II : ———; ‘ •• .'t * . ~ 1 -■■■—. ■ ■■ - ~ . ... ■■ ■ —-■ - ■' •: ■' 1 ■ ■ *■“ ■ .■ ' - ■ ...—...... , .. . . ■ ■■■■ i < ■ ' -■ - I , ' “CTO COUNTRY—MAT ALWAYS BE EIGHT—BmMiUGHT OR WRONG OUE COUNTRY." . ' ' • i YOL. 49. AJIEKIOAN volunteer ponLT3irr.n etertt Thursday iiotisnro nr Bitii.'rTOPj. Dollars if paid within tho it*-} aad Xwo Dollara.and Fifty 'Ccn'fcs, if not paid Jjjhm the yens?; .toTir.-a wfll bo rigidly ad ored to/lft'*tjflif^^B39tSce f .‘.;NojßubBcrlption dis 'ontinuccl until : .Uro paid unless at ita option * v . *’ thooASii, and *ot exceeding ono square, will bo inserted three Simes for Ono Dollar, and twoniy-fivo cents for each additional insertion. Those of a greater.length in proportion. joo-f'iiiNTiNa— -Such os Hand-bills, Poalia'g-bills* Bluiiks,.Liibul.v Ac. Ac., executed with .•(curacy ami at tho shorlea notice. pmMl TfiftA fill! t tOVB M YET, Toll him I love him yet ■ As iirtKat Joyous 'time '! Toll iifm Tne'er memory now lo crime 1 Toll Uiui when fiules the light Upon the earth and sea, I dream of him by night— lie mutt not dream of me / Tel! him to go where Fame . Looks proudly on tho bravo, Ai.d win a glorious nau)o By deeds on laud and wave. Qrcon, green upon his brow , Tho laurel wreath,shall bo — - Although that laurel now . Must not bo shared with.me I Toll him to smllo again In pleasure's dazzling throng— To wear another’s chain—. To praise another's ao-ng I Before tho lovlicst there I’d have him bond tho knee. And broatho to her tho prayer Uo used to breathe to mol Toll hint that, day by day, Life looks to wo more dim— I,falter when I pray, * Although I pray for him. And bid him when I dio Come to bur fav’rito tree— . I shall not hoar him sigh— Then lot him sigh for. mo ! Jteellnmm J ... EFFECT OF 4 FALSEHOOD. ■ i “ Are you returning immediately to AVor- Jister?” said Lady Leslie, a widow rosidicig Sing her a morning visit. M “lam; can,l do anything, for you there ?"' B . Yes; you can do me a great kindness.— lily confidential servant, Baynes, is gone out I for the day and night; anid I do not like to | trust my now footman, of whom I know no thing, to put this letter in the post-office, as it contains a fifty-pound note.” “ Indeed 1 that is a large sum to trust to the post.” “Vos; but I am told it is the safest con veyance. It is, however, quite necessary that a person whom I can trust should put the letter in the box.” “ Certainly," replied Captain Freeland.— Then, with an iur that showed he considered himself as a person to be trusted, he deposited the letter in safety in his pocket-book, and took leave, promising that he would return to dinner the next day, which was Saturday. Oh his .road, Freeland met some of his bro ther officers, who were going to pass the day and night at Great Malvern; and as they earnestly pressed him to accompany.them, be wholly forgot the letter entrusted to his care; and, having dispatched his servant to Wor cester for his sac de nuii and other things, he turned hack with his companions, and passed tke/rost of the-day in that sauntering but araiksing idleness, that doles farnienle, which may ha reckoned 'Comparatively virtuoos, if it leads to the forgoclulness of little duties only, and is not attended by the positive in fringement of greater ones. But, in not put ting this important letter into the post, ns he had engaged to do; Freeland violated ,a real duty;. and he might have put it in at Mal vern, had not the reoouuter with his brother officers banished the commission given, him ohtife|y from his thoughts. Nor did ho re member it, till, as they rode through the vil lage the npxt morning, on their way to Wor cester, they met Lady Leslie walking in the road. . '■ At sight of her, Freeland recollected, with ; tfha&.o and confuaioD, that bo had not fulfilled lth<><shtirgo.aouinutte(i to him ; and fain would .have passed her unobserved; for, as she , wasianvoman.Qf high fashion, great talents, v tod eonierfiavoL'ity, he was afraid that his neg ! ’ ligence. ifauvowod, .would not only cause him I to forfeit her favor, .but expose him to her P powerful sarcasm. " To avoi<l being recognized was,.however, impossible; and assbonm&ady Leslie saw Inm, she exclaimed;.. : - .. . “Ohl glad to ;see you I I ijneiisy ooncern :tng ttiy lottor sin'ca Jjgavo it to your core, for it was of suolrcfmßoquouoo I Did yoa put it in the post yesterday V. /;•;« ’v “ Certainly,*’ hastily, and ■ in the hurry of thq-dilu)Kobf--‘.‘ certainly I— -ilqw could you, dearthadnjn, doubt my obo . oiQuco to your ? ,, 1, you 1 thank you !” cried she.— *W5y you have relieved my mind 1” hoi so; hut he bod painfully burthen ihw.owa.'XTo, b'o sure, it wits only o'white ito—the he of fear.. Still, he was not used to ttor falsehood, and-he' felt the meanness too degradation of tins,. lie had yet to learn that it was mischievous also, and Wat none can presume to say where the con sequences of the most apparently trivial lie wnj end. As soon ns Freeland parted with t'edy Leslie, he bade his friends farewell, ana, putting spur to his horse, scarcely slaek ® , “js paee till he had reached a general post office and deposited the letter in safety. , Now. then,’ thought ho, ‘ I hope I shall with ° r ? tu ™ an d dine with lady Leslie, mout shrinking from her penetrating eye.’ le found her, when ho arrived, very pen „ ® an< * absent—so muoh so that she felt it ■°*™y to apologize to her guests, infordi 0f | lem that Mary Benson, the old servant ouslv tB -'ii ° waB y et y t° her, was seri tbfltot 1 an d painfully oireumstanood, and by her fearo( * B ’ lo bad not done her duty saidtoV ou Jb® truth, Captain Freeland,’ blanifi^m'» 8p i 0 r tt r ! " s t 0 llim in a low voioo > ‘ 1 fidenti* 1 ?^ 80 or n °t having sent for my con nnn; 8 ‘ 811l ; va nt, who was not very fur off, °f trnJt?.? ‘l ra W| tb the money, instead “noting jfc to the post.’ ‘ It would have been bettor to have done so certainly 1’ replied Freeland deeply blushing. _ ‘ Yes; for the poor woman to whom I sent it, is not only herself in a delicate state of health, but she has a sick husband, unable to bo moved; and as—-but owing to no fault of his—he is on the point of bankruptcy, his 1 cruel landlord has declared that, if they do ; not pay their rent by to-morrow, ho will turn . them out into the street, and seize the very bed they lie on I However, as you put the letter into the post yesterday, they must get the fifty pound note to-day; else they could not, for there is no delivery of letters in Lon don on a Sunday, you know.’ . ‘ True; very true 1’ replied Freeland, in a, tone which he vainly tried, to render''steady. ‘ Therefore, ’ continued Lady Leslie, ‘if yon.had told me, when we met, that the let ter was not gone, I should have recalled Baynes, and sent him off by the mail to Lon don ; and then he would have reached Som erstown, where the Bensons live, in good time; but now, though I own it would be a, comfort to me to send him, for fear, of acci dent, I could not get him back soon enough ; therefore, I must let things take their chance, and, as letters seldom miscarry, the only danger is the note may be taken out ’ She might have talked an hour without an swer or interruption, for Freeland was too much shocked, too much conscience-stricken to reply: as he found that he had not only told a falsehood, but that, if he had had.mor al courage'enough to tell the truth, the mis chievous negligence of which he had been guilty could have'boon repair ed; b.ut now, as Lady Leslie said, it was too laid But, while Lady Leslie became talkative, and able to perform her deties. to her /iiends, ‘after she had thus unburthened her mind to Freeland, ho grew every minute more absent and more taciturn ; and, though be could not eat with appetite, he threw down, rather than drank, repeated glasses of hook and cham pagne, to enable him to rally his spirits; but in vain.. A naturally ingenious and gen erous nature cannot shake off the first com punctions visitiiigs of conscience for having committed an unworthy action, and having also been, the means of injury to another.— All on a sudden, however, his countenance brightened; and af soon as the ladies left the table, ho started up, loft his compliments and excuses with Lady Leslie’s nephew, who pre sided at dinner; said ho had a pressing call to Worcester ’; and when there, as the Lon don mail was gone, he threw himself into a post-chaise, and set off for Somerstown, which Lady Leslie had named ns the residence of Mary Benson, ‘At least,’ said Freeland to himself with a lightened heart, ‘ I shall now have the satisfaction of doing all I can to repair my fault.’ But, owing te the delay occasioned by want ot horses and by finding the hostlers at the inns in bed, he did. not reach London and the place of his destination , till the wretched family had been dislodged ; whjlo, Uvq "ottty over theWisgraco ofueiug so removed, and for her own aiid husband’s increased ill ness in consequence of it,'but for the agoni zing suspicion that the mistress and friend, whom she had so long loved and relied upon, bad disregarded the tale of her sorrows, and had refused to relieve her necessities ! Free land soon found a conductor to the mean lodging in which the. Benson’s had obtained shelter; for they were well known ; and their hard fate Was generally pitied ; but it was some time before, he could speak, as he stood by their bedside ; he was choked with pain ful emotions at first—with pleasing emotions afterward; for his conscience smote him for the pain he had occasioned, and applauded him for the pleasure which he came to bestow. ‘ I come,’ said he, at length; while the suf ferers waited in almost angryrwonder, to hear his reason for thus intruding on them—• I come to tell you, from your kind friend* Lady Leslie— ’ * ‘ Then she has not forgotten mo 1’ screamed out the poor woman, almost gasping for' her breath. ‘ No, to. be sure not; she could not forgot you ; she was incapable— ’ Hero his voice wholly failed him. ‘Thank Heaven !’ cried she, tears trick ling down her pale cheeks. ‘ I can bear any thing now ; for that was tho bitterest part of all 1’ * My good woman,’ said Freeland, 'lt was owing to a mistake—pshaw ! no, it was owing to my fault, that you did not receive a fifty pound note by the post yesterday.’ ‘ Fifty pounds I’ cried the pour man, wring ing his hands ;why that would have mure than paid all we owed ; and I could have gone on with my business, and onrlives would not liave been risked nor disgraced J’ Freeland now turned away, unable to say a word .more; hut, recovering himself, lie again drew near them; and throwing his purso to the agitated . speaker, saM ‘There! get well! only get well! and whatever you want shall be yours 1 or I shall never loss this horrible choking again while I live!’ Freeland took a walk after this scene, and with hasty, rapid strides—the painful chok ing being his companion very often daring the course of it—for be was haunted by the imago of those whom he had disgraced ; and ho could not help remembeing that, however blamable his negligence might be, it was nothing, either in sinfulness or mischief, to the lie told to conceal it; and that, but for that lie af fear, the affects of his negligence might have been repaired in time. But he was resolved that be would not leave Soiaorstqwn till he had scon those poor people settled in a good lodging. He. there fore hired a conveyance for them, and super intended their removal that evening to apart ments full of every necessary comfort. ‘ My good friends,’ said he, ‘ I cannot re call the mortification and disgrace which you have endured through my fault; but I trust that you will have gained,in the end by leaving a cruel landlord, who had no pity for your unmerited poverty. Lady Leslie’s note will, I trust reach you to-morrow; but if not I will make up the loss; Therefore be easy I and when I g o away, may I have the contort of knowing that jmur z’Cmoval has dono you no harm V . 110 then, but not till then, had courage to write Lady Leslie, and tell her the whole truth; concluding his letter thus: “If your interesting proteges have not Buffered in their health, I shall not regret what has happened ; because 1 trust that it will be n lesson to mo through life, and teach me never to tell even the most apparently trivial white lie again. Hon unimportant this violation of truth appeared to me at the moment 1 and how sufficiently motived 1 as it was to avoid falling in your estimation ; hut it was, you see, overruled for ovil; and agony of mind, disgrace, and perhaps risk of life, were the consequences of it to innocent indi viduals ; not to mention my own pangs—the pangs of an upbraiding conscience. But forgive mo, my dear In ly Leslie. Now, how ever, I trust that this ovil, so deeply repented of, will bo blessed to us all;, but it will ho j will forgive myself.” Lady Leslie was delighted with this candid letter, though grieved by its painful details, while she viewed with approbation theomends which her young friend had made, and his modest disregard of his own exertions. The note arrived in safety j and Freeland left the afflicted couple better in health, and quite happy in mind ; as his bounty and Lady Leslie’s had loft them nothing to desire in a pecuniary point of view. When Lady Leslie and he mot, she praised his virtue, while she blamed his fault; and they fortified each other in the wise and moral resolution, never to violate truth again even on the slightest occasion; as a lie, wh6n told, howßver.nnimportant it runy attlid time appear, is lilso an arrow shot 'over a house, whose course is unseen, and may be unin tentionally the cause, to seme one, of agony or death. The Extempore Dad. Standing one night in one of those tinseled and prepared palaces of hell, which used to abound in the mountain towns* and were fre quented ns gamboling saloons,' a!sudden quar rel occurred at a faro table, and two men sprang up to fight... One was tho dealer, a large, dark visagod, sinister looking fellow, who was easily recog nized as a desperate character who had been conspicuous in more than, ono murderous af fray. The other was a square built heavily boarded, sharp eyed man, roughly dressed in the common mining habiliments, which were streaked with mud, just as he had coma from the' “ drift 1”. “ You are a thieving scoundrel 1” said the, latter, “ and a disgrace to oven your own in famous business. You are a d—d. thief, I say!” Instantly the other began to feel for a weapon ; but his hand was arrested by tho sharp gleaming of a large knife, close to his throat. “ Oh, you have struck the wrong customer .this time, you murderous.wretch," said tho miser. ‘‘Now, you’ll have a show to try your courage—l’m after you—you can bet I am.” • Tlio gamester grew pale, hut otherwise be trayed no symptoms of fear. It was directly agreed that the parties should' fight, each choosing his own weapon. To the amaze ment of the spectators, itfe-e miner determined to fight with his knife; while the. other pro duced a six shooter. . . Xhs parties took hold of the ends of a handkerchief, the oho with his pistol cooked and leveled, and the other with his knife drawn back over his shoulder. They stood thus for several seconds. .The people in the’ house fell back, seemingly .stupefied with the desperation of the encounter, and no one ventured to interfere. My blood chilled with horror, hut no one had the presence of mind,- or durst attempt any expostulation. The wort was, He had missed! ~ . With incredible, nerve his antagonist had moved at the instant the word was given, and the bullet crashed among the glass on the bar. Tho same moment the knife flashed ; some one touched tho man’s elbow anil the gloam ing blade went over the shoulder and tore down the back of his antagonist, laying open ing tho flesh to the bone. Tho fight was ended ; tho wounded man was carried off amind the shouts of the crowd who for a time had been paralyzed with astonishment and fear, A year afterward I saw the com batants drink together, and when one raised his glass, it was with his left hand.. The. other,remained a. helpless witness of the ex tempore duel. If any of the readers of the Mercury doubt the credibility of , this .little sketch, and should chance to visit the flourishing little town of -, thoir incredibility will give way on listening to the village gossip, who will point out tho place of encounter; and introduce them to Tom W , who is still there—a quiet citizen, well to do, in the prosperous avocation of a gold-miner, and looking as little as possible like a blood-seek ing desperado—which, in reality, he is not. But 1 would not care to do as General M’Clol lan threatened Stonewall Jackson—to “ push him to the vrt\U.”~Sunday'Mercury. Wisdom of Awarding More Praise. Bulwer thinks wo might praise move than wo do. lie says : “No one can deny that animals in general, and men in particular, are keenly suspcetible to praise. Nor is it n less common place truism, that the desire of approbation is at the root of those actions to which the interest of the societies they are held to benefit or adorn has conceded the character of virtue, and sought to stimulate by the promise of renown. Yet, in our pri vate intercourse with our fellows, there is no instrument of power : over theif affections or their conduct which ,wo employ witli so grudging a parsimony, as that which is the most pleasing and efficacious of all. AVe are ranch mors inclined to resort to its contrary, and, niggards of praiso, are prodigals of cen sure. For my own part, I think that, as a word of praise warms the heart toward him who bestows it and ineensibly trains him who receives it to strive after what it praiseworthy, and as our lessor faults may he' thus gently corrected by disciplining some counter-merits to stronger and steadier efforts to outgrow them—so it is, on the whole, not more plea sant than wise to keep any largo expenditure of' scolding for great occasions, and about with us, for the common interchange of social life, the argent depoche of ready praise. Scolding begets fear, praise nourishes love ; and not only are human hearts, as a general rule, more easily governed by love than by fear, but fear often leads less to the correction of faults and the struggle for merits, than to ward the cunning concealment of the one and the sullen discouragement of the other. But let me be understood. By praiso I do not mean flattery ; I moan nothing insincere. Insincerity alienates love, and rots away au thority, Praise is worth nothing if it be not founded on truth. But as no ono within the pale of the law lives habitually with miscre ants in whom there is nothing to praise and everything to censure —so the persons with whom a man tolerably honest is socially con versant must have some good points, whatev er he the number of their bad ones. And it is by appealing to and strengthening whatso ever is good in them, that you may gradual ly stimulate and train for the euro of what is evil, that tendency of nature which, in mind as in body, seeks to rid itself of ailments pernicious to its health in proportion as its nobler resources are called forth, and its nor mal functions are righted by being invigorat ed.’’ ID” It has often been truly remarked that in sickness there is no hand like a woman’s hand —no_ heart like a woman's heart—no eye so untiring—no hope so fervent. Woman by a sick man’s couch is divinity impersona ted. ’ K - Old ago is a relentless tyrant. * * ’ 1 ■ " ■ " , . ' , 1 1 CARLISLE, PA, THURSDAY, APRIL 9, 1863. SPEECH j -OF- , ,k HON. HIESTEII CfiYMER, OF BERKS'.COUNT Y,i, In the Senate of Pennsylvania, On the Resolution tendering, iheii use of, the Senate Chamber .to Jdx- John son and Wright. Fa t Pay, March C, 18G3. Mr. White submitted the following reso lution, which was twice read i ' Whereas, Governor Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, a bravo and loyal man} whose de votion to the Union is fully attested by his sacrifices and efforts in the cauho of h\s •country, and Ex-GovornOrifDseph A. Wright, a distinguished and patriotic citizen of the State of Indiana;’ are about to visit Harris burg and propose to’- address the'(people on the groat questions now agitating?jhc public mind and which are,pf.,so .much njomont to j the stability of the General Government; therefore ' • , Resolved, That General Andrew; Johnson, of Tennessee, and Bx-Governnr Joseph A. Wright, of Indiana, be and they are hereby tendered the use of the hall of t|io Senate this afternoon for the purpose of .addressing their fellow-citizens of Pennsylvania. The question before the SenatpSbeing on the adoption of the resolution; Mr. Lambcrton offered, the following amendment to the resolution :—to jldd to the resolution the words: “ and that use Of the hall of the Senate he likewise "extended to Major General George B. McClellan, in which to receive the hosts of Ins iidmiring friends of this, his native State ; am} that the Senate invite him to visit the State Capital for fbat purpose.” Mr. Lowry. I have but a single word to [ say, and I would not say it.had not the name I of George B. McClellan been introduced here at this time. The, name of George.B. Mc- Clellan and Andrew Johnson will go down to future generations, but those two liion will not be seen, in future time, as being arm in arm or breast to breast together. -They will go down in history upon the same page. Of one of them no eulogy ia needed. God and history aro just.. With reference to-Oeneral McClellan, F have only to say that the strong est and highest mark of his charqoter in Time’s holy history will be that yi’.ith the most finely equipped, best fed, nnd'ilie brav est army of men that ever stood on .the earth —one hundred and twenty thousand!, strong —he stood for eight long months ih.the pres ence of «,n enemy of forty thousand men with wooden guns. I hope . tl-at. itfcuc- 'cSiaes, from unclean hands. Mr. ClynicT said Mr. Speaker, on this doy, at this hour, in I this place; a groat issue is on trial, fraught | with the interests, not only of the present but of the future; ana iff, in the deoision of this issue, have acted a part, however unim portant; I shall hereafter look back to this day, to. this hour and to this place, with feol- j ings of no little gratification, The issue involved is not one of persons; it is one of high principle going back, to the foundations of the Government. It is, sir, whether the Ibyolty of the citizen is to be judged of by bis fealty and adherence to an administration ; or whether it is to bo deter mined by his fealty and adherence to the Government of the United Slates. In order to decide this question, it is nec essary to present this brief exposition of the situation of affairs—that without a Constitu tion there could have been no Government and no Union, and that unless there is fealty and adherence to that Constitution, there cim be no (rite loyalty to the Government find Union based pri it; That is the issue to be tried to-day. Disguise it as you may—at tempt to confuse it for party purposes, party reasons, and by party chicanery—the issue presented by every Republican Senator who has preceded mo in this discussion, is. that my loyalty is to bo tested, not by my adhe rence and devotion to the Constitution of the United States, but by my adherence to the administration of Abraham Lincoln, the present occupant of the Presidential chair! 1 I say to you, sir, I say to every Sopalo.-, I say it to the people whom I represent, I say’ it to the people of this Stato that there is no such test known "to the Constitution,. nor to any tribunal before which I, yon, they or any one can ever ho summoned to answer.— I repeat it that the Government ia founded, upon the Constitution; that the Administra : tion is a mere creature of that Constitution and that Government; and that were, in de fiance of that Constitution and the Govern- ment erected upon it, an Administration strays from its principles—strays from the pathways out by our ancestors through the rook of uncertainty and danger—tljon he only is a truly loyal man who uses every ef fort to bring back the Administration to the old beaten path which avoids the dangers of fauaticisra and error. That is the question to be tested here and now, in the vote upon this resolution. That is the question to bo decided ; and the people of this State, outside of these halls, will so consider it, and I now, ns heretofore, appeal to the people from whom springs all power, to sustain me, and those who may vote with me in deciding this question as best befits our. judgement under bur paths. What is the question presented? It is a proposition to invite Andrew Johnson, the so called Governor of Tennessee, to address the people of Pennsylvania from the Senate chamber of this State. I have various rea- sons for opposing this proposition. In the first place, I here boldly proclaim that ho is not at this hour and never has been, by the Constitution or under the laws, the Governor of the State of Tennessee, except when years ago, he was elected to that office by tho peo ple, I say, sir, that his appointment by the President of tho United States to that posi tion was a usurpation of power on the part of the President, and that there is no warant under the Constitution, no authority in the laws, for his appointment; and that every act which ho has assumed to'perform by vir tue of his unconstitutional and illegal ap pointment has been in derogation of tho fights of a sovereign State, and in flat viola tion of tho Constitution of tho United States. I say, sir, furthermore, that no such position ns military Governor of a State is known to tho Constitution of tho United States that there is nothing in that instrument winch authorizes tho President of tho United States to appoint a military Governor of any Stale —and that to make such an appointment was to create tho State of Tennessee a military province—and that his appointment was niado to carry out and subserve the purposes of tho present Administration, which is to reduce'all the States of this Union to the condition of mere dependencies of n consoli dated oligarchy or despotism, 'i'hat is my position, so far ns concerns' this protended Governor of Tennessee. Andrew Johnson has not been for years, and is not now, the , Qoyornor of that State l and I will never rec ognize him as such, by voting for this reso lution. But, sir. without regard to any ques tion of his official position, take Andrew Johnson as an individual, assuming that he , is rightfully clothed with the robes of office, and may constitutionally exercise the duties : of that high position ; even then, I say to you, Mg. Speaker, that I never by ray vote will allow a man to come into these halls and .from this place speak to the people of'this great State in support of what I know to bo illegal, unconstitutional and tyrannical note of the Federal Government. I know, sir, that Andrew Johnson has gone as far as the farthest, and is ready to go still further, to destroy, to uproot, to upturn every princi ple upon which this great and good Govern .ment of ours was founded, 1 know that he has bent with suppliant knee before the thrown of power ; I know that, for pelf or some other consideration, he has succumbed to every measure presented to him for appro val or disapproval; and I know that in speeches delivered in the capitals of. other States he has enunciated doctrines which, if abontod by the that great North, would bo subversive of individual freedom and personal right. Sir, by no vote of mine can any person holding such views address the people of Pennsylvania in this chamber. Never, sir, never, so long as I have a fight to forbid him. Let me, sir, test this question by contrast. Lot me ask the majority of this Senate, whether he who has lately been bap tized by the 1 votes of three hundred thousand men in the Empire Stale of this Union.—one of the greatest of living statesmen and most patriotic of men—Horatio Seymour—wheth-, or if that distinguished Governor were on his way from the East to the West, through this capital, ho would get a single vote from that. Republican side of this chamber permitting him to address his follow citizens in this hall? Not one—not one. "Would Joe Parker, the Governor of New. Jersey, elected by ikepeople'. get one vote for "such a purpose? Would David Turple. who by the votes alike people of Indiana is the successor, of one of the men, whom, by the resolution, it is proposed to have addressed us—would David Turple be permitted, by the votes of members oh the other side of this chamber, to ocoppv this hall for the purpose Of delivering an address ? Not one vote would ho receive. Yet ho is the chosen representative of the majority of the people of Indiana—unpin ted by their sanction, baptized by the majority of their votes. Not oho vote would he get, .and you know it. You, gentlemen on the Other side, fear the verdict of the people ; you have rea son to know what it means; and ho who comes to you clothed with all the glory of the popular will, bpt lately expressed, yon will cast off for a more hireling of federal patron age and power. . , Mr. Lowry. Is not the man of whom the Senator speaks a disloyal man ? Mr. Clymer. The people of Indiana have sent him to. the United States Senate, and who dare deny or question the choice of a sovereign State. But, sir ! who is the indi vidual whoso name we ask shall.be embraced in this resolution ? Who is ho whom we risk to'como here and receive the hospitalities of this State? He who next to him who was “first in war, first in pence and first in the hearts of his countrymen,” is the people’s idol—ho who amid doubt and gloom, upon more than one occasion, lias rescued order from anarchy—he who, upon more than one occasion has been the means of saving this Government—ho who lias the great heart of the greatest army upon this continent throb bing every day, every boor, every moment in unison with his own—MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN HI He, sir, has been denied the hospitality of a Legislative body in which you Republicans have a ma jority. You will not vote to fender him those hospitalities—and why? Because he too,is anointed not only by the voices of the groat people, but by the adoration of the hearts of the army of the Potomac. You will notpass such a resolution if his name is. to be inclu-' doth No, you who have the power now for a few months or years will not sanction any thing that savors of what the people desire. You are determined that they never shall be seen, never hoard, That is the determina tion which yon are acting out here and else where. I tell you; sir,-that those who have been disrobed and disowned by the people, who are the mere minions of executive power, and who submit to the subversion of the peo ple’s rights and liberties, I never will con sent shall speak from your chair to the peo ple of this State—never, sir, never! It is known to yon, • sir, whoso legislative experience in this hall extends back to a pe riod commensurate with my own, that I am not in the habit of wandering from the par ticular subject before the Senate to introduce general issues and extended arguments.— But, sir, this debate has been fftr diverted from the original question, ft has embraced all the subjects that could agitate the public mind at this time. If it had oven rested there. I should have remained content.— But gentlemen upon this floor have chosen to single mo out amongst the Democratic Sena tors here —and refer to the probable results of my action upon my own future. I, sir, am an individual—individuals ns compared with principles and great results are nothing. Principles and truth are eternal. Man is mortal and goes to his kindred dust; but if, sir, in his person, in his acts in public or in private life, he represents truth, he represents principle—if when power, passion or preju dice threaten to destroy tho rights of the people, he dare stand up in defence of them, he may die, he may go to his fathers blessed of unblessed. A llampden and others have illustrated this. They have gone down in gloom ; but they are now held up in bright ness and in glory ; and, sir, no matter what may become of me in regard to this day’s notion, I know that I shall bo sustained when tho passion and prejudice and violence of she hour have given way to tho sober thoughts which govern men when they are not bereft of reason. . I might in.this connection repel—repot in dignantly, repel with truth—the assaults that have boon attempted to bo made upon the great party with which I have tho honor to aot'i Ton, sir, wore here in April, 1861 ; you will recollect that when the first gun was fired upon Fort Sumpter, that that one shot fused tho groat heart of tho people of this State and presented it as a'wall of adamant against rebellion and treason at the South. You know that without stint, without measure, ;hat great heart, Democratic and Republican, poured out everything for a common purpose. You recollect that in July, 1861, when wo had been defeated upon the plans of Bull Bun, whoa the army of the Republic came into Washington with tattered banners—when there was fear and dismay there, here and elsewhere—when the Republic was tottering aud the President was almost a suppliant tor his place —you know there was no division of sentiment or fooling. You further know that in the Congress of the United States, on the 22d of July, after that defeat, a resolution was offered defining and setting for the ob jects of the struggle. You know that that resolution was adopted by a nearly unani mous vote. You know that in that hour of fear -and dismay, of trial and of danger, that resolution came as the voice of. hope from Heaven. It reassured the people; it told, them that this was to bo no visionary, no fa natical struggle, but it was to bo pursued for the purpose of sustaining the Constitution and restoring the Union of our fathers, and that when this object should be attained, peace would rein once more. What was the result? From the disorganized, helpless and beaten materials of that army, ho whom it is asked to-day to invite to the' Capitol of his own State, and to whom that boon is denied ( by Republican Senators, seized hold of those discordant materials, and with the hand and mind of genius, prepared them again to go upon the enemy. I will not trace his histo ry. It is written imperishably upon the an nals of the past; and it will,shine in those of the future. Blit I will turn for a moment to a period a year later, when another disas ter met our arms on the same field, and when the panic-stricken President and his advisors again crouched with fear within the walls of Washington, when they felt that the Goths and Vandals were at their gates, when they were providing for flight to some spot of safety, and when they felt that power and place were vanishing. Again in palsied fear they appealed to him when for party purposes they Inid degraded,-and again; like a true patriot, like one who never acts from sordid or improper motives, ho assumed the command of that routed and demoralized army, and in less than three weeks he had again organized it and had commenced the pursuit of the common enemy across the hills of Maryland and into a plain where many of those- who now hear mo met the ene mies of their country face to face. What did ho do? A second tiino ho saved the Re public—he saved it by snatching victory Out of theveryjaws of defeat, and! nowplace upon record the universal sentiment of every man who served under him, that if it had not been for the confidence of the army of the Potomac in General M’Clellan, Pennsylvania would have suffered an invasion which would have been destructive to the life and property of her people ; and yet Senators refuse to re ceive the protector and defender of the State in the halls of her Capitol. But what is the subsequent history of this matter ? Shattered and broken, his legions lay awhile for rest, to be clothed, to be fed, to bo restored to their wonted vigor; and then again ho was in pursuit of that enemy whom ho had Wet at Antietnm at South Mountain, and defeated. But, sir, when he was about to strike his blow, bo was again pursued by the miscre ants, who-wisbod to divert this war from thc purposes set forth in the resolution of July, 18G1, and dragged down from his position as commander of .the army. He ,loft it dispirit ed, broken hearted, dejected—obedient, it is true but without nerve, without vigor, with out power. He left it at the dictation and command Of the ultra Abolitionists of the North. George B. M’Clellan was not an Abo- j litionist and th erefore //«wasnoia General ! t ! | The remaining history oftliat campaign is wri ton in blood and in disaster. But, sir, twill te you that along the camp fires of the Potomac at night, no soldier goes to sleep without praying God for blessings upon the head of his old commander ; and oh 1 sir, if those in power,could summon the resolution to cast behind them the prejudices and the passions of those who do not wish to see this Union restored unless slavery bo abolished, that noble commander would bo put again at the . head of that army and ho would crave our victory and would bring back to us once more triumph and peace and Union. I know it, they know it, you gentleman, know it; and if you had the manhood which you should possess, you would bj joint resolutions speak this truth to the powers that be aud make them hear you ! Mr. Speaker, it may be proper for me at this time to state what I believe to be the pur poses of the great party with which I have the honor to act. In the words of another, who from his exalted pbsition has a right to speak, I will tell you “that the Democratic party has never agreed, does not now agree, and. have no intention of agreeing in future to a dissolution of the American Union and I will say to you further, that wo' propose to accomplish the preservation of the Govern ment and the Constitution by the union of the sword with ike olive branch. For those who will resist the power of the Government-—not the power of the Administration, not its un constitutional acts, but the power of this Gov- ernment rightfully administered under the Consiihdioii —we have the sword. For those who are willing to submit to its benign, its healthful and its peaceful sway’ we will hold out the olive branch of peace. And here I will say to you, sir, (and in saying it [ feel that I express the opinion of the great Demo cratic party of this State,) that we believe and will ever believe that the laws which have been passed by the Congress just ended—the confiscation and other aots : —have steeled the heart of the people of the South—there is no such thing as a Union man left in those States now engaged in rebellion, and wo, toll you that wo intend to melt the heart of that peo ple by repealing your unjust, your unconsti tutional laws, and when it is melted we expect out of that heart to bring ponce and happi ness to tlie people North and South, IVe say to you, Mr. Speaker, that wo do not believe it is in the power of twenty millions of men to subdue and bring back that people, unless you have among them allies who are attached to your cause, devoted to the principles of the Constitution and its guarantees, and desiring its protection—that you can never, never ex terminate or subjugate them. But wo tell you, sir,that if you will do only what the Constitution and the principles springing from it demand, on every hill and in every valley there will bo raised up allies for our assistance. The leaders who desire place and power may bo against us, but when the people of the South, recollecting the glo ries of the past, and looking to those ol the future, feel that every right is to bo guaran teed, every privilege restored to them, then, as I believe in my Uod, I believe that they will come back to the Constitution of the old government and to the old Union. I toll you now, Mr. Speaker, that all the blood, nil the treasure you have spent or may spend, will bo in vain, unless you repeal the unconstitu tional, oppressive, tyrannical laws which were enacted by the last Congress, and I will say in passing-that I believe (the Supremo Arbiter being my judge) that if that Congress had never mot, or if, having met, they had simply voted appropriations and dissolved, leaving the whole question to be settled under the resolution adopted in July, 1801, this con test would ore now have been settled, and at this day we would bo enjoying unity, peace and amity. Upon the heads of those men who enacted those unconstitutional and dam- liable laws, and did everything in their pow er to combine the southern heart against us —forever bO the curse of the blood and mourn ing that fill this land. If the demon of de struction and of hate—if the father of evil himself could have been , there dictating their counsels, actuating them to deeds which must result in the utter dismemberment of this Union, ho could not more thoroughly have effected his hellish purpose than; it has been effected by the dominant mojority in the Sen ate and in the House during the last Congress. And when the history of those times comes to.be written, (and I pray to Sod that the historian of this era. may not be obliged to write of.the decline and fall of the American Republic, but that he may only write of its trials past and present and of its future great ness,) ho will record the hour when the na tion came so near to desolation and death, and he will ascribe the disasters of that hour to the unremitted, persistent, diabolical machi nations of abolitionists in and out of the last Congress. Such a historian, if ho has tho .philosophy of Hume—if he has his far seeing penetration and can trace effects from causes, cannot fall in the contemplative hour of tho future to say what I say at this moment, that to them solely and sheerly belongs tho terri ble calamity that still darkens and enshrouds, this land. In conclusion, sir,;what do wo propose to declare by voting against this res olution? We propose te say that no one who lias been the instrument, the partaker, tho supporter of these tyrannical, these unconsti tutional, these arbitrary measures which have fused the southern heart and divided our own. shall ho heard from the capital of this State. We propose to say that wo will not listed to hini as a body representing, tho people of this State; we propose to say that the verdict ot the people ■of .the State at the last election was against aljjSuoh damnable heresies. Wo moan to toll you, gfcntlefhen, that although wo have not a majority here, wo have it oh. tho other side ot this nail, and wo have it among tho people. 'We mean to tell you that that majority counted by three thousand last year will bo ten times three thousand at tho nest election. We mean to tell you that.wo are going to bring yen back to tho cause of the Constitution and Union, Wo'moan to tell you that we are' going to use tho sword and the olive brunch in settling this difficulty— that whether North or South, 1 wo will use the sword upon those who are opposed to tho Constitution—that wo will hot allow any per son, whether in tho South or in the. North, to disobey, to disregard, to ignore,or toset at defiance the Constitution of the United States. We moan, te tell you that the same law which is to bo obeyed at the South is to. be obeyed at the North. The people are with us, and by the grace of God and the voice of the people, before nine months roll around we shall have it in oiir power to put in exe cution all that wo say. [G reat applause aud hisses.]; ■ - ■ ■’ '. “ THE BIBLE AND BUILETS.’* Biot at Calumet, Lid., Incited by an Abolition Preacher—One Democrat Kitted anil Two Wounded—lntense Excitement Prevailing —More Bloodshed Anticipated* At Galmut, a town of some five hundred inhabitants, situated on tho Michigan South ern railroad, near the crossing of the Michi gan Central railroad, in Porter county, Rev. Captain William Copp was announced, to speak on Monday evening, the 2d inst. .The . evening came, and with it the speaker. The audience gathered. The speaker took the stand ; opened the Biblo before him; unbut toned nis coat; took from his side-pocket a navy revolver, which he deliberately placed by the side of the Sacred Book, and announced that his subject would be “ The Bible and Bullets." The audience was a large one for that place, and composed of Democrats and Re publicans*, expecting, when they came togetln er, to hear the truth from a'divine who had been in the service. They expected that he, at least, would dbal justly to all men— ‘.‘nothing extenuate or aught set down in malice but what was their . astonishment when, after a brief introductory, to hear him propose to take a vote of the meeting, to see now many of those present would “ assist in hautiing the Copperheads.of that county.”— At this juncture the Democrats withdrew to the street, where the Abolitionists followed them, assaulting them with pistols, knives, bludgeons, and, in short, with everything available—instantly killing Robert Lake and seriously wounding Muihill and Thomas Mooney, In that immediate vicinity the most intense excitement prevailed, and more bloodshed is anticipated before the affair is ended. Tho Democracy of that vicinity arc not the attacking party ; they stand on the defensive, and the consequences of inaugurating civil war at home rest upon tho Republican or abolition party, .hissed on by one who has professed to bo a teacher of tho nrecepfs of “ the meek and lowly Jesus.” The respon sibility of what follows is with them, and the blood of Robert Lake is upon tho skirts of this clerical hypocrite. But this is not all to this allray, this same demon Copp, spoke at Valparaisp, in the same county, announc ing the same subject, and bluntly asking how many of those present were ready and willing t to assist in hanging “ Buell Starr, Samuel J. Anthony, F. Y. J. Morrificld, Judge Wood ruff and David Oaks,” live .of the most prom incut and wealthy citizens of Valparaiso, whose poly crime is £imt of sustaining the Constitution. Upon the vote being put, about two-thirds of the audience arose to their foot, when the estimable lady of one of the man assailed withdrew; and it is only the love of law and order by the people of Valparaiso that saved this white craviited miscreant from dangling from a limb of one of the trees that adorn that beau tiful court bouse square. How long must these things bo tolerated t How lung will the people bo compelled to toler ate the canting of such base hypocrites and demagogues? Upon what evil times have wb fallen, when men, under the garb of religion walk to and fro through the earth, stirring up strife and inciting bloodshed, instead of counselling love and mercy f Are ourrights ns freemen, guaranteed by the Constitution, to be basely trampled beneath the feet of abolition crusades, the laws of our country desecrated, and the pulpit and the Bible made subservient to the ends and aims of despots and tyrants? Is there no more protection to the rights of freemen in this country? And must wo tamely submit to be shot down, in cold blood for daring to choose our own po litical faith ? I would not counsel resistance to any of the laws of our country. As good citizens and patriots, wo must'obey the laws; but, whan assaulted in open day, it is surely our right to act in self-defence. Democrats'will not bo the attacking party, but if these as saults ore continued, “ forbearance will cease to bo a virtue,” and blood will flow at homo as it has on the battle field. VTa hope those things will not bo ; but,, unless Republicans wish it, they must stop their mad career.’ NO.-43. A few days previous
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