VtL. U.
VOLUNTEER.
EVERY THURSDAY HORNING DY
JOHN B. BRATTON.
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MEW YOBK9BBOCBITIO STATE CONVENTION,
NOBLE SPEECH
GOVERNOR' SEYMOUR,
■ Wo copy from the Brooklyn Eagle a yor
'batim report of tho address of Governor
■Sevmour, before the Democratic State Con
vention of New York, at Albany, oa the 10th
inst. Governor SevModk having been invited
to nddrbss the Convention, was introduced
by a committee, and after the applause of
bis hearty greeting had subsided, spoke as
follows; ■
Mr, Chairman :—Three years have passed,
■away sinno you (ind .1 and others, some of
'whom.l see before me now, assembled in this
iroom for the purpose of ■ trying to avert the
'war which now afflicts our land. Wo, sir,
saw the coming storm ; wo most respectfully
invoked that party which had .just 'achieved
a great political triumph to pause anil 'unite
with us, in efforts to avert calamities which
wo feared would shake this Government to
its very foundation. Our fears were derided,
our prayers were mocked, and we wore told
that wo wore not true men, because we fore
saw what is now taking place—a bloody and
devastating civil war. How sad has been
the intervening period 1 How many men
,‘havo been carried down to bloody graves 1—
'How many homes filled with mourning 1 —
'How much of distress, of misery and agony
'has been felt throughout this then free, and
.groat, and prosperous land of ours! Wefneot
again to-night, when the war in its progress
has brought us to another of its stages, and
once more; Mr. Chairman, oh. behalf of the
Democratic party of this State, I stand up
hero to-night to appeal most earnestly and
respectfully to our Republican friends again
to unite with ns and save our land from yet
greater calamities. Hut I will not'dwcll long
•on the darker side of this picture. Sad as it
has been, sonic groat good has grown out of
the struggle. _ Wo have learned at least to
value our Union aright ; and those who lint
three of four short years since heaped upon
us words of scorn because wq pleaded for it
and would save it, . and stigmatized us as
•" Union savers,” are to-day.ghid to come bo
horcthc people and claim to be the particular
-and especial friends of this Union, l-’or this
fl am grateful, although I think this fueogni
'jtiiin oftho truth of our position might have
been made in a more gracious form. Hut
more than that; At the late convention held
in Syracuse, I rejoice that it was put forth
then that that party means to struggle for the
Union and the Constitution. But a little time
since men were stigmatized as traitors who
Would protect .constitutional rights. This
recognition ! accept,mostigrirteifiilly, and none
the less thankfully ’because itignes forth to
the world with many harsh and unkind con
fines of myself I.stand hero forgetting all
that is said that does wrong to ynii and to mo,
with a heart full' of gratitude to know that
au.length from nil parties a recognition of the
'gmttipmth that this Union has a value past
that the Union is to ho pre
served and the tConetitution respected by the
'common eonsent df.n'fl parlies. lam not one
of those who, in this flour of the country’s
distress are without hope. Indeed, I regard
'the future hopefully and confidently. This
■ sad war has taught us not only the vulue of
the Union, but, before we shall have done
with it, it wilt teach us other, grout truths
and establish our Union on a firmer basis,
and establish the rights of the States an such
■a foundation that hereafter no’ power can
shako them. I know thatsome of my friends
look somewhat despondently upon the future.'
1 know that the acts of the last Congress
!causod great alarm in all parts of our land.—
t know that these acts originated in false and
mistaken views of policy, and spring from
those.who would seek to make our Oovern
mont stronger by concentrating a larger
'amount of. power in the national Capital. I
nave never for one moment feared the result.
. have felt, over since , the adoption of those
measures, that the very means , seized upon
by the advocates of a strong central Govcrn r
mont would overthrow forever the theories
they wore intended to .establish. It will be
proved by our experience now, and that whioh
■s to eomo, that those provisions in our na
- I ,o n,a* Constitution that restrain the powers
, , General Government wore not put there
so ely for the purpose of saving the rights of
■niiti- 68- States have a vitality whioh will
K’ve mo . ro wrongs and ■outrages than any
can inflict. They may for a moment
, cr wheimod and subdued, but they never
. . 1 0 oxtinguished. They are natural or
w,v,J Zatlons 80 kail and bound together that
u “ ®very effort has been made to suppress
, m th ®y will rise up again in all their orig
and maintain and assort all their
■tho ,'tot'onnl rights. It is true, that one of
'iFnno.Vrl 18 restraining the power of the
f al Government was to protect the rights
.and ~ “, at 08 i but these were not tho first
idnno^ ol^?^ 60 *' 8 or whioh they were intro
fnr ini l le y wore placed in tho Constitution
~,1™ Purpose of saving and preserving the
ational Government itself, because our fath
w-,, Baw Uut if this Government was invested
,ln > ®r attempted to exercise greater power
iti if r oon forred upon it, it would destroy
Af ’ us 800 this theory is correct.—
( j mon tb B ago the national Legislature
. 0 P to “ tt measure with regard to the our
and another respecting indemnity for
ji a®°s whioh officials might commit against
nln r *m 3 and liberties oftho Americanpoo
!f r b *oy also passed tho Conscription not,
.Hn,„ m, - ybo allowoll to call it such. At that
~ n i 1 111 oonvorsation with politioal friends,
, “l!l I , onon t B too,—for I have had no secrets
niv ,1 j, *avo entered upon tho discharge of
nid.nl! n B .’ * bavo had no view in regard to
iirnuDn l l r 111 1? which I have not willingly ox
nomlnn roo ,y. to all; I have had uo corros
chi.ni.rnfi° whioli I have not submitted most
Upon.. (i'y *9 the examination oftho post of
th-i( Ilorl , 108 —t then expressed the opinion
nu( i„(I° n tbm measure of conscription was
uto operation, an act whioh ignores the
power of the States and trendies upon con
stitutional rights, in my judgment, which is
