A ■ + VOL. 50. ‘American volunteer. ■«HI.ISnED EVERY THURSDAY HORNING BY JOHN B. BRATTON. TERMS: .BdbSwirtion.—Two Dollars if paid witliintlio iSftJ Otftt Two Dollars and Fifty Cents, if not paid fritliiti-tho year. These terms will bo rigidly Kd-. |etod to in every instance. No subscription dis fontifi'tt.ed’tmtU: all Wrea'ragos are paid unless, at the Fpliou of the'Editor. , AhvEßTisipiENTS—Accompanied by the cash, littil Bet exceeding one -.square, will bo inserted three TJmes for One Dollar, and twenty-five cents for each ailditiofial insertion; Those of a greater length in proportion, . Jon-PniNTiNo—SuoKng Hand-bills, Pngting-blTls, "Pamphlets, Blanks, Labile, &c. ic., oxoouted with , couraoy and at tho Shortest notice. , " 'MB. EVERETT TO THE.SPRINGFIELD CONVEiY TIOS. (> The rhetorical grace which has always 'been My. Everett’s chief claim, to distinction, ‘says the Wow York World, is certain to secure attention for whatever that accomplished scholar may think fit to write on public top ics. The spirit in which his letter to the ■Sprihgfield Republican Convention is con ceived is patriotic; but his purity of intention has not saved’ him from a good deal of ques tionable logic. Mr. Everett’s particulor foible is his extreme susceptibility to applause ; a foible which has, been pampered ;by nearly -half-a -century of grateful incense, find which has’no’tendency'to strengthen the indepen dence of judgment and' political courage which were never his strong points.'. In con sequence of this infirmity he lis rather a plausible advocate of the preconceived views of others than a snfo ond hblo guide of public Opinion. At the 1 time of the Trent difficulty became forward with an;exposition of.intor-, national law justifying the seizure;! an expo sition which was merely a servile reflex of Un popular passions of the moment. ' A public instructor', who makes such mistakes, must expect to have his subsequent opinions weigh ed, and to see them accepted or . rejected on other grounds than the mere weight'of his ’authority.' ■According to Mr. Everett, there ought to bo no party action in time of. war. ; Party opposition to an administration which hap pens to bo in power when the country is at war, ho tells us, is “an evil of.tremendous magnitude,” which ' “ really affords aid and comfort to the-enemy.” If there is any force in this, it is 'Bn argument against holding .a yfresiglen tinrl .olootum 0,11-111 !' ilio (loni.illlllilK'.o VA il’vkar.Noitiror 'tho' -party in’ power,, nor, the men in power, can be displaced.if there is no opposition ; and if the existing adminis tration have an indefeasible lease of power during the wav the election might as.wollbe dispensed with. A more just and sfa'tesns’iun-. like mode of reasoning would bo that inas much as all power is liable to abuse, and inasmuch as the power, patronage, and influ ence of the administration are never so great and dangerous as in time of war, it is then that an opposition party is most needed as a check upon abuses. Such an opposition must not be factious and unreasonable; it must igiyeto tbo ’administration men and money for carrying on the war ; but for the proper ’application of these means, and for the invio lability of the Constitution under circumstan ces which expose it to the greatest peril, it is ■consistent with patriotism that the adminis tration should bo bold to a strict account.— •And the only efficient way of enforcing re sponsibility is through an opposition, party. Those principles are so elementary, and have, been so generally accepted, that Mr. Everett should not have disputed them without a dis tinct refutation of the apparently solid rea sons on which they rest. . • That Mr. Everett has been misled by pom plaisanoo toward the administration to express ■opinions which his own better judgment would condemn, may, we, think, bo convinc ingly proved. ■ lie was a few years ago the eulogist'of Daniel Webster, and the editor of his oollectod works. He has told us that Webster will livo and speak in these works 11 when brass and marble havo crumbled into dust. As a repository of political truth and practical wisdom applied to tho affairs of government, I know not whore wo shall find their equal,” In this incomparable reposi tory of political wisdom, we find a complete and pointed refutation of all the leading por tions of Mr. Evoreft’s present letter. Did Mr. Webster adopt any suoh servile doctrine ■as that opposition in war time is inconsistent with patriotism ? The farthest from it pos sible. Wo had two wars in his timo; he was ’an active member of tho opposition party fluting tho first, and tho loader of tho oppo sition party in tho second. He scoffed attho idea that any pretense of military necessity flr any imminence of military danger should *olax our vigilance in guarding the Constitu tion. Hear him; 11 The honorable member from Ohio, near •uo, has said, that if tho enemy had been on our shores he would not havo agreed to this vote. And 1 say if the propositions were “OW before us, and tho guns of tho enemy wore pointed against the walls of the, Capitol, 1 not; “gree to it. •tho people of this country havo an interest, ; r rr'ty. an 'ulmritanoo in this instrument Constitution], against tho value of which d° not weigh tho twentieth I, 6 °‘ °no poor scruple. There can never f c - an y noo ussity for Suoh proceedings but a I w , or *' a * so necessity; a more idle or hol- Pretense of necessity.— Webster’s Works, VOl - iv., p, 220.” ■ Out' 1 B P oo °k ou tho “ ton regiment bill,” ln g the Mexican war, ho made no. soruplo jj 6a y* n g “ tho war is odious,” and ho called j abominated war. In another speech Ijjll *P r °S3od a hope that an appropriation whiTi * lU °? P MB ’ udogroo of boldness from to n! l ° ftnt ‘ c ‘patod tho charge of giving aid ,o ‘> v «nomy.. lf o said: 1U hero, I daro say. I shall bo called by some n Mexichn Whig.' Tho man who can stand up hero a'nd say that ho hopes that what tho administration projects, and the further'prosecution of tho War with Mexico reqircs, may not be carried into effect, must' be an enemy to his country, or, what gentle men have considered tho same thing, an cen omy to the President of the United States, and to his administration and his party. - He ■is a Mexican. Sir, I think very badly of tho Mexican character, high and low. out and •out; hut names do not terrify mo.— Webster’s. Works, v., 273.” If Mr. Everett will turn to this volume ho will recall to his mind abundant proof fruit the American whom, next to Washington, he professed most to admire, derided any such Men as the leading one-, of this letter, that opposition to the war measures of an admin istration is unpatriotic. Common sense -in dorses what Mr. Webster then asserted, that an administration nfay call for more troops than are necessary, and niay continue a war longer than is necpssaiy, in the interest of paymasters, contractors, and commissaries-; men who handle tho public money withotft facing the foe, one and all of whom, ho de clared, .are true descendants, or if not, true representatives of ahciont'Pistol, who said : "I shall sutler bb Unto tho camp, hud profits will accrue." Wo submit to Mr. Everett that there has been no opposition to this administration (ex cept by an insignificant peace party) at all approaching that made by M 15,. Webster to the administration charged in conducting the war with Mexico; but no candid man ever doubted Mr. Websters patriotism. We also call the attention of those canting journalists who bold up the federal party and tho Hart ford convention as a warning to Democrats, to tho fact that the party which was in oppo sition dating the war with Mexico, carried the next presidential election. . , Nothing could be more contrary to the whole scope of Mr. Webster’s politics than an amount of trust in the executive sp great as Mr. Everett now advises. Deprecation of such, confidence was one of Mr. Webster’s most frequent topics. . Out of the abundance before ris-ive can give hut a few sentences : “Mr. President, tho contest for agos'kao been to rescue liberty from,the grasp of exec utive. power. Whoever has engaged in her sacred cause, from the days of the downfall of those great aristocracies which had stood' between the king and the people down to tho time of our own independence,' has struggled for the accomplishment of that single object. On the long list of the champions of .banian freedom there is not one name dimmed by the reproach of advocating the extension (if executive aufcUoi*ltv: on tho <tnntr«* y , uniform aud stoady purpOso.of ail such ebani 'pioris' hns'boen tolimit’and'restrain it, * Thnougli all this history of the contest for liberty, executive'power has been regarded as a lion that must be caged. So far from being tho object of enlightened popular trust, it has been dreaded uniformly, always droad ‘ed, 'ns the groat source of danger.—-- Webster’s Works, IV., 133-4. Not only did Mr. Webster sanction by bis example tbo propriety of opposition to an ad ministration charged, with -the conduct of n war; not only did ho inculcate a constant and active jealousy of executive power, but be-expressed himself against tho constitu tionality of the very exorcises of power which the present opposition complain of. If there is a vigorous opposition party in this w ; ar, it is because tho administration has created it by doing things which tho Constitution has always boon held to forbid. £ee Mr, Web ster’s emphatic denial of the power of tho federal government to abolish slavery in the States,on any pretense whatsoever: Well, I repeat it; proclaim it on the wings of all the winds; tell it to all your friends .[cries of “Wo will! wo will !”Jtell it, I- say, ■ ■ttva’t'standing fce.io in the capital of Virginia, ■beneath an October sun, in the midst of this assemblage, boforo tbo entire country, and upon all the responsibility.that belongs to mo, I say that there is no power, direct or indi rect, in Congress or the general government ’to interfere in tho slightest degree with the in stitutions of tho South, — Works, ii., 94. This will do bn that point ; if there is rio “indirect” authority, none can result inci dentally from the war power; if there is no power in-“ the general government” thoro is none in that particular branch of it which is controled -by President Lincoln. Mr Web ster shows, in another speech, that tho Pres dent can exercise no legislative authority as. commander of tho army, even in a foreign country conquered by our arms. But tbo emancipation of all,the, slaves in eigbtor ton states is an act of legislation; it differs from an act of war os tho appropriation of a par ticular dead rebel’s estate would differ from a repeal of all the southern state laws regu lating the descent of property. In relation to state rights and the power of the federal government over tho militia, Mr. Webster's opinions were identical with those now maintained by tho opposition. “I “hold,” ho said, “that there are two govern-- ments over us, each poses sing its own distinct authority, with which! tho other may not in terfere.’’ “I say again, that tho upholding of state rights on.Orio hand, and of tho just powers of Congress on tiro o ther, is indispen sable to the preservation of our republican government.” How Mr. Webster would have regarded the present attempt to consoli- date all tho military power of tho country in tho hands of tho federal goverdraent may ho inferred from tho following remarks on Mr. Poinsett’s militia bill Into which of your mountains has not its discussion penetrated? Up which of your winding streams has not its echo floated ? I am sure ho must bo very tired of it himself. Remember always that tho groat_ principle of tbo Constitution on that subject is that tho. militia of tho states and not of tho general government! and being thus tho militia of tho states, thoro is no part of tho Constitu tion worded with greater caro, or with a moro scrupulous jealously than that which grants and limits tho power of Congress over it. — Works, ii., 05 Tho great contest in which wo are engaged is u contest against Ihc assumed right of in * . cession; When that pretension is extinguish ed by tho success’of our arms, the legitimate object of tho war is accomplished. Tho whole North denies that pretended right; the whole North is willing to light as long as may bp necessary to maintain the indisso lubility of tho Union. Had the administra tion been content to stand on this ground, and-to confine -the War to this object, an op position party, would hardly been possi ble, except to watch over the expenditure of the-public money, and prevent its misappli cation or embezzlement. If groat warmth of opposition has been created, it is tho fault of the administration itself, in thrusting for ward a negro policy, Which Pemocrats and reasonable Whigs have always opposed ns unodn'stittn'tional, and which hinders the sue-' cess of the war by consolidating tho opinions and fortifying the resolution of the South. TO GREAT MASS MEETING IN BUCKS COUNTY. The Democrats of Bucks county recently held a Great Mass Meeting at Addisville, that county, which was addressed by our able friend, Hon. Charles W. Carrigan, of Philadelphia, and others. Erom bis speech wo take the following extracts, and commend them to tho parelul attention of ohr readers, On being introduced, Mr. C.,, being well known to and a favorite of tho Democracy of Bucks, was received with lohg-pontinued and hearty greeting. lie said: My follow-citizens, 1 take pleas' ure in onco again addressing the Democracy Of Bucks county. I owe them much—more than I can -ever repay.. The longest ]'"o it Would pleaso an all-wise Providence to allow mo, would contain too iow years to express the gratitude I feel. The 'devotion you evinced towards me in the Congressional cam paign of last year was unprecedented. Com paratively a stranger to you all, your nobio Democracy stood unflinchingly by me.— When the Abolitionists slipped tho lashes of their hounds and hunted mo from tpwnship to township, the Democracy increased their devotion just in proportion as the Opposition increased its detraction; they bore me up, and with a splendid majority, shielded me -' om the brutal assaults of a most disgusting and infamous Opposition. I come hero, as much as forjanything else, to thank you for tho kind support you gave iue in that can vass. ’ I havo been defrauded of my seat—that is the word —defrauded ofmy seat by tho ward in which my honorable and respectable-com petitor resides—the ward that claims to have a great share of the decency of the Abolition party; ilia next ITuuno -p it L't fj 30i 1 1 u o h oa in Dcoomljef. will right the wrong perpetra ted, ard tho desperate fraud to defeat me arid keep me from my seat will bo exposed. It is mine by the voice of the people, and I will show it. We moot to-day, my fellow-citizons, riot by the permission of Mr. Lincoln, or by the per-, mission, of Mr. Stanton, or by tho permission of Mr. Halleok, the humane and- great (?) General, who vauntingly told us that “ when tho war was over tho soldiers wou.ld return to tho North to take caro of tho Copperheads.” Messrs. Halleck, Stanton and Lincoln are the seryants of the people, and tho people will take care of them ; they are their mas ters, and as my friend quoted Saint Paul wherein he says, “ Servants obey your rims-. tors,” 1 say to, you, that that language is as applicable to Messrs. Lincoln; Stanton and Ilaileok ns it is to a negro. Wo are nOt here by the permission of any one, blit by the permission of the Constitution of tho United states, -which the Abolitionists trample un-; der foot. Wo are boro by tho permission of the 'Constitution of Pennsylvania and the Bill of Rights. The Constitution -of the Uni ted States says': “ Congress shall make no law to px-event the peaceable assemblage of tbo people to .petition' the Government for a redress ’of grievances ;” the Constitution of Pennsylvania says that “ The citizens have a right in a peaceable manner,” as-we are doing to-day under God’s blue sky in this beautiful grove, “to assemble together for their common good, to appeal to those invest ed with the powers of Governriientfor redress of grievances.” We are here, also-, 'to discuss and review the acts of the Administration.— fV e bavo tho right to discuss these matters, and I have no doubt Sir. Lincoln expects us to do so ; for, if ho “ cannot escape history," ho certainly cannot escape the discussion of. his various benign and humanizing (?) meas ures. . ,Mr. Webster regarded tho people as en dowed will an “ ancient and undoubted pre rogative to canvass public measures end the merits of public men. It is not to bo drawn into controversy. It is as undoubted ns the right of breathing the air or walking the earlh. Belonging to private Jifo as a right, it belongs public life as a ditty. This high Constitutional privilege is to bo defend ed and exorcised in all places; in times of WAR, IN TIMES OP PEACE, AND AT ALL TIMES. Aiming to be temperate and courteous at all times in its use, except when the right itself is questioned, I shall place myself on tho ex treme boundary ofmy right, and hid defiance to any arm that would move mo from ,my ground. Mr. Blair, the father of Mr. Lincoln’s Post master General, in denouncing any abridg ment of Constitutional rights, thus speaks of this inestimable privilege. . “ Under no possible emergency, not oven in insurrection or amid tho throes of civil war, can this Government justify official in terference with freedom of speech or of tho press, ary more than it can with freedom of tho ballot. Tho licentiousness of tho tongue and of tho pen is a minor ovii compared with tho licentiousness of arbitrary power.” Mr. .Soword, Mr. Lincoln’s Secretary of State, thus worte to Charles Francis Adams, when fearful that tho result of the elections of 1862 might bo wrongfully construed by the English Government: “ In this country, especially, it is a habit not only entirely consistent with the Consti tution, but oven essential to its stability, to regard tbo Administration at any timo exist ing, as distinct and separate from tho Guv ernment itself, and to canvass tho proeood inga of tho ono without thought of disloyalty to tho nthor.” says:‘“The enjoyment of liberty, and oven its support and preserva tion, consists in every man being allowed to spoak Ills thoughts aud lay open his senti ments." I propose to abide by thoso distinguished authorities and if I dissect tho acts of tbo Administration with tho keenness of tho sur geon's kuil'c—if Imu nut satisfied with mure- " OUR COUNTRY—MAY IT ALWAYS BE Rlg'hT-BUT RIGHT OR WRONG OUR COUNTRY." Speech of Hoh. Charles W. Carrlgan. CARLISLE, PA., TIJUjRSDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 186-3. ly entering the skib, but I cut below the surface,.into marrow oF their wrong doing—l have distinguished precedent in the present President of the .'United- litotes.— When Mr. Lhicoln occupied a neat upon the dour of Congress, during the Presidency of Mr. Polk, the Mexican war was,in full oper ation. Did Mr. Lirfoo : > then think it wrong to discuss the measure’'advocated by Mr. Polk, end his friends? Upon the con trary, he used the most unbridled license of speech. lie defamed the soldiers who were upholding the honey of their country and vil liliod the President!' Ho said and did all ho could to defeat the; measures of Mr. Polk.— Mr. Lincoln said of him; “lie is deeply con scious of being in the w;rong; ho fools *he blflod of this war, like the blood of Abel, cry ing to Heaven against Him." This is what Mr. Lincoln said c.f Mr. Pol I ', and what peo ple are now saying of Mr^'Lincoln. Li’.’je did Mr. Lincoln)think, when he was that ’speaking of Mr. Polk, that his words “ like chickens, would come home to roost." I shall not speak as har|l/ly of his Adminis tration as ho add Mr.,Corwin did of Mr. Polk. The people are not prewired for the.doctrine “ that the king can do no Hvrong,” as they do not look upon Mr. Linoo'Jii ns infallible, and Ids acts above review, j.- Take also the speech oiMjen. Sehehck, then Hon. Mr. Pcberrck, ti member of'Congress with Mr. Lincoln, Suutequcntly, as a con servative man, he where Clay and Webster and other eminfint statesmen stood, and rolled back fronv.ou) 1 people, for a time, the tide of disunion. Ho had not then boon purchased by up Abolition Administration with a major general’s shoulder straps; lie said: i “ The President talked 'about ‘ conquering a peace.’ He had conquered nothing.as yet, unless it were the independence of tile House, the credit of the country,,' the Treasury, and the Constitution, and be threatened before long to conquer; the liberties of the people.” . , WhatSchc.nck said iri|Corigre6s, difi'-rs en thely with what lie docs Its Major General.— In the military departmoit ho commands he won’t allow discussion, hHo sent to Phila delphia and arrested the editor of the Eve ning Journal, at the dead) of the night, ruth lessly dragged him frofn jibe side of his wife and carried him to the dingoons of Fort Mo- cold and) loathsome as they are—and incarcerated frith. Why? Because he followed Mr. Schenclps example in Con gress in criticising .Mr.lPolk—ho criticised Mr. Lincoln and his Ap.mir'atration. Mr. Scheock, whose first brilßant act of general ship was-to run into anjambuseade in Vir ginia and sacrifice the libes of hundreds of bravo men, not only, domes discussion; but amuses himself, throughvMr. Pish, his Pro vost Marshal in Baltimoie, in retaining as hostages for her forthconjipg, the old mother arid sister of a foolisli'glrl, who waved lief’ ‘handkerchief at some one of a Confederate company who were on' their way tb.Fortrcas Monroe to be exchanged'for an equal num ber of our bravo soldiers.; Nay, more the *•—vr.-« »''wvn.'Aa'ii Vfvv*- lessly invaded ; foa-lmiu'ndiatoly after the burial of-a Confederate o.'licer, (by permission too, of Mr. Sohenck,) the mourners about the grave were, arrested by a file ..of soldiers, be cause the mortal remains were clothed in a Confederate uniform. The despotism of Rus •am,does not furnish cases comparable to these. If this is the way. to save this country, then the framel-s of the Constitution and the men who fought in the war of the Revolution had wrong ideasi Did time permit, 1 would sboW you from proofs irresistible that the war-now existing rover would have commenced had the Re publicans been honest;, secondly, that .the preffvt for the war Was the perpetuity of the Union and the maintenance of the Constitu tion. iVhon it was announced that this was the only object Oi the war, and when attained it should cease, yon know how promptly the 'popular heart throughout the North respon ded to the call for help, Everywhere, with out distinction of party, patriotic men bared their.arms and their breasts for the defence of constitutional liberty. Such an outpour ing and uprising of freemen has no parallel in history. But it was of short duration.— The patriotic masses anon amvitboy had been invited to a .“ buzzard’s feast” and instead of strengthening the cords and shakes of our National brotherhood, they were expected to infuse new life into tiro decomposing'Carcass of Abolitionism. The Constitution could have been maintained in all its Vigor, and the Union,, to-day, presented an unbroken body of thirty-four States, had Mr. Lincoln not yielded to the “ pressure” of the Aboli tionists. Had he, with the'Congress who vo ted it, (almost unanimously,) stood unwaver ingly on the Crittenden resolution, therp would- have been ponce and reconciliation eighteen months ago. But they refused to regard that solemn af firmation as biding, and ten months after, when the same resolution was again offered, it was fov ,-ht and voted down by the very men who had passed it ten months before.— Then commenced this war for the negro; this Abolition crusade; this war for the enfran- chisement and equalization of the black race with the white. The Union, over which the abolitlonized Republicans shed “crocodile tears,” was attended to delude the people and entrap them ip their sinister, and at that time hidden plans. Their only object was disunion and the destruction of slavery. Mr. Douglas understood their intentions, and did not fail to denounce the war ns disunion.- We have other and positive proof at hand, but time will not permit us to adduce them. I will instance one, and I want you to treas ure it in your memories. Listen to the ner- vous and prophetic language of the largest brained and most adroit captain of the abol itionized Republican party—that “ angel of light’’ from the hot bed of New England treason, who elevated the beastly negro of San Domingo, gorged with rapine and red with slaughter, above our white Washington, Heaven inspired and God led as ho was— that scholastic blasphemer, who declared the outlaw John Brown “ the divinest gift of the later ages,” and compared his death to that of Christ on the cross—that seditious, flaga cious, insidious semi-devil and infidel, who on the 10th of May, 1860, at a woman’s right’s meeting in the city of New York, denounced “ an orthodox pulpit ns a concealed brothel” —-him of the enchanting tongue and luring Nona Sahib of morals, religion and politics—l mean Wendell Phillips of Boston, lie said ; “ When the Republican party de clare they will not interfere with slavery in the States. 1 give them credit for lying—if they over get "ito power, they will go down to posterity with one. hand grasping the American flag, and the other the jugular vein of the slave system.” AVas Isaiah a prophet? Never was his rapt vision more literally fulfilled than is the prophecy of AYondoll Phillips being now ful filled. The civilized world behold m the Re publican party, in its action in regard to the rights of States, a self-convicted liar—while, under Uio power of the American, Hag, they are “grasping the jugular vein of the slave System;” and if the system can bo throttled in no other way than by the, utter destruction of tho bower of that flag, then they are will ing both should perish together. This is the brutal and bloody p-ogramme they enunciate this is tho necessary consequence of tho unconstitutional pronunoinmentos of the pres ent Administration. Tho. Constitutional rights of one half the States of the Confeder cy to; go down beneath the waving folds of tiio American flag 1 that flag, which in victo ry or defeat, in hfo or in death, has inspired tho intrepid daring of pur b.-ave soldiers- • that flag, tho symbol of union and brother hood, to bo invoked, not for tho crushing of the rebellion, not for the maintainnnbo of the Constitution and the perpetuation of the Union, hut for tho enfranchisement of the negro—for the elevatio'fi of tho black race to a level with the white. Wo invoke—wo en treat—we humbly pray the Aministration of Mr. Lincoln to pause in this insane and unholy crusade. The people are opposedto it, and their wishes should not be disregard ed. ' . The real object of this war, I repeat, is subjugation—a war of. subjugation for the purpose of freeing the negro and placing him on an equality with the white man.; The 'Democratic party has always maintained the constitutional rights of people and States ; and if this is a war for the Union which grew out of the Constitution, the. Union can nev or bo upheld and your libertses preserved if the Constitution is violated every day. ».«■.* The Conscription, Wo are to pay duo regard to tlie conscrip tion. I believe with’ Andrew Jackson that all laws are 'oonstiurftional until they are test ed by.the highest tribunal, and as laws they ■ ought to bo obeyed. While I assert this, I assert that if any attempt is made in a legal and regular way to test the constitutionality of the laws passed by Congress, neither the President of the United States nor any other man has the right to object > T'haddeus Stevens, the leader of the aboii- tioriized Republican party in the last Con gress, he, who never had, aiid never ought to have any white children, who “speaks out in meeting "and utters his sentiments, al though their brutality entrusts him with an immortality of infamy—declared from his seat in the House of Representatives, whon advo cating the negro enlistment bill. “The Pres ident could not get fifty thousand volunteers, in all the loyal States, arid, as for enforcing the Conscription act.it was sihqply ridiculous.” This avowal places the Administration in a most unfortunate position. They want men, so they say, very badly, and must have them. If they cannot get them by conscription; and do not object to raising an army in the natur al why, i would suggest'that they appropri ate a portion of. the “secret service, fund” for the purchase of the Doyloatown Intelligencer, edited by the snubbed and sneaking Prizer, and “burly- burly” Lour; or the Philadelphia Press, edited by Forney, the man Friday of — u - —..A. ......‘.,-..1 . ..Vil -H-iOl.. ,nv,'.ulnl O. them freely among the lemale contrabands m the bunks and barracks throughout the land, who will become so inoculated with the seed of Abolitionism, that the natural result will bo a grand outcropping of “free Americans of African descent.” This is a now way of re cruiting, but sure and profitable, as it would save the Administration a largo expenditure . in “bounties.” “Will Mr. Blrgdold please strike -up the grand National anthem, “ John Brown’s soul is iriarohing'on?” ■ Let there bo no resistance. ,1 do not coun sel physical opposition to the conscription; no, “let us bear the ills we have, rather than fly to those wo know not of.” Let us boar the weight of the last straw; let us be driven from one constitutional guarantee to another and another, and to the last, and when wo reach that, planting ourselves beneath the hitherto impenetrable shield of American liberty, the sanctity of the ballot-box, let us defy them to encoach a hair’s breadth upon that liberty. If they do, “Then think through whom your life-blood Tracks its parent course, and thou—strike homo.’ The .Democratic; party never occupied a more commanding or higher position than they do to-day. They stand forth atnid the frightful convulsions of civil strife, as the on ly body of men who are true to the Constitu tion and the Union—who can maintain the one and b -ing,baok the other. The love of law and order, the defence of our frets insti tutions from insurrection or invasion, the se curity of constitulional rights and the equal ity of the States, are parts of a faith which nothing can make them yield, and will event uate in the settlement, by the blossingof God, with honor to the country-, of the fearful strifes that now encompass Ws. . "When the object of the war was changed, when the Crittenden resolution Was trampled under foov, and tho black banner of emanci pation 'set up in its stead, all kinds of appli ances we"e used to cause the Democracy to desert their faith, and follow after this “t trnrge god,” Like men, good citizens and patriois, they had "kept stop to the music of the Union,” hut refused to march in the .ranks of tho now black erusado. ‘ Some yield ed to the’” “black” arts, but the masses were firm. Entreaty was exhausted. They were appealed to as patriots, but they could see uo patriotism in striking down the local institu tions of the States. They were asked. to throw aside all party feeling, but they saw the bravest and host of officers daily insulted, and retired from commands, because they were Democrats, while all the officers at the disposal of the Administration Were bestowed on thosc.who shouted hosannahs to the negro policy. Entreaty failed to shako their faith. Bribes were then,resorted to. High positions in tho civil nnd military service wore offered, or if a son of a Democrat was in the ranks of tho army, or in a subordinate position in the navy, a captaincy or lieutenancy was tender ed for tho apostaey of the father. Brides could not mode them from their faith. Threats and force wore used, and a system of ospoinago instituted, untll no one was safe from tho eavesdropping of spies on the street, or at their homos. The heavy hand of arbi trary power was laid on prominent Democrats and at night, by force of arms, and without warrant or law, they wore hurried away to dungeons by the sea. But did they forsake their faith ? Is the gallant Wall of Now Jer sey, Olds of Ohio, or Butler of Pennsylvania, less a Democrat to day than before their ruth less incarceration 7 Is that distinguished exile rnm Ohio of less inliuonco, or weaker in his iiith because of ids banishment'? No, no. Their faith lias been quickened, and will grow brighter and stronger, until tho force of tho ballot—quiet and unobtrusive, yet potent and commanding—opens tho fastenings of Mc- Henry, tho damp, cold dungeons of Lafayette and bids tho ban - lied welcome to the land ho would liyo and die for. Entreaties, bribes, and throats wore of no avail; tho Democratic party to-day bold in their hands tho destinies of tho Republic. AVo are masters of tho sit uation, and “propose to rtiovo at mice on tho ououiv’s works,” and plant in triumph on the Capital of the nation the torn but flying ban ner of the Constitution and the Union. * . * . ■ * * * The Election, One tiling-1 desire to say touching the coming election, it must and shall he free.— We do not intend to have the petty despotism of Burnside in Kentucky re-enacted on the . soil of Pennsylvania, nor are,we to he deterr . ed from our duty by acts like those of the Administration in New Hampshire and Con necticut. The fifth section of the Bill of Bights of our State declares “ that elections shall ho free and equaland section fi’fty , three of the Election Laws declares the qual ification of voters—“ white freeman, acitizen of the United Sffites, twenty-one years old, one year’s residence in the State, ton days in the district preceding the election, and with in two years has paid a State or County tax.” Any other qualification, such as a tost oath, is illegal, and must, he resisted.' You woOld ho unworthy of the right of suifrage, and do servo to ho slaves, if yon did not resist it.— Section 05 of the Election Laws declares: “No body of men in the army of the Unitfed States or of this Commonwealth shall ho.pres ent, either armed or unarmed, at .any plaOo. of election in this Commonwealth during the time of such election; provided, That nothing herein construed as to prevent any officer or soldier from exorcising the right of suffrage in the election, district to which he may be long, if otherwise qualified according to law.” Here is the Jaw, and a, “ wayfaring.mad, though a fool, need not erf.” Tt is clear and pointed. If on, the day of the election there are unarmed troops at any place of election, ask them if they live in the district and desire to vote; if they do, and are qualified, receive their vote and then read them the law, winch says they must not remain during the time of such election ; if they do not retire from the. polls, then fall back on your legal rights,.and summon a sufficient force to compel them to leave. •If armed troops are present,'{and if they have.arms the inference is they are there to interfere with your rights,) read to them thef law, and if they refuse to retire, and your posse comilain.t without arms fail to make' them retire, thenyin full view pf the respon sibility ft'Cn'thils, 1 say you are .hot worthy of the name of freemen, if you do hoi fall back on your right to', bear arms, reserved in the' Constitution of the United States and the. right of the citi'/Cne to hear arms in defence of themselves and the State guaranteed to you in the Bill of Bights of Pennsylvania, and with force of arms protect the sanctity of elections. Assert and defend (your right to vote at all hazards; do it, though tlm mo ment after you exercise th* privilege your ■ body falls in front of the ballot box. In this way alone you can protect your liberties when thus threatened. Bocolloct— “ A.clay—an hour of virtuous’liberty—' Is wortha whole eternity of bondage.” ■ In conclusion, tho Democratic party arc said.to be in favor of Un Unconditional pence ■ —peace on any terms. This is not true, and the man who makes such charge, either does knows to bo false. The whole ..history of the Democratic party vindicates it from the charge. The honor of the country has never been sullied by them—in their keeping it has been and will.remain as pure as tho.snow on Ilona’s crest.- True, in common witli the great mass of the people, they do want peace —they sigh for peace—they pray for peace; but they want and will have nothing else but an honorable peaco, reconciliation and recon struction. They want peace, with the old flag—not a star obstfurod hor a stripe bereft of its purity and lustre. They never carried a flag with sixteen stars in its azure field.—■ They never prostituted it to cover the, grossest outrages against law and,liberty. They never wounded the heart of tlid nation by an infa- mous apostrophe, commended and boldly published as one of the campaign lyrics of the abolitionized Kbpublican party;— “All hail the flaunting Lie I ' The stars grow pule ami dim; The stripes arc bloody scars— A lio the vaunting hymn. ! ■!* $ * Tear down the flaunting Lio! Half-mast tho starry .flag 1 Insult no sunny sky With hate's pollutcdrag! ', • 1 Destroy it yo who can i ' Deep sjuk it in the waves ! * ■, rsf,' ■ os- c w Furl, furl ’the* boasted Lio I Till freedom lives again, ■ To rClo once more in truth , , Among.Untrainplofl men.”' No! no! They love the old flag; they recollect the imperishable renown it has won —that its unequalled power, on-land and sea, forced us forward in tho march of em pire and civilization, until three millions of people became thirty millions, thirteen States increased to thirty-four, and our commercial marine oust from its prow tho foam of every sea ; and' more than this, they never can for got that nil its glory is inseparably connected with Democratic measures. All hail 1 then, that flag—all hail! Peace under that flag. Lot it bo full high advanced—bearing on all its ample folds no such words of Abolition delusion and folly ns: “ Liberty first and Union afterward,” but that other and bettor Democratic sentiment; “ Liberty and llnion, now aiid forever, one and inseparable." , .. The Democratic partywants peace with the old Union—not a State loft out—not twenty four States, and ten subjugated and depend ent provinces—but the whole thirty-four, liv ing in peace and amity—a union of lakes and a union of lands, a union of hearts and a union of hands, They want all the historic memories that cluster around the old Union. They want a common heritage in Bunker Hill and KingVMountain, Prineoton and Yorktownj they want coir men Meo -.3 in Mount Vernon and Monticolo, Ashland and Marshfield, the hermitage and the cemotry at Chicago j they want to recognize the man from Maine as a brother to him in Florida, and in the grand outgushing of affection, ex claim—“ those, those are my brethren, and this—this, oh 1 this too, is my country.”'— They want ponce under the old Constitution, with all fhe powers granted by the States, and all the rights reserved to them—with all the guarantees of life, liberty and happiness, —with freedom of conscience—lrooaom of speech—freedom of the press-—freedom from unwarrantable arrest, search seizure of person and property—the sacrodness of the habeas corpus and the inviolability of the ballot box. The old Constitution is good enough for them —they do not want it inter polated with Abolition vagaries audmorm- ehial idor s. For more than half a ecu try, from its outstretched wings, it dropped peace, plenty and happiness, and they will not lure go or foreswear it now. Wo cannot do without it. It the bond, and the or 1 " bond, of the Union of tho Stales—it is all that gives vs a national diameter.' For peace under the o'd Hag, the old Union and the old Constitution, wo nro willing to, live, to fight, and, if need bo, to dio. Wo arc not all slaves; wo know our duties and w 0 know our rights ; we will perform the one anj maiutaiu the other; we will not be dragged ,t)y the heels to the oar of a wicked usurpa tion, the horses of which are unmanageable and the driver powerless—but, standing up rightin the highway of American civilization, by" the blessing of God and the power of the ballot, we will curb the fretted steeds, and throw them hack on their haunches, clog the wheels of the fatal oar, strike the guides from the nerveless grasp of the bewildered driver,, and shouting “ the' Constitution and the equality oft ho States, those are the symbols of everlasting Union,” we will raise om; bleeding country from the dust, and once more make her free.' BE IRISH WINESS. it tosses in court arc not always as mana geable as ‘ clay in the hands of, the potter.' Sometimes the dullness of the deponent proves a dangerous weapon to the lawyers, or myste-, ties the bench in a manner to set the audience in a roar of laughter. Not seldom’, a.stupid exterior masks the most mischievous and cunning, and so, to the delight of th 6 lookers on, a brow-heating attorney ‘ catches A tar tar,' and the witness escapes in triumph,’ An act’nn was brought against the Owner, of a wagon, which by the carelessness of tho’ driver,’ .had crushed ah hhlu'cky donkey against a wall and killed him.. Sergeant Cockle, _ well known for his roughness of ex-” animation, was perplexing one of the witness es, whd found, no other way of extricating himself than by giving a graphic description of the matter in ,qiieeiieW. ' „ ‘ ell, my ibrd Joodgo,’ said the hesitat ing clown, ‘ I’ll tell you how it happened as well as I pan. My t'ord suppose I am the wagon, here I was. Now ,my Herd Joodge', there you are tho wall.' The dohoribor no\v hesitated as if trying to'recollect his third po sition. . , .• . ‘Come follow,’ said .Cockle,ddt with yohf. story at onoo. You have not fold ds where! was tho ass.’ Of course tho court .was in a roar. , i. . ‘ y Lord Joodge,’ said the witness, with sudden sparkle in hia eye, ‘ His honot,' the cpunscl was the ass.’ But the lawyers are not the only victims of facetious witnesses. Now and then the court catches it in the most palpable and ludicrous manner." ere is a ease which will bo ret memberod by a good many who were present on the occasion, as a veritable fact, that made a world of fun at the time of its oocuronC'o iU one of the Southern bounties of .this State.— Judge G —t—. is a verjv decided charaotbrj and more goodstoriesuire told dbout Kihi thaii any raaU on the bench in that region. The .judge’s manner in court is dogmatic, and arl rogant; and nothing pleases tho bar as weir as to soo him heartily laughed at. They had a fine chance one day when an Irish witness was bn the stand who being rather unmanage able, was taken in hand by the. Judge, with a manner which said very plainly, ‘ Yod sHall sec gentlemen, how I’ll handle him.' _ ‘o 11 Dennis,’ said the judge, blandly* ‘ toll mb the contents of,the chest.’ • * Yes, yet honor,’ baidfhb witnosa'o'U'gbrlyi '■ Pi'fr.tfhpro-wrU'n. picVr.r’i of 15'an B’Coinol! w —the groat Irish patriot—maybe yor honor’d * heard of him V ‘ Certainly,’ said the Judge. ‘Go oil with the inventory/ ‘ Then there was a picture of our Loyd and Saviour Jesus Christ—mabe yor honor’s hoard of him V Tho seemingly unaffected look of inquiry, and . doubt that accompanied tho witness’ words, set tho audience in a roar of laughter —and tho judge will never hear th'b last of it Chuck Me Out, Among the restaurants in Philadelphia, ia one kept by ex Coroner Joseph Dolavan.— Coroner Dolavan is a pattern of amiability, with a degree of tonnage growing daily more remarkable, A few days ago a gentleman entered the bouse and’ ordered a dozen reed birds and a pint of.clatfet. While discussing those delicacies, ho touched the bell and fb qi-sstod tho waiter to send Mr. Delavari to him. Mr. D. requested the stranger to take n scat, and in a low minutes tho twain were, chatting ns cosily as though they had boon raised together from childhood. “ By tho way, Coroner”—ho is still called so—tasked the stranger, “ tho Inst flips I.was. in hero, you had a fuss with somebody; pray, ivhat caused it ?” “ A ohp'p contracted a hill for $2 50, and dion refused to pay up.” . . “ Arid what did, you do with him f” “ Chucked him out of doers;” " Is that all “ l r es—going. to law didn’t pay. To have obtained twenty. of law would have cost twenty db"ars wbrtli of time.” “Then when a man swindles yoli, you merely chuck him out ?” •‘That’s all.” “ Well—what kind of win.es have you 7” “ As good an article of .Ileidsioo as is now extant. Will you try a bottle ?’* “On one condition, and that lAtllat byoii will join mo in drinking it ?” “ With pleasure sir.” . , , Again the bell U kleil, ’again the white aproned darkey disappeared down tho cellar way, and a pAoriicht after, the black bottle with ' s silver nook tie stood before the affa- ble strung Its were duly iced and d'spbsed of, when the Coroner bogged to be exons;.l in order to attend to some ouster mers who were waiting for him in front.— The stranger shortly afterward finished his reed birds and emerged from the dining box. lie confronted the Coroner within a few. feet of tho front door. “ Mr. Delavan, your reed birds were cogkod to a turn, and as for your Iloidsieo, a .finer article never crossed the Atlantic.” “ Happy to hear you say so, sir,” replied the Coroner. , “As a memento. 6f the repast, I have A slight favor to ask.” A • ' “ Name it, sir.” . ■ “ Chuck me out,” “What?” “ Chuck me 6'iit." “ You don’t mean to say that you’re a swindler?” I don’t moan anything else, I haven’t a nickel, and if you want pay for those reed birds, you must take it as you did the other day—chuck mo out,” This was too much for the Coroner. The stranger wore a bran new hat, fresh and glossy from the hatter’s. The Coroner made a dash, took the shyster by the' neok tie, r&i moved his castor without ruffling a hair o£ 'ho nap, passed it over to the barkeeper, and then walked back as coolly ns though noth - ing had happened. The granger was a good deal nonplussed, hut being caught iu his owil . trap, could say nothing. L/'" A littlo girl, showing lior cousin, about four years old, a star, said, “ That star you sco up thoro is bigger than tin's wqrld.”— “ No, it aliiT’said ho. “ Vos, it is." “ Then* why don’t it keep the rain off? p ~ XT Witv was Adam the host runnbr that overlived I Because bo was the first in the human race. • NO. 14.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers