VOL. 49. TOLUNMr: rUBLISIItID EVEUY THURSDAY MOimiKO BY JOHN B. B,BATT®W‘. ■ ’ ' 1’ EE ft £•. ■ 'simMOTFWo'K- —Ono Dollar and Fifty Coiitt, fivid i,„„,lvanuo; Two D"llars if paid within tho year; ' i Two Dollars and Fifty Cents, if not paid wit|nn if, Tlioso terms will bo rigidly adhered to in i -en instance. No subscription discontinued until ; -.pi hrropragoS’ato paid unless at tho option of tiro 'riliutr. -.. ■ _ . , ■ AnviinfisKMßNTS— Accompanied by the bXsd, and ! , exceeding ono square,:will ho inserted three ■'•iincs'fdr'Ono n,tia twority-fivo oonts.for each insertion. ’.Those.of a greater length in ‘oroportion. * ,' ' .' ' • Toii-l v iil*fTlNU —Suoh ns Iland-hills, Posting-hills, P'oiiiihlots, - Bianits, Labels, Ac. Ac., executed with ecisiraijy .Snd at tho shortest notice. i , |MruL' VlirPrcsiilciit’s Emancipation Proclartialloft 'iphis unwise, unconstitutional and impolitic Jiimx-in'on't on the,part of President Lincoln, juystlio 'Patriot and Union , has cast a deep ‘l „, m over the spirits of all the real-friends ■of the. Onion and the Constitution-. They see in it the'settled determination of the Presi dent to cast, away Uie last vestiges of Consti tutional obligations by which, he has hitherto mofessed tone guided, and pluugo boldly and imully into the 'boundless oilcan of Abolition fanaticism -by which he is surrounded, lie lias yielded to .the councils of Sumner and Wilson and LoVojoy and Stevens, and prn i-h.iiiri'il as -a part of the laws of this nation, ciou-i uu'i its Whicb have been declared iinpon sliuitloVnil, arid pronilunCod .-mischievous to. the last degree, not only by Domdcfa'ts, hut al-o by such, loyal and conservative statesmen ■as Senator Cow’ati, of this Slate, and others of cqu.d learning, patriotism-, loyalty, and dovo : tiim to the Union, the Constitution and the enforcement of the laws. And what position dues the President now occupy in the estima tion of all loyal and conservative citizens ? Instead of being the protector-and defender of the Constitution, and therefore qualified from that high point-.to demand ip the-name of the Constitution that. till men; .shall obey that great chart of the people’s iiation.V lifc : —ho, has placed on an .(•quality witli the infractors of that instru ment, anil is, bko them, amenable to a na ihm-’.s justice. And in this matter President biaeiibl has not (urtqd Without full knowledge u.- to whu! oiieet if will hi|,vo upon tlie Union muse. He knows that the passage of .sucli lilts us these-which are' now,officially prn vlidmed. end the army ordered to enforce, at. 'dfo V»bif of die bayonet, linked with his Hor ■ilcr .fiiah! emancipation scheme, drove the Tiiat rui forces ou t of Kentucky and Tenues-’ . SM' ;i rut addl'd thousands of troops to the ’rebel' ktiuv before Richmond. All those things are. Umvu to the President, ands»t‘!n the very . «*fv.i: ebon the tide of war is ..turning in , fiiv.ir nl thfi tjuion forces, lie again.issues ah' i i/av Aholiilnn manifesto to,disgust tlio-army-.i ~< l wpij;it;,..th.e-.{r l Jj’if; 'jtlie -|^si u t 1 ; Kiii.tiiii',;destroy those that remain".!!!'the slave; •States; and gfvo fresh hope, oourngo dqd'en (luran.ee to the rebels in arms against the Fed 'crnl authority. But wa have no space to follow this matter further to-day. That task is for a near fu ture, when we shall show how, and to 1 what ; nn alarming extent, President Lincoln has vi olated that Constitution which ho is sworn to uphold, defend and protect, and the evil com sequences which must ‘inevitably follow the proclamation just issued; In the meantime 1 we implore tho conservative men of the na tion to present a united'front to that flood-tide of fanaticism and disregard of-t-ho Constitu tional rights of American ditizcuK which this proclamation of tiro President will pour over Alio land. The danger is imminent when •President Lincoln-can deliberately publish such a proclamation as that to which we have referred. Proceedings or the Last Session of 'Con gress.—The Clinton Democrat, gives the fol lowing iis the proceedings of tho last session of Congress—“not copied from the record, but put down according to’our receollootion, .and warranted correct in tho main.’* We doubt whether the proceedings copied faith fully from tho record would show the last sos sion of the Abolition Congress in any more favorable light:. 1. An act in relation to niggers. ■2. An act to emancipate niggers. •3. An act to prohibit what-dye-oall-it in, tho Territories. _4. An act to abolish what-dye-call-it in the District of Columbia. 5. An act concerning niggers. ■ 6. An act to confiscate niggers. _7. An act to anticipate the wives and ba bies of contrabands. 8. An act to emancipate niggors who fight for the Confederacy. 9. An act to make ’em fight for tho Union. 10. An act to make freed niggors love work. IX. .An act to educate said niggers. 12. An act to make paper wdrth more than gold. 13. An act to make a little more paper 'worth ’more than a good doal'moro gold, 14. An act to free somebody’s niggers. 1 15. An not in relation to said niggers.. 10. An act to make white folks squeal, otherwise known ns the Tax Bill,' 17. An "act authorizing the President to draft white folks. 18. An act authorizing the President to Win negroes. ,19. An net to giro us a little more paper. 20. An act concerning niggers. 21, An act to mako omnibus tickets a legal lender. 2 An act to compensate Congressmen for their influence in obtaining contracts. -3. An not authorizing the issue of more omnibus tickets. *•‘l. An act declaring white men almost ns gone ns niggers, if they behave themselves. (Laid on the table.) .“*• act to repeal that clause of the Con- Stato 11 10 admission of new tution UCt t 0 re P 10 rC£ d °f Uio Consti- tn'?’ R° s °kitions pledging the Government * ol ' emancipated niggers. hn»i- n .^ ut authorizing tho President to any lor said niggors. (Wont under.) SO - a n a , ct . to con fi B oato things, tliin,™ ■ 80 * ut ' ons explaining, that some other lu >> gs nro notnicant! 