inconsistent with the genius of the American
people—l then ventured the opinion which I
now express to you, that the ultimate result
of that experiment would not be the destruc
tion of the rights of States, not an undue
increase of the powers of the general Gov
ernment, but that when they put it in oper
ation they wdftld find themselves weakened
and baffled, simply because they had under
taken to do that which was inconsistent.with
the nature of our Government. What is the
result ? Oneyear ago—<t think it Was within
a few da'ys of that time .that you and I and
othersmet in this tootn—thbipeople had vol
untarily given half a million of men ’to 'the
national army ; they poured forth their treas
ure without stint all over, our land, in every
1 school, district, and township, and country
men went forth 'to swell the national forces,
Why,? Because fliey were forcibly compell
ed ? No, but because.they were sent by the
popular will expressing itself in every minor
locality throughout the land. At that mo
■inept our Government was armed with a
military newer 'unequalcd in the . history of
the world. Forgetting the source of that
power and that with all that military strength
their surest reliance must be upon the popular
will, they entered upon a line of policy which
we deemed inconsistent with public rights
and opposed to public sentiment. We took
issue with them when wo went out before the
people, and combatted them in the very hour
of their strength, when they had the largest
military array to be found on the face of the
■globe, and we beat them. Then in those acts
which we deemed inconsistent with the rights
of the States r anS rights of persons, 'and,
which they supposed were adts calculated to
strengthen their power and diminish the 1
power of localities, they found their own de
feat and discomfiture. "They'passed the Con
script act. They sot aside that system which
had heretofore prevailed, of filling Our armies
by the Voluntary enlistment of men from
different States, and different sections of
States, and 'Undertook to say they would fill
their armies by coercion. What is tho result
to-day? Th,is State, that one year ago vol
untarily gave 120,000 men to fill tho armies
of the Union—the State of Now York which
beyond any other spot in the Union was
distinguished for its contributions of men
and money—what do we see in that Stale to
day ? Men going cheerfully and'voluntarily
forth to sustain the flag that floats around us
hero ? No ! but that very government whose
request was enough to summon hosts to the
field, finds itself compelled to put forth its
utmost power'to'drag a few unwilling .men
from their homes. Is this strength or is it
weakness ? Is it success or failure ? Let us
go a little, further. We are told that it was
inipossible any longer to fill our. armies by
tho systom of volunteering, and yet during
'•Che, time that that system has been destroyeu
by the operation of tho Conscription law, the
State of Now York,."since the Ist of January 1
last, according to tlio reports of the paymaster;
general, has raised more than 12,000 men—
more than will ever be taken out of tbo 'State
by that very Conscription la w. Ido not say
■but that a number of men will be earned into
the army by the system, of substitution, but
that .is volunteering, and 1 venture to say
that out of the wboig draft made upon this
groat State under the existing law, there will
never be even six thousand who will go be
cause they yore drafted.
As I aitill 'boforo, I am full of hope for the
future, because tf believe that any attemp'
that may bo mafic'by the general Govern
uncut to pass beyond its legitimate bounds,
so far from endangering the rights of the
States, simply endanger the power and the
dignity of. the».Government itself, jmd they
will bo taught by experience what our fath
ers attempted to teach them by admonition,
that the strength, peipetuity, and glory of
the Government must bo based upon the
hearts of the people, and cannot be . uphold
by physical force. Believing, then, as I do,
that unconstitutional legislation would be
found not to strengthen, but to weaken the
Government, and that the doctrine of cen
tralization will bo found hereafter to bo im
possible, and the mgn who favor, it will be
forced'back .by experience to the teachings
of our fathers, I am confident that, dur glori
ous Union and the rights of the States are to
be preserved, for I feel confident that ofrr po
litical opponents will find themselves driven
back upon this subject, as upon many rft&ers,
to our ground, by the force of necessity. I
believe as I do in my own existence that be
fore two months have passed away their own
experience in government, and the utter'fail
ure Of the theory that to make a Government
strong you must vest it with power which it
cannot wisely and safely exercise, will bo re
nounced by nil parties of man, and nut of this
sad war wo shall have the satisfaction of
plucking some groat and vital truths that
will give anew strength and vigor to our
Government, when nil classes of men have
been tnugbt by the lessons of sad experience
that, there is blit one way to maintain the glo
ry and pO.wor of onr Government, and that is
an adherence to constitutional law ; that there
is but one way to preserve the Union of these
States, which is by upholding the rights of
all the States, and giving them those privil
eges our fathers designed they should have ;
that there is but one way to secure the du
rability and perpetuity of the Government,
gnd that is by adhering to the system which
'makes it beneficial in its operation, which
respects the rights of every man, and pre
serves ns sacred the rights of every house
hold. Lot me say one or two words more in
regard to the Conscription act v Many char
ges have boon made against mo which I have
never noticed, but perhaps I owe it to you,
who have sustained me so far, and have
passed by so generously and candidly a thou
sand mistakes which I may have made in
policy nad judgment, to give yon some state
ments offsets which have not heretofore been
laid before the public, t have never sought
to embarrass this Government, opposed to it
as I am, traduced by its organs and officials.
I have never forgot tea, that still it was the
Government of our country. I have seen in
its very weakness and errors one other rea
son for attempting to uphold it so far as I
could consistently with my duty, andendeav
or to have it enter upon a lino of policy de
manded ns well by its own honor and inter-
est as the honor and interests of our common
country. I appealed to the friends of the na
tional Administration—l appealed to its
agents, who reproach rao with regard to that
subject, to avoid the fatal errors they have
committed, to make them see they would not
find strength, hut weakness, and wore de
stroying the public confidence and the public
regard for the national Administration.—
When that measure was passed, I attempted
to savo them from tho odium whioli would
attaoli to tho execution of a measure intrin-
sically harsh and burdensome, if any fraud
was perpetrated in putting it in operation.—
I did so in no unfriendly spirit. Who had
the deepest interest in having our armies
filled by tho voluntary action of tho citizens ?
Wo who arc out of power, or the friouds of
tbo Government ? Could wo render any ser
vice for which they should have -been so grate
ful as the very efforts we made to save them
from, the necessity cf a course so much op
posed to the public will and sentiments j
Yet for all this we are traduced and denounc
ed. When it wasdisooverod by the returns
sent to the Executive Chamber in July, arid
only then discovered, that a monstrous irreg
ularity existed in the burdens which this act
imposed on the different counties, I deemed
it not only a duty to the citizen of this State,
but I considered it my duty to the national
Government, arid for which I 1 should receive
its gratitude, to 'pOifft dut the ‘errors which
have been committed. 1 appeal to the pub
lic if there was any class of men in onr land
who had so deep ‘tin interest in 'having thfc
act fairly and jlriitty carried Oht as the offi
cers of the Government themselves. Was it
for their interest to add to the odiujn of an
act necessarily unpopular, by unfairness and,
inequality ? I appeal to thc public ff’ltb wag
not theft best friend who attempted to ward
them of every wrong, and make suggestions
that would commend it to popular favor and
support. And therefore I deemed it iriy du
ty ,to send men to Washington who I sup
posed would bo acceptable to the national
Administration, and.l addressed a communi
cation to that Administration written with a
sincere desire to save them anti our country
and people from what I earnestly believed to
he a groat wrong. Yet this act was stigma:
tized as one of hostility to the gorioral Gov
ernment, and calculated to. embarrass it in
the execution, of the law. And it has been
said that the publication of those Jotters was
calculated 'to irritate the public feeling and
arouse popular resistance. If that is true,
why did they publish; the letters ? For none
of tbo communications winch I have address
ed to the Goverriirerit have bcen-laid before
the publjo by mo. Not only the communica
tions which I have addressed to the general
Government have been published but those
written to, the commanding General of the
North-eastern District, There are two com
munications which 'have 'neveryot been pub
lished. I do not complpjindf '(blit, because
in their form they were ndt'dfficial, although
they were not declared to bo private and con
fidential. In the desire to save this Govern
ment from any act that would bring discredit
upon it, I addressed a letter to Mr. Lincoln
with the most friendly purpose. Before I
received an answer I had discovered what I
believed to bo a great fraud in the enrollment
for the draft. 1 advised him that although I
was politically opposed to his Administration,
and although I might, unconsciously to my
self, bo'influenced by my own partisan views
nevertheless I had that regard for the'honor
of ofir'country and the character of the Ad
ministration, that I felt eoriipellcd to write
this private letter, in order that those outra
ges might be fully investigated. The letter
Was not official; it commenced “ Dear sir”
'instead of “Sir,” but.it was written in a
'friendly spirit, for all my “ friends” are not
in New York. But more than that. Tad
dressed a letter to the General commanding
t!.o Northeastern District, with whom I have
been on terms of friendship, and now main
tain a correspondence, and suggested to liiiii
that I felt this enrollment was unequal, if nut
fraudulent, and that if I had given way to
ray resentment I might allow it to be carried
out, and if it was it would bring shame and
disgrace on its authors, and I valued the
character of the Administration too much to
be Willing to see it do .any act" that would
bring it irito discredit in the eyesof the. world;
I felt the embarrassment cf bis position, and
told him J wished to avoid seeing him in a
position where he might bo iriipollod by a
sense of military obligation on the one band,
and replied by bis aversion -to fraud and
wrong on thd other. Unfortunately, the let
ter disturbed his taste as to o'word, and not
his sense of injustice as to a wrong. Now,
with' respect to this act, I think any one who
will look at the conduct of the Democratic
party, and look at my own correspondence,
will find that so far from being actuated by
a desire to embarrass this Administration, wo
have a desire do save it from plunging into
great, I will not'.say fatal, errors. Task you
if it was just to stigmatize men who only
wished to have justice done, as unfriend |v to
the Union and the institutions of our land '
I apnoal to you if you .have over found a man
yet —I care not what his pditiciil sentiments
were —who would say that it was not right
and just that the public should not have the
names of the enrolled placed before it, that
all might see that it was a fair enrollment, or
who desired that those rolls should bo fairly
deposited in the box and drawn out under
circumstances thatwould satisfy the whole
community that the execution of the law was
fair, equal, and just?, And, yet, wbon,
through a member of my staff, I made the
request that those steps should bo taken, not
only was that request not complied with, but
those who made it with a sincere and earnest
desire to avert wrong, wore stigmatized as
m n who were willing to excite this communi
ty to violence, outrage, and bloodshed. My
friends, wo are not among those who stand
up proposing to violate law ; wo toll those in
authority that our purposes are not—in the
pursuit of right or the punishment of wrong
—to violate law, hut ,to vindicate law. So
much for the past and present. Now what
for the future? Whatever wrongs we may
have received from our political opponents,
whatever injustice has boon done to us here
tofore, how much and unjustly they may
have traduced us, I stand hero for one, and
t believe I express the sentiment of every
man within the sound of my voice when I
say let the past ho forgotten, and all the evils
which have been brought upon the country
because you would not hood our warning
voice, pass into oblivion. Lot violations of
constitutional rights and sound policy ho loft
out of view if you will only heed our respect
ful prayer now, when victory has crowned
the efforts of our armies, to prevent calami-'
ties in the future. Within the last two
months the army has gained signal victories.
Heretofore it was felt that any policy calcu
lated to win back the South would appear as
tho result of defeat end disaster. All men
felt that while wo had failed to assort our
power, endurance and resources, in tho eyes
of the world, such a policy might lead to
complications and difficulties m the future,
and all men are ready to wait until the time
should come when the Government, consist
ently with pride, magnanimity, and generos
ity, might mark out a policy that would unite
the people oi tho North as one man fur tho
future.
Now 1 appeal to you, what should bo tho
policy in the hour of victory? When tho Gov
ernment has had groat anil signal success,
whioli vindicate its power in tho oyos of tho
world, I ask you if that policy should not bo
a generous and magnanimous one? Wo have
reached a point whore tho future policy of tho
Government must bo marked out. Shall it
bo that of subjugation? Shall wo declare,
that by force, and force alone, groat States
shall bo hold within the limits of this confed-
eracy—each State stripped of tho character
of a State, and forbidden to return again to
"Otm COUNTRY—MAT IT ALWAYS BE RIGHT—BUT RIGHT OR WRONG OUR COUNTRY."
CARLISLE, PA., THURSDAY, SEPTEMBERS, 1863.
- the Union, except on terms inconsistent with
• their constitutional rights, inconsistent with
i the dignity of the States which make up this
■ groat and glorious Union ? [Loud cheers.]
■ What does that policy imply? The shedding
• of blood, the exhausting of treasure, the con
i tinuonco for an indefinite time of a devasta
ting war, which, when it has reached its
■ highest success, must still go on, and the
; wealth of the 'tS'oi-lh Wasted to hold the South
in military subjugation. It can lead to but
one result. There is no man that docs not
know and admit that the indefinite continu
ance of-a War, with all its vast expenditures,
must ultimately end in national bankruptcy
and ruin. Shall we enter upon a lino of -pol
icy that promises no end to-this struggle, that
'[nay sacrifice 'fylood'atid treasure without lim
it, which involves the uncertainties of the
future, the dangers of defeat, the. liabilities
of foreign intervention, rather .than sacrifice
one passion, one .prejudice, or do one net of
magnanimity or generosity? That is .the one
policy; now what is the other., I.appeal once
again to our Republican friends that, laying
aside all party passions and prejudices,-they
meet with us in the spirit of men who love
their country and are prepared to make any
and. every sacrifice to uphold its cause, that
wo inay superadd to the power of force the
power of conciliation. Is there not; more
hope for stopping this enormous expenditure
of treasure and blood which is carrying down
young men to early graves, if we show to 11(0
world that Wo are prepared to enter upon a
generousand conciliatory lineof policy ? How
can any one object to a policy that would unite,
the people of the North and awake at’the
South whatever there is of love of the Union
or lingering attachment to its flag, which I
believe slumbers and sleeps but is not dead ?
I ask if magnanimity, patriotism, true states
manship—if eijery largo and noble feeling
does not now impel us to say that it is the
duty of the party which has shown itself inost
powerful in military affairs to bo magnani
mous and noble, to stand before the world and
say: Our brother .has not crouched down be
fore us ; we.have not'trampled upon him ; wo.
have not gratified Our passions and malice
and hate. Is that a position as noble as to
say ih-the moment of our triumph ; Return
to this Union, return to your allegiance, and
every right you have as States, as ‘Communi
ties, as individuals, shall be preserved to you
sacred and.inviolate? Wo are brought to that
stage of this war when men must choose be-
tween_ two true lines of policy.' Our armies
•are triumphant in the field, our soldiers have
vindicated their .courage and patriotism ; they
have shown, 'themselves ready to sacrifice
homo and all that men hold dear, and life it
self, and the question comes back to ns who
have net been in the field: Will we make
sacrifices of pride and passion, and give pow
er to the armies by declaring that wo enter
upon a policy that Knpomdds omrci'litation to
force ? His: Excellency then referred to the
letter of the President, addressed to the Re
publican State Convention, lie was .willing
to leave the Emancipation polity where the
President Imd left it. •If valid it must stand,
and if invalid it will fall and it must fall,, be
cause it is invalid. He entirely agreed.with
the President when ho declared the: emanci
pation policy to.bo one of those things entire
ly inoperative and absurd, and only a hull
against'the comet. ' But ho read the letter
with regret, because it does not apparently
contemplate any end to the war, or propose
a policy that will bring it to an end in any
time consistent with the .safety and interest,
of the Anrorioap <sroverniMont. On the other
hand, wo aira ready to mark ont the policy On.
the sulijeet. nnd to call upon this Government
to declaro that its policy shall be conciliatory,
(tail .if the South returns it will return with
all. its rights as they are marked out in the.
Constitution of the. country, Whether the
Government was ready to say that or not, the
speaker, for one. was ready, and ho believed
that a party greater than the Government
and more powerful. than those in office was
ready—lie. me ’,nt the groat conservative party
—to guarantee to the South its entire rights
tipon its return to; the. Union. Ho had never
sought to embarrass the Government, but to
uphold its armies, anil send succor to those
battling there, and he denied Himself the or
dinary recreations demanded by the infirmj-
ties of man, tolled until the hours of midnight,
that he might do jiis duty to that portion of
the army from the State of New York. lie
had issued more than five thousand commis
sions* arid he did.not believe the Government
could find any just dissatisfaction with his
action in that matter, llofqrring to his ac
tion in dispatching troops to. Pennsylvania,
he gave all thoicreditdo the soldiers who re
sponded to (ho call.
. In conclusion, ho again expressed his hope
fulness of the future. He never believed that
the rights of States would be destroyed; they
had soon what bayonets might do to displace
ballots at other"quarters, bat the principles
of civil liberty and constitutional law, and
the wisdom of the fathers, will outlive all the
folly of thoir One good result of
the war Was that wo had learned the value
of tiro Union. JLossons had boon taught, nec
essarily to fit us for enjoying the institutions
of our country. Under those' institutions
they had grown in eighty years from' an in
significant nationality to bo one of the great
est powers in tbo world. This much they
had known, but it was hut half the truth.
All knew that under our local system of local
self-government wo had reached this result,
but there wore men who believed that wo
would have been still greater and more pros
perous under a Government having more
power centred at the national Capital. But
this war will prove not only that wo become
a groat people under the doctrine of State
rights and local self-government, but that wo
cannot become a groat, happy, or prosperous
people if wo enlarge the powers of the Gov-,
ornmont, exorcised in a region favorable
neither to morality nor patriotism..
By a policy of conciliation wo shall invito
and unite the people of the South to return
by every consideration of patriotism and in
terest; but to a dissolution of the Union he
never,would consent, but labor for its restor
ation so that every star that glitters on
the blue hold of the national banner should be
hold as sacred, and ho who would strike but
one of those from its place is as groat a trait
or as he who wouid rend that banner asunder.
Governor Seymour resumed bis seat amid
the wildest enthusiasm,
SSy* When the Abolitionists of this State
wore squabbling over the nomination for
Governor, tho editor of the Press expressed a
hope.that Andrew G. Curtin would bo post
poned by tho Convention. This was snggos
tod because tho Press know that Curtin was
the weakest man named by tho shoddy nfirty
for tho oflioo of Governor. But tho Qoifotou
tion overruled tho malcontents, and gave us
tho very man against whoso nomination so
many of its partisans had entered their sol
emn protest. “ Whom tho Gods wish to de
stroy, they first mnko mad I"
!C7“ Woodward will bo oloctod by 50,000
majority.
[From the Philn. Evening Journal.]
The Two Candidates.
I'hb pooplo of Pennsylvania arc called
upon to choose between two men for tlibir
Governor—George W. Woodward and An
drew G. Curtin—and it is but proper forus
to inquire ns to the diameter and qualifica
tions of these men, in both a personal and
political point of view, for the high office to
which one of them is to be elected.
Mr. Curtin, having been Governor for the
term which is drawing to a close, and having
been Secretory of the Commonwealth during
the term of (governor Pollock, ns well as a
prominent Know Nothing politician, until he
-became identified with the AbolWilhhits, is
pretty well known to‘the people of Pennsyl
vania. Personally, he is an urbane, kind
hearted man, and ho is indebted to this fact
for the warm personal friend-hip of many
people. It was owing to,his personal quali
ties (It 'heart rather 'thfee.'to 'tiny ipfecW'ihlr
powers of mind that he became Governor., —
lie has, however, sufficient of intellectjal
force to enable him, with the aid of what is
called good nature, to make a plausible and
pleasing speech on the stump, and to pass in
the crowd for h man of respectable ability.—
But, it is duo to truth to say, that Governor
Curtin, in his intellectual endowments and
acquirements, falls far short of the capabili
! ties that should characterize a statesman, or
■a man occupying a position that should bo
occupied by, a statesman. Phot, place and
those times are not for a man of a soft nature,
—not for a man of, yielding soul and timid
heart. If they were, a woman might prop
erly bo elected;Governor of Pennsylvania on
the 13th of. next month 1 We have already
seen, in Governor Curtin’s official career, the
‘bvil effects of his ■aim.'ilMo w'OaktlCss—in his
abject servility to tho Federal power—in his
base subservience to usurpation and. tyranny
—in his submission to indignities offered to
his State and pooplo. The blustering Secre
tary of War sends one of his min-ons to
Harrisburg to arrest and drag from their
homos, .under the very shallow of our State
Capitol, and under the very eyes of bur Gov
ernor, throe free citizens of Pennsylvania, to
a loathsome prison, without warrant of law
and without a hearing, and Governor Curtin,
in his soft hearted timidity, dares not protest
against this outrage against his State and
insult to him, as its Chief ln
his weak amiability of soul, lie feared and
failed to organizo.au army for State defense,
lest hemiglit bo accused of favoring the doc
trine of State Bights, and when Pennsylvania
was invaded, he had to call on other States
to defend his own capital. Arbitrary arrests
have been made in all parts of the State, by
orders from Washington, and Gov. Curtin
has been as dumb and quiescent ns though,
there had never been, such a thing ns tbo
State of Pennsylvania ! Contractors and po
litical gamblers have robbed the Pennsylva
nia volunteers','' before tbo very eyes of Gov.
Curtin, and ib bis amiability and kind heart
edness, be lias not ventured even to reprove
them.. In the same spirit of kindness, how
ever, lie lias visited tiro soldiers in their camps
and talked kindly to them, thus endeavoring
to compensate, in words, for what he had al
lowed his friends at homo to rob them of in
clothing, and, strange to say, while ho has
secured the friendship of the thieves, he is
lauded to the skies as tiro “ friend of the
soldier !” ThcGovernorhaß furnished ample
proof that there can betoo much of a good
thing.” lie has too much amiability. With
half as, much, St. Peter would lot even a con
tractor into Heaven.
Through Gov. ‘Curtin’s softness of heart,
(for, as we have hinted,' that malady produces
softness of head,) the State of Pennsylvania
has been deprived of her original, rightful
sovereignty, and reduced to a more territorial
dependency-. By his pliancy of. character,
the State has been rendered unable to protect
its citizens aga'bst outrages of the gravest
kind, and unable to defend itself from inva
sion. llobiis proved unable to stand erect
before the usurpers at Washington ; ho has
weakly yielded to their outrageous demands
and exercise of usurped powers, to the injury
of his people and the disgrace and temporary
destruction of the Sovereignty of Pennsylva
nia. Therefore wo say that Gov. Curtin’s
amiability of manners and.kindness of heart,
Wb.ilo tbey are creditable to him as a man arid
go far towards making him an excellent pri
vate citizen, do not qualify biin for Governor
of a State like, this, especially at.times like
the present. These qualities may properly
bo possessed by a man in that position, if
accompanied with a sense of justice and a
mind strong enough to govern them—to make
them subservient to the performance of his
duty to the public.
We would not desire to SCO embodied' in
our Governor, a cold intellect devoid of con
science or human sensibilities. A man with
such an intellect may shine and win the ad
miration, but never the love, of his follow
men. Ho is,but an iceberg glittering in the
moonlight,—chilling the soul while ho charms
the eye. .Neither would wo have the embod
iment of mere pliant goodness of heart and
soft amiability in the Gubernatorial Chair.—
But wo would have in that chair a man of,
strong mind, a clear sense of publiojustiqo
and duty and a courageous heart coupled
with, but controlling, the softer sensibilities
of the soul; a mail, if possible, like Wash
ington, who with the gentleness of the lamb
bad, nevertheless, the courage of the lion—a
man who, though ho tempered justice with
mercy would yet execute justice; or a man
like Jackson in whom the tenderness of a
woman was joined with qualities that made
him fearless in the field, and inflexible in tho
performance of magisterial duties.
No nearer approach to those illustrious
models can bo found, to day, in Pennsylva
nia, than George W. Woodward, tho Demo
uratio candidate fur Governor of this Com
monwealth. Judge Woodward is a man far
above the average of mankind in intellectual
capacity, and in all the mental nquirements
necessary to fit a man for tho office of Gov
ernor, under present circumstances. He is
confessedly one of the ablest men in the coun
try as well as one of tho purest. Ho postSssos
the roqusito strength of mind and of will to
comprehend and perform the duties of that
office, under any circumstances, while holms
all the finer qualities of heart that should
temper the conduct of the magistrate and
adorn the manners of tho man. There is no
surer man, morally, in the State than Judge
Woodward. No mnn.has over hinted aught
against his integrity, personal or official, and
no man over will, lie is not tho man for tho
shoddyitos or lobbymen to approach. Under
his administration, no public plunderors’will
dare infest tho Gubernatorial mansion.—
With all their abuse of Judge Woodward; the
Abolition journals have never dared to say a
word or oven oast a hint against his purity
of character or official integrity, though some
of them have pronounced Governor Curtin
eminently corrupt in his office, and a plun
derer of tho soldiers in tho field.
While thus morally pure and intellectually
gifted, Judge Woodward is an eminently pin
uiotio man, and may bo rolled upon to oso-
cute the laws with the utmost fidelity to tho
people and to the Constitutions of the State
and of the United States. His patriotism
consists in a sincere regard for the laws and
free instifUtiontj of [lie country,'find. of tho
State, and for their observance and preserva
tion. Ho reveres tho Constitution of the
United States—the supremo law of tho land
—and ns Governor, will not violate one of its
provisions, nor allow others, in this State, to
do snf He will, before talcing the (filibtirna
torial chair, take an oath t 6 observe the State
and Federal Constitutions, and these will be.
his official guide, lie will not forgot that he
is Governor of'Pennsylvania, nor that Penn
sylvania has certain sovereign rights which
she has never yielded, though her present
Governor has, and which, under Woodward’s
Administration, she never will yield, and he
will take care that no citizen 'of this State
shall be arrested and imprisoned “ without
due process of law." Especially w??l he sec
that no citizen of Pennsylvania shall bo kid
napped and dragsed off to another State, and
ho will seo that Pennsylvania shall have an
organized military force capable of defending
her borders against invasion, without having
to depend upon New York and Now Jersey
for help in such an “ emergency.” Under his
Administration, Pennsylvania will become a
Sovereign State, again, and her citizens, can
again lift up their heads, like men.
.Judge Woodward has never been a politi
cian, in the usiinl nooeption of that term.
The offices ho has held have boon given him,
as the Gubernatorial office will be, unasked
.and unsought on bis part—as a tribute toliia
nigh merit.. Ho is as far from being a dom
agougo as bis opponent is from being a states
man, and while Governor Curtin, who is paid
a salary by. the people Tot- pOrfdffliing fho du
ties of Ins office, is consuming time hot his
own in “stumping the’State” in his own be
half, Judge Woodward is attending strictly
to the duties of the office to which the people
elected him, without saying or writing a word
to gain votes for himself. Ho is willing to
leave the election, as it shonlfl bo left, for the
■people to decide Tor thomsclvCs; bht (Governor
Curtin is going from county to county mak
ing speeches, and imploring the people to
vote for bis re-election. If his administration
lias been as popular as some of bis friends
contend, lie should allow it to, plead for him.
But he seems unwilling to trust to that. In
deed, he .dooms it necessary,to go through
the State to defend himself against, charges
of official inefficiency and corruption prefer
red against him by men and newspapers of
his own party. But Judge Woodward’s offi
cial conduct requires no defense, and his offi
cial record may bo relied upon to plead for
him before the people. Ho can afford to leave
stumping to his competitor, and attend to bis
official business. We leave the reader to de
cide which'of those men should rocievo his
vote, on the 13th of next month, for Governor '
of this Commonwealth. One of them has been
already tried and found wanting. He has
sunk the dignity of the State, and rendered it
an unsafe'asylum for freemen, or men Who
would "be ’free, and has opened the door for
thieves and plunderers to rob the people, if
we may believe,his-own party papers. The
other has boon trusted and found true, and
embodies in his character all the qualities
and qualifications requisite to the oflioo of
Governor—qualifications that give the fullest
guarantee of ability and integrity in that of
fice. Shall Curtin or Woodward bo next
Governor of Pennsylvania ? Shall Pennsylva
nia remain one. of Mr. Lincoln’s provincial
dependencies, the abode of slaves, or shall it ;
be restored to i'ts capacity b'fa sovereign State,
the 'abode of fro cm on ■? Lot the reader decide.
iSTOWNG BXPOSWKB.
The Republican Candidate for Governor—
Who He is and what lie is—Corruption Fas
tened upon Him by his Own Partisans—The
Soldiers Defrauded, the People Defrauded,
and the State Defrauded, by Andrew G. Cur
tin. Read 1 Read U ■
Wo liavo given our venders, flays, the Wash
ington Review, some facts in regard to the
corruption practiced upon the people’ by the
present Governor of this State, and the Re
publican nominee for the same position, but
being outsiders, wo of course wore deprived
of the official data, as well ns. the knowledge
of the secret wire pulling, by which the re
sults wore brought 'about. Jfortunatoly, the
Pittsburg Gazdlle the leading Abolition pa
per in Western Pennsylvania has opened the
hidden mysteries of the Abolition archives,
Mid exposed to the public -gaze a record of
infamy and dishonesty never equalled before
anywhere, if Wo except the records of the
present National Administration. Wo give
below the Gazette’s synopsis of a scries of
articles published by that paper within the
past two weeks. We will publish the arti
cles in exlehso on some future occasion. This
article r ppoared in the Gazelle on die morn
ing of the Republican State Convention.
[From tbo Pittsburg Gazette, Aug 5,}
/I Parting word to the Convent ion.
The delegates to,the State Convention are
now amongst us. Before they proceed to do
their duty, wo have a word to say to them.
We had reason to boloivo that Gov. Curtin
notwithstanding his ostensible withdrawal,
was a candidate for renomination, and confi
dent that ho would bo successful.
Wo felt assured that lie could mil bo elec
ted. AVo know that ho might not. It be
came our duty, therefore, to sound the alarm,
and endeavor to save the party, if possible.
AVo have endeavored to show that he im
posed upon the soldiers, by farming them out
to his friends, and then denying that ho had
employed them.
AVo have exhibited the record to establish
the fact that he had approved a bill, acknowl
edged by him to bo wrong, which robbed
the treasury of many millions of money—
that as the conditions of his approval, he had
taken an agreement for the State, which he
abstracted, and secretly surrendered to the
parties who had given it, and that when inter
rogated by the Legislature, ho confessed the
fact and offered ns his apology, a reason
which is shown to have boon untrue.
AVo have demonstrated the fact that ho
bargained away a Republican United States
Senator, for the consideration of an adjourn
ment, and the discharge of the Committee,
appointed to inquire into the moans Which
had been used to procure the passage of that
AVo have charged that ho was unfriendly
to the war policy of tho Administration, anil
proved it not only by his Message in relation
to. tho arrest of traiti rs, and his conduct in re
lation to tho draft, but by tho character of
the men whom ho lias retained about him.
AVo have shown' that tho cllcct of his poli
cy has been to break down tho power of tho
Republican party of this State, and oven those
who merely co-operated with him in tho
Legislature, have been placed, almost with
out exception, under tho ban of tho people.
And wo have inferred from all this—with
out referring to other matters—that his nom
ination would bo disgraceful to tho party,
and his election impossible—us the general
(desire of Copperheads that wo should take
him as our candidate, proves it to bo, in their
judgment, as well as ours. .. ,
All this wo have boon compelled by tiio
necessities of the case, to do, in order tosavo
the cause, from irretrievable ruin. Wo would
rather have avoided this, if it had beep pos
sible. Wo have kept those things in th<?
back ground, rather than run the risk o'f
crippling the State administration or driving
it bodily into the embraces of the enemy, to
which wo feared" its tendencies were
strong Klrotuly. Wo thought it iviSc to'makq
tiio best of h, Khd bargain, so long tvs wecbplij
not help ourselves. When ,'thb. ptimbi xktfn. "
was, however, presented anew, as a candidate
for a second term, it becomes our duty to
speak out before the mischief was enacted,
and we have done so, in language as rudder,
ate ns the facts bear. And yet oven then, we
would rather have waived our objections, if
it had been possible, and taken tire weakest
man n'Ud’the wickedest of our enemies, than
run the risk of disturbing the harmony of the
party, at such a time. It was clear to us,
however, that with such a candidate, it was
impossible for ud to succeed. •
We should bo beaten, at any rate—as,oar
past experience has demonstrated—and to it;
could not make the matter worse, it was worth
at least the trouble to endeavor to prevent it.
And now wb ask of the members of the
Convention to teU us calmly, whether, with
the facts before them, as we have shown
them to be, there is constituency in Pennsyl
vania that would have recommended or in
structed for him—And whether 'thesb Itib'tbi
depending mainly Upon thb record, and in-.
Controvertible of course, can bo successfully
concealed from them now ?
I We ask them again, who there are among
the eminent speakers of this State, who enjoy
the confidence of the people, that will venture
to moot these issues, with the very record tci"
confound them ? Wo do nht Mow a man, of
any position or force, in this county, at all
events, who would not feci himself personally
compromised, by undertaking a labor so her
culean hs this. ■ ...
The question then comes at Inst,'whether
there are any of the delegates inclined-to, the
support Of Curtin, who would consider ii 'tri
umph now, as mure important than a triumph
at the election, and a sufficient compensation
for a defeat at that time - —-cr would bo willing
to stake tho result , upon a doubt ? If it bo
true, as charged, that fie insists in playing
the part of the dog in tho manger, and.saori
rificing the party, of, which, it is said ho
claims to bo tho builder, to himself, is there
any man in tho Convention who will allow
imselfto lo used for such a purpose? What
is to bo gained by it for the advantage of anjr
body but tbo rebels aud their Northern sym
pathizers?
Wo have stated more than onoo—and vra
■cannot repeat it too often—that whatoyer
may bo the opinion of the Convention, fin'd
whether right or wrong, the feeling against
Gov. Curtin in this county at least—growing
Ofjt of his own acts and poliov—is so strong
that wo could no more control it, even if wo
were so disposed, than we could stomitho tor
rent of the Niagara with. our hands. W 6
might ruin ourselves by advocating his elec
tion, but wo couldn’t help him. It is not we
who are responsible for the existence or ori
gin of that feeling. We reflect it only, and
have but thrown ourselves into the
which was flowing as rapidly before we un
dertook to fathom ordiroct it! ;
There were good men here who doubted id
1860, whether ho could bo trusted, and refus
ed to vote for him, and yet this county gave a
majority ol about 0400 votes. Loss than &
month aTtetwatdk it gave Lincoln 10,000 i
With a stronger man than Curtin there
should have boon 8,000 at least. With'nn un
exceptional candidate, how we are strong ns
ever. With Gov. Curtin, wo doubt whether
it could bo carried at all, and those w,ho re
flect that his conduct at the sosion ol 1801,
brought in a Democrat even here, at the elec
tion which followed, will realize the mischief
that such a nomination may inflict.
It is not this ‘county only, however, 5(1
which it is important to make the machine
run smooth. There will bo like difficulties
elsewhere, and particularly, in those counties
whore the strength of the llopublican party
lies. If ho should be nominated! it will not
be by the votes of those districts, which will
bo expected to elect him. It will becounthia
like Berks, wo suppose that are to bo cast its
make-weights into the scale. Would it not
become them to reflect, that if they want us
to do the work they nrflst put its iotoft Cottli
tion to run without weights? Are hot eVon
the prejudices of oar people—if they choose
to call them so—to bo ‘Consulted? If they can
find a man who is free from objection—and
we are in a bad condition, indeed, if they
cannot-- what is their duty as men—as patri
ots—as lovers of their country? How can
they excuse themselves for insisting—from
more pride or self-will—on one of the opposite
kind, who .is known to be uripniatablo to any
rospeetablo section of the party ? Wo shall
guago tlioir patriotism by tiro way in which
they deal with the difficulty. With mon of
heroic stamp—men suited to the times—it
can prove no serious difficulty at all. ’
Woodward and Ills Supporters. —Judge
Woodward is a thorough Pennsylvanian by
birth, by education, and in feeling. All hid
interests are in this State, all involved in the
preservation of the Union. One of his sons-.
Col. George A. Woodward, commands the
2d Regiment Pennsylvania Reserves, Col.
Mann's old regiment; another served as cap-
tain in a company which ho raised in Luzerne
county, during the raids of last year and this,
and both were in tho battle of Gettysburg.
Judge AVoomvAßn has boon nominated—not
by tho shoddy men, tho contractors’ party,
tho black man’s faction, Who are striving trt
degrade American citizenship by black suf
frage—not by men who manage to live on
politics and by their wits—but as tho eSpO
nent of their principles, by the Democracy,
tho conservatives, the people; by the agri
cultural interest,, by tho mercantile, the pro
fessional, the manufacturing classes outside
of Administration patronage; by the self-sup
porting, the self-dependent men who.oWtl the
soil of Pennsylvania, and whose ittlefeste HM
those of the country ; who are identified with
the State and with the Union; men who can
not, tike contractor-capitalists, send their cap
ital to Europe if the country is overwhelmed
by misfortune, but must bear whatever befalls
the country. And yet these men and their
candidates are termed seoessionistS. They
havo far more interest in the preservation of
tho Union than their opponents,— Age.
CSV THE ONLY AVAY TO END THE
AVAR IS TO VOTE THE STATE AND NA
TION A L ADMINISTRATION OUT OP
POAVKR. —Remember this and cast gour vote
for AVoodwakd.
(C7“lt is rumored that Governor Curtin irt
:cnds stopping for a day or so at tho Exoou
,ivo Chamber, tho next time ho oomos to’llar-
rishurg. AVo hope tho rumor may prove true;
Thoro should bo some one thoro to attend to
business, even if it is Curtin.
.1
NO. Si;