustering Secre tary of War sends one of his min-ons to Harrisburg to arrest and drag from their homos, .under the very shallow of our State Capitol, and under the very eyes of bur Gov ernor, throe free citizens of Pennsylvania, to a loathsome prison, without warrant of law and without a hearing, and Governor Curtin, in his soft hearted timidity, dares not protest against this outrage against his State and insult to him, as its Chief ln his weak amiability of soul, lie feared and failed to organizo.au army for State defense, lest hemiglit bo accused of favoring the doc trine of State Bights, and when Pennsylvania was invaded, he had to call on other States to defend his own capital. Arbitrary arrests have been made in all parts of the State, by orders from Washington, and Gov. Curtin has been as dumb and quiescent ns though, there had never been, such a thing ns tbo State of Pennsylvania ! Contractors and po litical gamblers have robbed the Pennsylva nia volunteers','' before tbo very eyes of Gov. Curtin, and ib bis amiability and kind heart edness, be lias not ventured even to reprove them.. In the same spirit of kindness, how ever, lie lias visited tiro soldiers in their camps and talked kindly to them, thus endeavoring to compensate, in words, for what he had al lowed his friends at homo to rob them of in clothing, and, strange to say, while ho has secured the friendship of the thieves, he is lauded to the skies as tiro “ friend of the soldier !” ThcGovernorhaß furnished ample proof that there can betoo much of a good thing.” lie has too much amiability. With half as, much, St. Peter would lot even a con tractor into Heaven. Through Gov. ‘Curtin’s softness of heart, (for, as we have hinted,' that malady produces softness of head,) the State of Pennsylvania has been deprived of her original, rightful sovereignty, and reduced to a more territorial dependency-. By his pliancy of. character, the State has been rendered unable to protect its citizens aga'bst outrages of the gravest kind, and unable to defend itself from inva sion. llobiis proved unable to stand erect before the usurpers at Washington ; ho has weakly yielded to their outrageous demands and exercise of usurped powers, to the injury of his people and the disgrace and temporary destruction of the Sovereignty of Pennsylva nia. Therefore wo say that Gov. Curtin’s amiability of manners and.kindness of heart, Wb.ilo tbey are creditable to him as a man arid go far towards making him an excellent pri vate citizen, do not qualify biin for Governor of a State like, this, especially at.times like the present. These qualities may properly bo possessed by a man in that position, if accompanied with a sense of justice and a mind strong enough to govern them—to make them subservient to the performance of his duty to the public. We would not desire to SCO embodied' in our Governor, a cold intellect devoid of con science or human sensibilities. A man with such an intellect may shine and win the ad miration, but never the love, of his follow men. Ho is,but an iceberg glittering in the moonlight,—chilling the soul while ho charms the eye. .Neither would wo have the embod iment of mere pliant goodness of heart and soft amiability in the Gubernatorial Chair.— But wo would have in that chair a man of, strong mind, a clear sense of publiojustiqo and duty and a courageous heart coupled with, but controlling, the softer sensibilities of the soul; a mail, if possible, like Wash ington, who with the gentleness of the lamb bad, nevertheless, the courage of the lion—a man who, though ho tempered justice with mercy would yet execute justice; or a man like Jackson in whom the tenderness of a woman was joined with qualities that made him fearless in the field, and inflexible in tho performance of magisterial duties. No nearer approach to those illustrious models can bo found, to day, in Pennsylva nia, than George W. Woodward, tho Demo uratio candidate fur Governor of this Com monwealth. Judge Woodward is a man far above the average of mankind in intellectual capacity, and in all the mental nquirements necessary to fit a man for tho office of Gov ernor, under present circumstances. He is confessedly one of the ablest men in the coun try as well as one of tho purest. Ho postSssos the roqusito strength of mind and of will to comprehend and perform the duties of that office, under any circumstances, while holms all the finer qualities of heart that should temper the conduct of the magistrate and adorn the manners of tho man. There is no surer man, morally, in the State than Judge Woodward. No mnn.has over hinted aught against his integrity, personal or official, and no man over will, lie is not tho man for tho shoddyitos or lobbymen to approach. Under his administration, no public plunderors’will dare infest tho Gubernatorial mansion.— With all their abuse of Judge Woodward; the Abolition journals have never dared to say a word or oven oast a hint against his purity of character or official integrity, though some of them have pronounced Governor Curtin eminently corrupt in his office, and a plun derer of tho soldiers in tho field. While thus morally pure and intellectually gifted, Judge Woodward is an eminently pin uiotio man, and may bo rolled upon to oso- cute the laws with the utmost fidelity to tho people and to the Constitutions of the State and of the United States. His patriotism consists in a sincere regard for the laws and free instifUtiontj of [lie country,'find. of tho State, and for their observance and preserva tion. Ho reveres tho Constitution of the United States—the supremo law of tho land —and ns Governor, will not violate one of its provisions, nor allow others, in this State, to do snf He will, before talcing the (filibtirna torial chair, take an oath t 6 observe the State and Federal Constitutions, and these will be. his official guide, lie will not forgot that he is Governor of'Pennsylvania, nor that Penn sylvania has certain sovereign rights which she has never yielded, though her present Governor has, and which, under Woodward’s Administration, she never will yield, and he will take care that no citizen 'of this State shall be arrested and imprisoned “ without due process of law." Especially w??l he sec that no citizen of Pennsylvania shall bo kid napped and dragsed off to another State, and ho will seo that Pennsylvania shall have an organized military force capable of defending her borders against invasion, without having to depend upon New York and Now Jersey for help in such an “ emergency.” Under his Administration, Pennsylvania will become a Sovereign State, again, and her citizens, can again lift up their heads, like men. .Judge Woodward has never been a politi cian, in the usiinl nooeption of that term. The offices ho has held have boon given him, as the Gubernatorial office will be, unasked .and unsought on bis part—as a tribute toliia nigh merit.. Ho is as far from being a dom agougo as bis opponent is from being a states man, and while Governor Curtin, who is paid a salary by. the people Tot- pOrfdffliing fho du ties of Ins office, is consuming time hot his own in “stumping the’State” in his own be half, Judge Woodward is attending strictly to the duties of the office to which the people elected him, without saying or writing a word to gain votes for himself. Ho is willing to leave the election, as it shonlfl bo left, for the ■people to decide Tor thomsclvCs; bht (Governor Curtin is going from county to county mak ing speeches, and imploring the people to vote for bis re-election. If his administration lias been as popular as some of bis friends contend, lie should allow it to, plead for him. But he seems unwilling to trust to that. In deed, he .dooms it necessary,to go through the State to defend himself against, charges of official inefficiency and corruption prefer red against him by men and newspapers of his own party. But Judge Woodward’s offi cial conduct requires no defense, and his offi cial record may bo relied upon to plead for him before the people. Ho can afford to leave stumping to his competitor, and attend to bis official business. We leave the reader to de cide which'of those men should rocievo his vote, on the 13th of next month, for Governor ' of this Commonwealth. One of them has been already tried and found wanting. He has sunk the dignity of the State, and rendered it an unsafe'asylum for freemen, or men Who would "be ’free, and has opened the door for thieves and plunderers to rob the people, if we may believe,his-own party papers. The other has boon trusted and found true, and embodies in his character all the qualities and qualifications requisite to the oflioo of Governor—qualifications that give the fullest guarantee of ability and integrity in that of fice. Shall Curtin or Woodward bo next Governor of Pennsylvania ? Shall Pennsylva nia remain one. of Mr. Lincoln’s provincial dependencies, the abode of slaves, or shall it ; be restored to i'ts capacity b'fa sovereign State, the 'abode of fro cm on ■? Lot the reader decide. iSTOWNG BXPOSWKB. The Republican Candidate for Governor— Who He is and what lie is—Corruption Fas tened upon Him by his Own Partisans—The Soldiers Defrauded, the People Defrauded, and the State Defrauded, by Andrew G. Cur tin. Read 1 Read U ■ Wo liavo given our venders, flays, the Wash ington Review, some facts in regard to the corruption practiced upon the people’ by the present Governor of this State, and the Re publican nominee for the same position, but being outsiders, wo of course wore deprived of the official data, as well ns. the knowledge of the secret wire pulling, by which the re sults wore brought 'about. Jfortunatoly, the Pittsburg Gazdlle the leading Abolition pa per in Western Pennsylvania has opened the hidden mysteries of the Abolition archives, Mid exposed to the public -gaze a record of infamy and dishonesty never equalled before anywhere, if Wo except the records of the present National Administration. Wo give below the Gazette’s synopsis of a scries of articles published by that paper within the past two weeks. We will publish the arti cles in exlehso on some future occasion. This article r ppoared in the Gazelle on die morn ing of the Republican State Convention. [From tbo Pittsburg Gazette, Aug 5,} /I Parting word to the Convent ion. The delegates to,the State Convention are now amongst us. Before they proceed to do their duty, wo have a word to say to them. We had reason to boloivo that Gov. Curtin notwithstanding his ostensible withdrawal, was a candidate for renomination, and confi dent that ho would bo successful. Wo felt assured that lie could mil bo elec ted. AVo know that ho might not. It be came our duty, therefore, to sound the alarm, and endeavor to save the party, if possible. AVo have endeavored to show that he im posed upon the soldiers, by farming them out to his friends, and then denying that ho had employed them. AVo have exhibited the record to establish the fact that he had approved a bill, acknowl edged by him to bo wrong, which robbed the treasury of many millions of money— that as the conditions of his approval, he had taken an agreement for the State, which he abstracted, and secretly surrendered to the parties who had given it, and that when inter rogated by the Legislature, ho confessed the fact and offered ns his apology, a reason which is shown to have boon untrue. AVo have demonstrated the fact that ho bargained away a Republican United States Senator, for the consideration of an adjourn ment, and the discharge of the Committee, appointed to inquire into the moans Which had been used to procure the passage of that AVo have charged that ho was unfriendly to the war policy of tho Administration, anil proved it not only by his Message in relation to. tho arrest of traiti rs, and his conduct in re lation to tho draft, but by tho character of the men whom ho lias retained about him. AVo have shown' that tho cllcct of his poli cy has been to break down tho power of tho Republican party of this State, and oven those who merely co-operated with him in tho Legislature, have been placed, almost with out exception, under tho ban of tho people. And wo have inferred from all this—with out referring to other matters—that his nom ination would bo disgraceful to tho party, and his election impossible—us the general (desire of Copperheads that wo should take him as our candidate, proves it to bo, in their judgment, as well as ours. .. , All this wo have boon compelled by tiio necessities of the case, to do, in order tosavo the cause, from irretrievable ruin. Wo would rather have avoided this, if it had beep pos sible. Wo have kept those things in th<? back ground, rather than run the risk o'f crippling the State administration or driving it bodily into the embraces of the enemy, to which wo feared" its tendencies were strong Klrotuly. Wo thought it iviSc to'makq tiio best of h, Khd bargain, so long tvs wecbplij not help ourselves. When ,'thb. ptimbi xktfn. " was, however, presented anew, as a candidate for a second term, it becomes our duty to speak out before the mischief was enacted, and we have done so, in language as rudder, ate ns the facts bear. And yet oven then, we would rather have waived our objections, if it had been possible, and taken tire weakest man n'Ud’the wickedest of our enemies, than run the risk of disturbing the harmony of the party, at such a time. It was clear to us, however, that with such a candidate, it was impossible for ud to succeed. • We should bo beaten, at any rate—as,oar past experience has demonstrated—and to it; could not make the matter worse, it was worth at least the trouble to endeavor to prevent it. And now wb ask of the members of the Convention to teU us calmly, whether, with the facts before them, as we have shown them to be, there is constituency in Pennsyl vania that would have recommended or in structed for him—And whether 'thesb Itib'tbi depending mainly Upon thb record, and in-. Controvertible of course, can bo successfully concealed from them now ? I We ask them again, who there are among the eminent speakers of this State, who enjoy the confidence of the people, that will venture to moot these issues, with the very record tci" confound them ? Wo do nht Mow a man, of any position or force, in this county, at all events, who would not feci himself personally compromised, by undertaking a labor so her culean hs this. ■ ... The question then comes at Inst,'whether there are any of the delegates inclined-to, the support Of Curtin, who would consider ii 'tri umph now, as mure important than a triumph at the election, and a sufficient compensation for a defeat at that time - —-cr would bo willing to stake tho result , upon a doubt ? If it bo true, as charged, that fie insists in playing the part of the dog in tho manger, and.saori rificing the party, of, which, it is said ho claims to bo tho builder, to himself, is there any man in tho Convention who will allow imselfto lo used for such a purpose? What is to bo gained by it for the advantage of anjr body but tbo rebels aud their Northern sym pathizers? Wo have stated more than onoo—and vra ■cannot repeat it too often—that whatoyer may bo the opinion of the Convention, fin'd whether right or wrong, the feeling against Gov. Curtin in this county at least—growing Ofjt of his own acts and poliov—is so strong that wo could no more control it, even if wo were so disposed, than we could stomitho tor rent of the Niagara with. our hands. W 6 might ruin ourselves by advocating his elec tion, but wo couldn’t help him. It is not we who are responsible for the existence or ori gin of that feeling. We reflect it only, and have but thrown ourselves into the which was flowing as rapidly before we un dertook to fathom ordiroct it! ; There were good men here who doubted id 1860, whether ho could bo trusted, and refus ed to vote for him, and yet this county gave a majority ol about 0400 votes. Loss than & month aTtetwatdk it gave Lincoln 10,000 i With a stronger man than Curtin there should have boon 8,000 at least. With'nn un exceptional candidate, how we are strong ns ever. With Gov. Curtin, wo doubt whether it could bo carried at all, and those w,ho re flect that his conduct at the sosion ol 1801, brought in a Democrat even here, at the elec tion which followed, will realize the mischief that such a nomination may inflict. It is not this ‘county only, however, 5(1 which it is important to make the machine run smooth. There will bo like difficulties elsewhere, and particularly, in those counties whore the strength of the llopublican party lies. If ho should be nominated! it will not be by the votes of those districts, which will bo expected to elect him. It will becounthia like Berks, wo suppose that are to bo cast its make-weights into the scale. Would it not become them to reflect, that if they want us to do the work they nrflst put its iotoft Cottli tion to run without weights? Are hot eVon the prejudices of oar people—if they choose to call them so—to bo ‘Consulted? If they can find a man who is free from objection—and we are in a bad condition, indeed, if they cannot-- what is their duty as men—as patri ots—as lovers of their country? How can they excuse themselves for insisting—from more pride or self-will—on one of the opposite kind, who .is known to be uripniatablo to any rospeetablo section of the party ? Wo shall guago tlioir patriotism by tiro way in which they deal with the difficulty. With mon of heroic stamp—men suited to the times—it can prove no serious difficulty at all. ’ Woodward and Ills Supporters. —Judge Woodward is a thorough Pennsylvanian by birth, by education, and in feeling. All hid interests are in this State, all involved in the preservation of the Union. One of his sons-. Col. George A. Woodward, commands the 2d Regiment Pennsylvania Reserves, Col. Mann's old regiment; another served as cap- tain in a company which ho raised in Luzerne county, during the raids of last year and this, and both were in tho battle of Gettysburg. Judge AVoomvAßn has boon nominated—not by tho shoddy men, tho contractors’ party, tho black man’s faction, Who are striving trt degrade American citizenship by black suf frage—not by men who manage to live on politics and by their wits—but as tho eSpO nent of their principles, by the Democracy, tho conservatives, the people; by the agri cultural interest,, by tho mercantile, the pro fessional, the manufacturing classes outside of Administration patronage; by the self-sup porting, the self-dependent men who.oWtl the soil of Pennsylvania, and whose ittlefeste HM those of the country ; who are identified with the State and with the Union; men who can not, tike contractor-capitalists, send their cap ital to Europe if the country is overwhelmed by misfortune, but must bear whatever befalls the country. And yet these men and their candidates are termed seoessionistS. They havo far more interest in the preservation of tho Union than their opponents,— Age. CSV THE ONLY AVAY TO END THE AVAR IS TO VOTE THE STATE AND NA TION A L ADMINISTRATION OUT OP POAVKR. —Remember this and cast gour vote for AVoodwakd. (C7“lt is rumored that Governor Curtin irt :cnds stopping for a day or so at tho Exoou ,ivo Chamber, tho next time ho oomos to’llar- rishurg. AVo hope tho rumor may prove true; Thoro should bo some one thoro to attend to business, even if it is Curtin. .1 NO. Si;