30' , nct * n relation to niggors. S 3 * n ao f to ma ' :o niggors white. fl‘l' a aot *° lllft ko ’ora a little whiter, top. ’ u act t 0 111 ako thorn a good deal whi- 35 A • 36 aU a °s ' n r() lation to contrabands. THE SIOUX ABOLITIONISTS. Hon Tbaddebs Stevens, -whom the radical organs endorse as- “bold and true,” having 'boon renominated for tho next Congress, re sponded hi a Speech from which the following ‘is an extract';. , • “ Abolitionl” Abolition —yes S abolish eve rything'bn the face of the earth but this Un ion ; free every slave—slave every traitor— burn every "rebel mansion, if these tilings bo necessary to preserve this temple of freedom to thc world and to ourpostority. Unless we do this we cannot conquer them. I have spo ken thus in Congress—and in the. last week, after a few remarks of mine, tho vote was 84 to 42—84 agreeing with me, whore a year ago not fifty could have been found; and if Of go .back there again, if we have any one left to fight by that time, ilia whole nation, 'frill be with mo I Either we must pursue that poli cy, or the war will be disgracefully aban doned at last and our country divided—and bo is a traitor who talks of sepaj-atibn on any terms!, ' . It is quite time the civilized anti Christian North overwhelmed in Wrathful indignation these atrocious and bloodthirsty doctrines, and all who advocate them. Certain Ameri ca-hnting Englishmen assert that, as a race, we lire receding from tile European standard, of civilization, ami are first 'developing the barbarous and cruel instincts of the savages who occupied this continent .before us. Hu miliating jis this is to pur Just pride as 'a peo ple, it is almost substantiated by the exist ence of a party among ns wliioh has had much to do in controlling tho legislation of the coun try; that is continually clamoring for a ser vile war; for lotting loose the mad passions of an infuriated soldiery upon innocent and helpless non-combatants, and who openly call for pillagp anti atrocity,as nil effoclnal'tftaans of cPiiduetiiig'h war. There tire men iii dtir present Congress, some of whom are high, in the confidence of the Administration, whose proper place should bn in the wigwams of the .savages who have just been slaughtering our countrymen in Minnesota;. , If the dream oft his revengeful, faction WeTe realized, and the blacks rose upon tlie help less women and children at the Smth, it would stop the war on the part of the North iti a month, and divide the Union forever.— Tlie whole world would stand aghast at tlie ■atrocities that would inevitably be committed, and,-asin. the ease of the Sepoy rebellion,-the symplitiliics dfqi’n mankind Would be with the master and suporiorraoe. ■ > Let it bo understood, once for all, thii'fiyar is always the most successful with the most, nqd not with the least, civilized nation. It is a vulgar and'mischievous error that brutal men and brutal' methods succeed best in cam paigns ami.battles. The vely Contrary is iho fact, and wo can only beat the South by , a display of superior moral ns well ns of sup'e-' rior physical power. As for Mr. Stevens, ho is terriblynriatakon if he Supposes that he ami his Sioux associ ates in Congress will be endorsed at the com ing elections. AVo verily believe that a storm is gathering.destined' to swoop them out of public life never to bp beard of nyiro, except in (be < 'lbeyV'Sidll'Si'ligure as 'tbo wretched Avar and the, chief impediments to its successful close.— N. Y. World, a Repub lican paper. .. lIOPI®I/t JiEGIUI OUrB.IGE. Trora the Unientown, Pa., Genius of Liberty.] ; AA r e have hcaid of several attempts by ne groes to commit outrages upon white women in this county, but have said nothing about them, because wo were not'furnished with particulars, but the one we notv relate is 'en tirely reliable, having received tlio'lrifdf illa tion-from Mr. John C. Craft himself, who is a wealthy and respoctabld oitiZen, of,Redstone township, in this county. On the 2Gth ult., after dinner, Mr. Craft and his sons wont out into the fields to work, and tho hired girl went to a neighbor’s house, leaving Mrs. Craft, a lady of fifty-six years of age, alpno in the house. About 2 o’clock P. M., a negro man unobserved, entered the room where Mrs., Craft was, and violently sfeized her, declaring his hellish purpose in tho plainest and most vulgar language, . and handling her in the most brutal and savage manner of which ho was capable, tearing lice clothes nearly off, her cap off, and the hair out of her head, choked her severely, and bruised her neck, and arms very much. i Ho finally relaxed his hold with one hand which gave her partial liberty, and she suc ceeded in getting hold of a butcher knife and stabbing him with it in the left, hip, which caused him to release her, and she made her escape, and ran to the field to oall her hus band and sons, who in company with their neighbors, hunted the neighborhood for sev eral days but could'not succeed in capturing the villain or hearing anything of him. He was rather a small negro, very black, and had very largo lips,, and was dressed in a gray roundabout and black hat. He swore several times that this was their day-, and they in tended to make good use of it, and also said Unit he had boon told to go to that house and do just as he pleased. Hopes are entertained that lie may be discovered by tho wound in tho loft hip, as the blood ran upon'the floor before he got out of the house. : This negro is probably one of the recent runaways, or “ freodraen,” from the South. They have boon taught by the Abolitionists to expect the largest liberty in the North, and, accordingly, when they come, they pro ceed to exercise their fancied rights in the manner above described. Within the last two years there have been very frequent out rages of this kind committed by negroes, ow ing to the fact that tho negro population of tho North has been greatly increased within that time. If tho Abolitionists succeed in their scheme of liberating and letting loose upon us the whole four millions of Southern slaves, those insufferable outrages will become so frequent that-we shall bo compelled to declare a war of extermination against tho brutal and beastly blacks, whom their friends, tho Re publicans, desire to raise to an equality with tho white race. Tho white race must and will defend itself, in whatever manner may bo necessary, against these atrocious results of Black Republicanism. If a war of races becomes necessary, in order to protect our wives and daughters from these hellish out rages, and our laboring men from tho ruinous competition of tho hordes of negroes coming among us, it will be resorted to, and then good-bye, black man, and farewell (or fare bad) negro equality advocates. (HT* The Republicans “no party” cry, re minds us of the Irishman who took a tavern stand to keep “in common” with anothe one. They leased it with tho engagement that they should havo tho profits and good will. At tho end of a year, they motetogether, to share tho proceeds, when Paddy sma s b(Mj,ko( “Now, Mickey, dear, we’ll divide evtmTl’ll take the iroflts and ye take the good wrill.” That is Just the way tho Republioanmdo with their ,no-party" arrangement. Thoyuvant to have all tho offices, and let us tako thA*‘good-will.” “ OUR COUNTRY—MAY XT ALWAYS BE RIGHT-BUT, RIGHT OR WRONG, OUR .COUNTRY.’’ Arouse, Democrats! Make One Grand Effort In Belialf of Freedom, Yoar Uounlry and Yourselves. “ Who would be free, themselves mpst strike the blow.” Let every man remember that it is truer now than 'over, “ power is continually stealing from 4116 many to the few," and that evCry effort is being made by “ placemen” and renegades from their form er political associates to keep themselves in power, ao longas our suffering country alfbrds plundbr. ~ ■, Democrats o'n yo'u devolves the~localoubly great mission of rescuing our country from ■present'anarchy and prospective ruin. The Constitution of the Federal Union, the organ ic laW -df the laud, is sbt at defiance by Se cessionists on, tiro ono vide, fend set at naught by.Dismiiooists on tho other. No sane man will controvert this—no truly loyal raan.will fail to combat both species of trai tors. We need not fell you that tho Demo 'Cratio party is the duly party now in exist ence in the country Which is not. sectional, This proposition is too plain to admit of argu ment. AVc would here remind you, of a very pregnant fact, namely : that the leading se cessionists, as a sine qua .'non to success, first dismembered, dishrganfeed . anil effectually iifvidell the Democratic party, well knowing that unless that first public calamity were effected, they would not bo able to accomplish their object, and that treachery to your time honored, patriotic party would bo but the prelude and pave the way to treason to .your, country, . Those derelict quondam Democrats of the South, were well aware ‘thrt't abolitionists; bhude Republicans, and their hired, tools, would leave n’o means untried to.cover with popular suspicion the Democrats of the Free ■‘States, so that by the prolongation of'tho civil discord, much money might be made by tho miserable nootionalists. . Hence Dbmotsritts, ydO, and the men in wllhui ydulliiVe confidence, are subjected to the. daily falsehoods of every craven whipster who .can gain access to; tho revolutionary, treasonable and-venal organ* of the:aholition ists, those editorial slaves, Who do their, mas ter’s bidding, that they may heap.up gold find live -in .luxurious east*, at the expense of hon est, hard working white men. But “ oppres-, sion shall nut always last.”, Tho day of re demption is qoming on :i|-iicb j -af redemption from the reign of as besotted, fanatical, igno rant;, malevolent and mercenary : a Crew as over marauded, under cover of the broken law, and under the shadow of . a battered -Constitution, .on'tlie hlootl-bdtight rights of American white freemen ! Amuse, thou, Demoerats tivery whore, and prepare for the coming contest. Your breth-' ven -ore already i nth e - battle ficlil, engaged in tlie wav witli the 'Secessionists'. Do you imitate their example. and to-day take tho political field against the Disunioniets, whom you shall soon meet at tho ballot, box, the freeman’s quiet preventative of revoK’ion. Heard ye not that -mumbleiV.whlsperdf the maudlin inebriate,, qy’ithf) tjjb.bqfing djrigve running int&foHy’s. ; th L jif ivyb,jsli;if : 'abiSn.'Die rnffiratsy when you are threatened with a- bastard ■Black lie'piihlic&n monarchy ? AVhat is meant by this ? Say, has not the country at largo have not the decent, respectable white ftien of the laud—our free laborers, mechanics, agri culturists, manufacturers, merchants, capital ists and hanks made .sacrifices enough for. tho privileged few who have coined wealth out of the brains, blood, sculls and veins of the poor Democratic soldiers who have lost.their pre cious lives guarding the national treasury from the inroads of secession robbers, -while, Jin safety, thus 'protected, "disunion thieves have perloinod at leisure ? Is it not enough that the whole land is filled with the wailings ami the woes of the innocent, who have suffer ed extreme tortures, that execrable villainy, under the guise of intense loyalty, might filch its very vitality from the public, exche quer ; but must Democrats, in this crisis day, lie called on to prevent an effort on tho part of the knaves and loliaties, to perpetu ate rascality by anew machinery^—by a some thing between a Black Republican Monarchy and an Abolition Despotism. „ Washington, Jefferson, Jackson, Clay, AYeb ster, Douglas!—if -Democrats wore not tlie true lovers of their country, and their whole country, and determined, because destined, to snatch political power from imbecile, polluted hands, we niiglit expect you to leave your graves for some country whore honor is awake if liberty is slumbering. —Democratic Leader, LOOK TO COSCBESS. The vast importance of tho ensuing Con gressional elections is fully set forth in tho 1 following oxtraol of an article from tho New York Herald of Thursday last. Although specially intended for tho people of tho great State of New York, it is equally applicable to Pounneylvania, and to no portion of her citizens more so than the people of Cumberland County. Wo trust it will bo road and reflec ted upon by all parties: “ Tho elections for ‘members of Congress, which take place in November, demand the undivided attention of the country, We re gard those Congressional elections this year as of more importance than any which have been held for the past fifty years. Upon them depends in a great measure the integrity, the very existence of the country. Tho radical Congress now in power taught us most thor oughly, by tho bitter results of its last session, the power and the influence of Congressional action during a crisis like this. This Con gress, during a single session, nearly accom plished tho ruin of the nation. There never was collected a more wicked, silly, revolu tionary body of crazy fanatics. When they at last adjourned the whole country gave a deep sigh of relief, and thanked God that the worst was over. If Jeff. Davis himself had drawn up tho measures which they passed they could not have done the Union cause more injury. By their diabolical intrigues they have brought upon tho country every disgrace and disaster which has visited our armies in tho field. Under the lead of Sum ner,Wilson, Fessenden, Lovejoy, Chandler and the other abolition radicals, they succeed ed in befooling weak members of the Cabinet and imposing upon the simple good nature of the President, until they had marred the plans and interfered with the commands of our ablest and most patriotic generals.; This accomplished, they deliberately proceeded to stop enlistments, and thus enable the rebels to outnumber our armies in every important engagement during the war. Again and again they interfered to prevent tho capture of Richmond, and at last loft MoOlollan’s ar- . my to molt away in tho swamps of the Chiok ahominy, while they purposely held back re inforcements which wore not needed else where, and which would have saved the Ar my of tho Potomac, and given it the triumph : which it . could almost reach, bat was net < CARLISLE, PA., THURSDAY, OCTOBER % 1868. strong enough tocompletbly secure. A crime like this can never bo'forgotten or Forgiven. But the damning record of the prcscnfOon gress does not end hero; During all this time its members were exasperating even the most unwilling rebels, arid iritOnsiifying the trea son of trie rebel chiefs :by unceasing har angues and debates about dho inevitable ne gro;-and they completed; their mischief by the passage of on, unconstitutional Confisca tion and Emancipation bill, the obvious and immediate effect of Which was to transform every Northern man into'a fiend in the eyes of the rebels.. Even after their adjournment; these Congressmen, did not cease their bloody Work, bur incessantly harassed our generals in the field, and prevented Pope’s reinforce ment when ho was 6 battling with the whole rebel army in desperate endeavors to check the advance upon 'Washington. And now, when* the rebels have invaded the border States, these Congressional demons of discord are again at Washington; to inveigle the Sec retaries of War, of the Treasury and of the Navy, and to gain the ear of the President, Who could ns safcly liatcn to the counsels and advice of ,the arch rebel himself. A more in famous record can hb shown of no men since the tirrto of Addas. The question is, arc these Wretches tobe sent hack to Congress to repeat their exploits ? The.,people have the oppor tunity to answer this; cj'uostioii at tho; ballot box in November. IFit'.Jjo answered, in the ■affirmative, then nothing short of a stupen dous miracle can save the: country. If it ho answered in tho negative, then conservative nicn will he sent to Congress, who will do as much good with their powerful Opportunities as tho radicals have done harm by their intermed dling, intrigues arid evil .legislation. Upon the next Congress hinges the fate of tho rcr public, and its action will probably ho de cisive one way or the other. WJio Defeated the Critlonden Compromise This is a most important question at the present time, for it is how. conceded that if the Crittenden Cora promise had been adopted by Congress and submitted to the people, the desolating, war, in whichtho,country is now engaged, would have been avoided. But the Republican party, its lertders and its Repre sentatives hi Congress, were determined that no compromise should' lie. submitted to the people! 'They voted against the Crittenden Compromise' measures in, Congress, and de-' feated them, and they arh responsible for the failure of this patriotic .jlnd humane effort to prevent a bloody,Oonfliei.in, this country, In proof of this position the evidence is so full’ and unmistakable, the facts so plain and ap parent, that all must ht; convinced who will look at the official record' on. the subject. . .Hero is the vote by .which the Crittenden Resolutions were defeated. At will bo seen every Republican in Hie ' Senate voted against than. • Yeas—Messrs. -Bayard, Bigler, Bright, Crittenden, Douglas, frWi.ti.lluntor, Johnson ■of /IV.nnoSsoc, sotiii^ioholson,' Anthony, Binghamf Chandl lor, Clark, Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessen den. Foot, Foster, Grimes, Harlan, King, Morrill, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, and AVilson—2o. In order tliat the loyal and patriotic men I of this section may understand the ininortance of these Resolutions, and what would have been the efiectof their ready and honest adop tion by the. Representatives'from the North ern States, we call attention to the following extracts from the speeches of Senator Pugh of Ohio, and Senator Douglas of Illinois de livered on that . occasion. Senator Pugh said:— “The Crittenden proposition has been in dorsed by the almost unanimous Tote of the Legislature of Kentucky. It has boon in dorsed by the Legislature of the‘noble old Commonwealth of Virginia. It has been pe titioned for by, a larger number of electors of the United States than any proposition that was ever before Congress. I believe in my heart to-day, that it would carry an overwhelm ing majority of the people of’ my State ; ay, sir, and of'nearly every State in the Union. Before the Senators from the State of Mississip pi left this chamber, 1 heard one of them who now assumes at ,least 'to be President of the Southern Confederacy, propose to accept it and maintain the Union i f that proposition could receive the vote it ought to receive from the oth er side of this chamber. Therefore, of all your propositions, of-all‘your amendments, knowing as I do, nnd knowing that the histo rian .will write it down, at any’ time before the Ist of January, d. two-thirds Vote for the Crittenden resolutions in this chamber would have saved every State in the Union but South Carolina.' Georgia would bo hero, by her representatives, and Louisiana also—those two great States which at least would have broken the whole column of secession.—(P. 1380, Globe.) On the same subject Senator Douglas spoke as follows: “ The Senator (Mr. Pugh,) has said that if the Crittenden proposition could have been passed early in the session, it would have saved all the States except South Carolina. I firmly beliovo.it would. While the Critten den proposition was not in accordance with my cherished views, I avowed my readiness and eagerness to accept it in order to save the Union, if wo could unite upon it. I can con firm the Senator’s declaration that Senator Davis himself, when on that Committee of Thirteen, was ready, at all times, to Compro mise on the Crittenden proposition. I will go further and say that Mr, Toombs was also,” — (P. 1831, Globe.) Prom these facts two important positions are fully sustained ; first, that the Critten- I den Compromise was defeated by Republican Quotes, and, second, that the adoption of those Compromise resolutions would have saved to the Union every Southern State, with perhaps the single exception of South Carolina. This the Republican Senators were told, this they knew, nnd yet because they wore pledged to | the Chicago Platform and opposed to slavery, they said “ lot the Union slide,” nnd defeat ed the Crittenden Compromise. The result of their action bn that occasion is before the country written in characters of blood, nnd the people at the coming election will hold thorn responsible for this wilful sacrifice of all the best interests of the country on the al tar of partisan hate and political ronoor. Iho Crittenden Compromise was defeated by Be publican votes, nnd by this act they proved that to them the supposed welfare of a few negroes was of more importance than the Union, tho Constitution, and the peace, happi. ness and prosperity of thirty millions of white men. Py thole own acts lot them bo judged, LETTER FROM JAMES W. WALL ON ARBITRARY ARRESTS. , BnauNnioN’Sept. 20. - *to the Bnl'toß. op the AVoht.n : —Your omission to allude to the case of tho Maryland officials now in oonfioment at Forts Lafayette and Warren hardly suprised mo ns much ns tho tone and sentiment of jour editorial of Saturday, attempting to justify that omission. Your effort in tho outset of that editorial to draw a distinction between acts committed by the Government Within tmd ‘ outside of thoir military jurisdiction is hardly sound—in legal parlance, " it will not go on all fours.” To admit such a distinction would be tantamount to admitting a power, in the executive head of this Government, to establish an unlimited military despotism anywhere and everywhere in the free States of tho North. Admit the existence of such a distinction, and tho execu tive head of this nation has only to advance the military lines to any point within-the free States of tho North, and from that moment, according to the singular logic of your edito rial, every citizen may bo subjected to a dos potisih without limit, and entirely beyond his control. Tho aegis of the Constitution is re moved from neforo him, and he stands naked and exposed to all the shafts of despotism. Thus, stop by step, military district after military district being established, would the citizens find their liberties encroached upon, i until finally one absorbing, unlimited despo tism would engulf their present form of gov ernment.. If I believed that such a, power existed in the President of the United States, then "I would welcome the day that should usher in-its ruin.- It would bo better for tho advancement of the world’s civilization that such a government should bo utterly annihi lated. .Your error consists in this, that'you suppose martial law exists in this country, whereas it is not known or recognized, and has been repudiated when its exercise was at tempted. Martial law, remember, is not military law ; it is hot “a rule prescribed” —it exists in tho breast of a military com mander ; his will is law. It knows no. chocks, no limitation—it is absolute, imperative, des potic. As Sir Matthew Hale says: “It is not law, but something indulged, rather than allowed, as law.’’ . Such absolutism as this exists nowhere in our .'free republic; and, if exeorcised, it is a most infamous usurpation, unworthy of.the spirit of the age, and deserving the most con : dign punishment. There are military rules, articles of war,, by which the military and naval forces when in governed, and their principles are as “ certain, determi nate and immutable as'the principles of the common and statue law.” General Macomb, in his valuable work-on court-martial, speak ing of these, says : “ Thus the liberty of the citizen under military law, so far as is consis tent -with the ends of justice, seems to be guarded with precautions little inferior in their power and efficacy to those which secure personal liberty, under the laws of the State.” Upon all arrests made by pur articles of war, the person at whoso .instance' the arrest is] wiH M'®? Ptnst be officer within twen-; Mietsinilier,.- with j tho citizen, is hot to be subjected to imprison'-; ment or, the suffering of penalties without un derstandiiuj wherefore it is due. By martial law, as you appear to Understand it, a whole population, upon tho advent of tho military commander with his forces into any district, is exposed to bo seized without war rant or oath, houses broken open and rifled, arid property confiscated, at the arbitrary .will of such commander, and this, too, where the muriicipiil laws and its officers and courts re mained undisturbed and able to punish all offences, as was the case in Baltimore, St. Louis, Cincinnati and Harrisburg. By it every citraen, instead of reposing Under the shield'of known and fixed laws to his proper ty, liberty and life, exists with a rope round his neck, subject to bo hung op'by a military despot under some drum-head court martial. Wollsaid Justice Woodbury: “ Forconvincing reasons in every country Which makes any claim to political or civil liberty, martial law is expressly forbidden; It has been forbidden in England for near two centuries, as well as by the principles of every other free govern ment.” You certainly mean that kind of law when you apeak of the right of the military com manders within or near the theatre of War to exorcise discretionary powers over places in their military occupation. Now the power exercised by military commander# at suoh times and places is not discretionary, but is regulated, controlled and limited by the.arti cles of war. . To imply the existence of. such a power in a commander would bo to imply what is forbidden by all constitutional checks, by all usages of free governments, and by all the rules of eommonsonse and common justice. tfsuch a principle should bo acquiesced in for a moment it would open the door to the grossest outrages as in fact in some instances, under a mistaken idea of their powers, have boon committed by some, officers, and for which in the future they will be hold to a most fearful responsibility. Why suoh a •principle as this, once admitted, would eventu ally enable military despots to render the whole country what Bolivar at one time seemed to consider his—a camp—and the ad ministration of government a campaign. It may bo that a military commander with in his lines may establish in full force and operation the military laws as regulated by the articles of war, but bis power hath this extent, no more ; he cannot tear men from their homes and transport them to distant fortresses, to be confined at his solo will and Pleasure, lib cannot, as was the case in St. ouis, assess what property ho pleases, and make it respond to moot just suoh exigencies as may happen. If ho does ho is responsible and punishable for an abuse of authority, not by the action of the President, as you sup pose, but by the party aggrieved, for no legal principle is better established than that when an official oversteps the limits of his authority, and usurps powers not delegated to him by the Constitution, he has put himself beyond the pale of the protection of his office, and is liable, like any private citizen, with this dis tinction : that whore ho has used his official authority to effect any not of gross injustice and oppression, it is a gross aggravation of his guilt, and will bo so considered in a crimi nal prosecution, or in asking for exemplary damages in a civil action. Neither can the President shelter him un der the allegation that ho was acting under his orders, as the United States Supremo Court has decided that if the President mis takes the Constitution or the construction of nn net of Congress, and in consequence of it should give instructions not Warranted by the Constitution or the act, any aggrieved party may roqovor damages against the officer acting under those instructions, which, though given by the President, could furnish no justifica tion or excuse. The action had in reference to the Mary land officials, you say, “ has nothing unoon oonstitutional in it. Tho Constitution con fers the right of making war, to suppress in »■'■■■« •'fM '-f • *-• • \ i surreotion, and therefore authorizes all the power incident to tho prosecution of war. other words, it authorizes its own suspension in time of wot to just that'extent which the laws of war require.’* KOw permit mO to remark that such season ing as this ia altogether unworthy your repu tation as a public journalist. Our Constitu tion is a writtoninstrumont, duly authenticat ed, specifying minutely tho powers and func tion delegated for the purposes of government, and defining tho extent and limitations of tho sarnO. All powers not directly granted tire reserved. It can neither bo altered, suspend ed nor destroyed by any power except that which called it into being, and then only in the manner provided for in the instrument itself. It is a government of enumerated and delegated powers, framed expressly upon tho theory that i: shall exorcise no powers ex cept those which are delegated and enumerat ed, 11 Where it finds no prerogatives," says an eminent jurist, “in the Constitution, it was not meant to bo clothed with them. There arc no inherent attributes about it. It was a written Constitution of tho Union, expressly devised to got rid of all inferences and impli T cations of all sorts, from general principles and abstract reasoning. Once let ‘ necessity’ of any sort bo recognized ns above the Consti tution, and our system is anything or-every thing which it ; may be found necessary to make it. As necessity has no laws, so it has no limit - ’’ Your idea, therefore, of its “ au thorizing its owjj suspension" is simply ab surd. But these Maryland officials had committed no offense punishable by the articles of war. They were in the land or naval service ; they were not in the militia in actual service. Ad mitting all you say, their offence was only a civil one, to be passed upon and punished by the civil tribunals, that were then and are now, open m Maryland, although it is true one of the ministers of iusticohas boon dragged from the judgment scat like a felon. Whore, then, does the Government derive its authori ty to act toward American citizens as it has toward those victims of its power ? You seem to entertain the erroneous idea, in common w itii many of the journalists of our day,; that the President of the Pnited States, in a con dition of affairs likfe the present, becomes in vested by soii.o constitutional hocus poena or political legerdemain, with all the functions of a dictator—that he becomes the law maker, judge, and executioner,' and, still more mon strous conclusion, may delegate those terrible powers to his marshals, provost marshals, .or Ida military lieutenants. Admitting the right of the President at his awn volition to suspend .the privilege off the writ of habeas corpus, or to delegate that power to Others (which We most emphatically deny,) whore, I would ask, in the name of outraged justice, does he derive the power under the Constitu tion to susfiend those absolute rights guaran teed to the Citizens in the amendment to that! instrument ? Where, pray, is his power, to deny to these poor victims in the military bastilfcs “ the right to a speedy and public trial Vy,tin impartial jury of the State or dis trict, w,heroin the crime shall have been com mitted ?’( Where the right ' to withhold from them," thp nature and cause of tho accusation hgmnst thorn 'Wlioro ,the power t&ijlfeny to them the privilege of “ being confronted with the witnesses against them 7” Mark it, the 1 suspension of the privilege of the writ of haheiis corpus carries with it no suspension of these absolute rights of tho citizens ; they ro [ main intact, and tho man who dares to doprivO tho citizen of them is an usurper. If he can Assail those precious rights ho may“ im pose excessive fines,” or he may “inflict cru el and unusual punishments”—ho may restore “ Luke’s iron crown or Damien’s bod of steel ho may order back to your judicial tribunals tho nick,’the hootikins, tho thumbscrews, and tho" pine forts et dure." And yet the absolute rights of those Mary land officials have all boon taken away from them by the “fiat of the President, or some of his subordinates. Theab-.nro rights which Judge Story says “ aro above tho reach of all the departments of this Governmentand yet you justify and defend tho assault made thus upon them by Hid President. We shall be grievously disappointed if you still persist in turning a deaf ear to tho cry of outraged humanity that comes up from tho dreary easements of AVarrcn and Lafayette. Such grievous wrongs and outrages arO not to bo weighed for a moment* in thO balances of an honest judgement, against the trifling persecution of a few substitute brokers, whose offence was in trying to mako a fortune out of the fears and apprehensions of their fellow oitizens. If you have no sympathy fur the prisoners themselves, have you none for thoir families ? - The daughter of the patriotic au thor of the “Star Spangled Bannef” mourns a husband and a son held, back from hoi 1 em braces for more than a twelvemonth by tho iron bars of a prison house. Over thoir dun geons, whotc they have lingered so long with out chance or opportunity of a hearing, waves, as if in flaunting mockery, that Star Span gled Banner the noble father of Mrs. Howard made immortal in song-, As to tho refusal of those prisoners to take tho oath of allegiance, we answer, the gov ernment has not the, shadow of a right to de mand It. I'o mon in their position it is an oath unknown to the laws—an extra-judicial oath. If taken and violated, being extorted by duress of imprisonment, it would not bo binding on their Conscience any more than an oath givbn to a highwayman with a pistol at your head. An indictment for perjury could not he sustained for a violation of such an oath. But this is not their ground of re fusal. It is, that being innocent of all offence worthy of punishment, they regard acquain tance in the demand of tho government ns an admission of guilt, and as com promising their position in tho eyes of thoir frionds and the world. Wo did hope Hint tlio bold stand you had taken in reference to tlio rocont illegal arrests was actuated by loftier motives and more lib eral views Ilian those revealed in yopr recent editorial.' When the press ceases to bo the guardian and defender of tlio constitutional rights of the citizen, or trembles and crouch es at the footstool of power, wo fear for the future of this nation, as wo have been taught to believe that a free press was vitally essen tial to the sure preservation of our liberties, Yours respectfully, “ Henrietta,’' said a landlord to his, girl, “when there’s bad nows from Washing ton, or any bad nows, particularly private affliction, always lot the boarders know it be fore dinner. It may seem strange Henrietta, but such little things make a groat difference in eating in the course of a year." CST" If the American Union were to perish, 10 world might as well bo made a bonfire. Blessed is thowomanwhoso husband has a wooden log, as she will have but one stock ing to knit.”. Consternation in a Ginaon:.—The Bos ton' Herald give publicity to the following in cident, which it locates in a city .* within for ty miles of the hub of the universe/ -- The name.of tho town commenced with either ‘ S or X/ the Herald don’t say 1 which: ~; t [ A railroad man of that quietly jolly stylo which takes with everybody who likes a good joke, but wouldn’t knowingly do a wrong criminal thing for the world, is frequently called to this town and its vicinity by busi ness. ‘One Sunday, recently he rode to an adjoining town, and called oh an acquaintance who had some very nide bottled cider, which the presumption is, lie tried. When our rail road friend came away, ho was entrusted with a bottle of this cider, to bo delivered, to am othorrnilroad man in Boston. . The bottle was not very bulky ; our friend had capaeioue pockets in his coat, and bo" ha slipped the original package into one of them. On arri ving at the town of the doubtlul name, but which positively does begin with either S ot X, he saw the-door of a snug little church wide open and being a regular church-goer, ho went in. He had a seat in a prominent pew, with three young ladies in front, a dea con near by, and tbe.ehVe of tho congregation, near him. Tho services were commenced, and our friend was soon Under that influence which is always produced by the. inspiring music, tho solemn invocation, and tho sympa thetic devotednbss of an orthodox congrega tion im a country village. - , : f The pastor had commenced his sermon, the audience was unusually still and attentive, and our friend was just wondering what ill ustration the pastor would use. for a knotty theological point relating to the punishment, of sinners which he was just developing, 'when ‘ Whack 1 Pop 1 Spud ! Whist 1 i’izz-z-z-zl’ out came the cork from the bottled cider/ which oar friend had forgotten all about, just grazed a lady’s full-crowned bonnCt, going half way up to the ceiling, and coming down, with another pop into the aisle. Forth from, the mouth of the bottle issued a; yellowish white stream like that from an inch nozzle at a fire-engine trial, Only boiling, 'foaming, .seething and spluttering in an incomparable manner. Onr friend's clothes wore satura-. _ ted, and the apparel of .the young ladies ip front aiid of various members of the elite all around did- not, escape. Our readers can judge of the sensation produced in the church. (jen. llotiSTON’a Ejrescriprion to a “Bore.’' —Among, the guests at the St. Nicholas Ho tel in : Now York, hqd lioon Gen. Sam. Hous ton, of Texas. ■: Gen. Houston is, as his no-! quaintauces all.know, fond ,of mirth and fun, and, in short, io whpt Doestieks would call a P. B.—perfect brick. The-. General, howev er, entertains an intense hatred for that spe- - oies of human beings called ‘bores/ One of those gentry, a good-natured but soft-headec). chap, a regular button-holder, pjrnered hint one day at his hotel. He had managed to be introduced to him the day previous. ‘ General,’ said the bore, after ho hid both ered Mr. Houston out of all patience. ‘ I wish you would do me one more favor. A 'man of vour eminence is so competent — Well, what is, it?’demanded Mr. Hous ton, rather curtly.’ ' \u ‘Well; you see; Mr. Houston, yoli are such u, ... -.--- ...-■ ■ , ‘Nevermind that; what do you want to know?’ . . . ~ ‘ Excuse nie, but a person of your abilities and; distinction must bo aware ‘ I am somewhat in haste,’ interrupted the badgered senator; ‘pray ooine to the point &t once;’ ■ . V :> Well, then tell me the secret of your sue* 0033 in life—-how you rose in position as you have.done.’ • . . t ■ ‘ Ah ! but that wouldn’t benefit* ydu any, I can tell you how you can rise in the world, if you wish/. ■ ' ; ‘That’s just it,’ was the reply; just what I was trying to get at.’, ■ Well, sir,, I’ll tell you. .Undertake to apr preach a sore beaded bull with a red scarf around your neck. I’ll guarantee your up ? ward progress immediately on the completion of the,experiment.’.■ > The button-holder collapsed, shoeing his baton his head and! walking sorrowfully away, while a cluster of gentlemen near by, who had heard the conversation, fairly, screamed with laughter.. Eobxn His Crowd.— A young man, clad in, homespun, was standing lit Court street,'A few days since;'devouring a doughnut, when he was accosted by one of a half dozen genteel dressed idlers with, ~-.,! “Just come down.” . ■; “Yes, guess I have, grirnt plaba this, ain’t ityoou?” said the countryman. , “Tis so, hub,’ how’s your niarni!’’ afiked tluj City buck, bentjon sport with the greenery.,. , ■‘Well, she pretty well, she sent mo down here on business.’’ ~ “She did ? What kind of business are you on?’* .... ■ . : , . “Why-, she wanted me to pome down; to Boston, and to look round and find a half dozr on of the biggest fules to edicato ’em, and- f rather, guess I’ve got my eyes on ’em now// said the stranger, taking in the whole crowd at a glance. >. The next moment ho had thtf edges,sqnps td himself where ho quietly finished his dough nut. ■ Jinny aman is rich without money. Ihoii sands of men without nothing in the pocket,, and thousands without Oveil a pocket are rich. A man born With li good sound constitution, a good stomach a good heart and good limb's, and a pretty good head piece,; is rich; Good bones are bettor than gold—tough muscles,, than silver, and nefvOs that flash lire and car ry enofgy to every function, are better than houses and lands. It is hotter than a landed estate to Jiavo tha right kind of father- and mother. .Good, broods and had breeds exist among men really do among herd and horses. Education, may do much to check evil tendencies, or to develop good ones; hut as a great thing ...to inherit the rightproportion of faculties to start with. ' ■ d That man is rich who has a good dispose-, tion—who is naturally kind, patienti cheer ful, hopeful, and who has a flavor of prit and fun in his composition. The hardest-thing to got along witli in this life is a man’s own self. A oroijp, selfish fellow, desponding and complaining follow—a timid care-burdened, man—those have all been deformed on, the in-- side. Their feet may not limp but their thoughts do. James W. Wai.e, An ambitious young lodynvas talking very loud and fast about her favorite author*, when a literary chap asked, hpr if' she liked Lamb. With a look of.ineffable disgust, sh« answered her interlocutor that she pared very, little about what she »to, compared with knowledge. [ET” “ Much remains unsung," as tho- loin oat remarked to tho brickbat, when it abrupt ]y out short hls serenade'. NO. 18 Rich IViUidiit Money,'
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers