VOL. 49. AMERICAN VOLUNTEER riiuixsnED EVEnr tnuitsDAT iiqnNiKa sir JO&M a. bbattAn. _ ' TERMS. . ScisonirTiON. —OnoftoDa'i; frhtl !jhfty'Cents, paid in advance;, Two Dollars if phid within the year; bnd-Tifo Dollars and iFifty Cents, if not paid within ♦be ycai*. These terms will bo rigidly adhered to in » 70 ry instance. No subscription discontinued until ill arrearages aro paid unless at the option of the Sdit'W. , ' AnvEUTiSEMEHTg— Accompanied by the o ash, atid oot exceeding one wJl 1 ! bb Iftsdrtod tbi'bb iiuios for Quo J)ollar, qnd twenty-five cents for each additional insortiem. Those of a greater length in 'proportion. \ JoD-PriiNTiNa— Such as Hand-bills, PbVtlhg-billk, •pamphlets, Blanks, Labels, *o. <fco., executed with teonracy and at the shortest notice. mlomTbb to ills motbel ’ •BY THOMAS' MACKELLAR. “ Kiss my little brother.and my 'sister, and’iill them I died Jot my country” ftn the field of battle, mother, - All the night alone I lay, Angola watching o'er mo, mother, Till tho breaking’ of the day. Hay thinking of you, mother, And the loving ones at homo, Till to our dear cottage, mother, Boy again I seemed,to coma. Ifo to whom you taught, the, ihothor, On ray infant knee to pray, Kept my hoart from fainting, mother; When the vision passed away. In tho gray of morning, mother, . • Comrades boro me to the town From my bosom tender fingres Washed the blood that tricklod down. X U gMhg/mbfhcr, . .'Going to the homo of rest: • Kiss mo as Of old, my mother, • . Press me nearer to your breast, - Would loould repay you, mothor, For your faithful love and care ; uphold and bless you, mother,. ‘lb this bitter woo you bear. Kiss for mo my littles brother, Kiss my sisters, loved so well; When you sit together, mother, Toll them how their brother fell. Tell to them the story, mother, When I sloop beneath the sod,. That I died to save my country All from love to her and God. loaning oh the merit, motbcfn, Of tho Onb who diod-for all, iPoace is in my bbsotfa, mother,— Hark 1 I hoar the angels call ! iDpn'tyou hoar them singing, mother ? . to the music's‘Swell’! Now I leave youj loving; mother— . Odd bo With.ydu—faro you well. Mimllanmm. Talking to Cntr.ortEN.—The Suporinten diint of a Sunday school was questioning his! pupils concerning the addresses delivCiCd 'to, them during the previous session. . “Children, What (lid Mr. ‘Phontfy tfcfl you ■this morning ?” , ’ :Nrt'answer was 'ttitidb. ; “Can’t any one tell me whathoSnicl? Su sie, can’t you remember ?” t a bright little one (if seven years, jirosb, and with one finger Tuber mouth bash-, fully lisped out: “Pleatho, thir, hi) talked ande thed ath how he loved nth, and he talked—and—and—wo idl thought he was a gqin’ to say thunitliing,, he didn’t thaynothing.” i , U'lira Wlfs nofquito so unfortunate os tho : experience of a clergyman in Maine who was opposed to ha’Ahgah'y mirth on -Sunday pehool. ;He thought it injurious to -hll and '.unnecessary for the entertainment o'f fhe'Chil dren. JIo- offered to‘h(l(lre«s Chfe schodl and, show that they could bo well entertained se riously. I am-credibly assured that the fol lowing dialogue ensued':— , ' “Children, I -ath going ‘to te'H you about Peter. Who knows who Peter was?” No answer was made. : ‘‘Cannot any one—those large girls—tel hie who Peter was ?” Still no reply. " “Can any boy or girl in the school tfifl me "who Peter was “I can," said a little follow 'in tho further 'corner. , . ■ “Ah, that’s-a -good ’boy. Now you come «p on the platform by my side, and Tstuihd up in this Chair, and toll those large girls who Peter *OB/’ Jirtirhy 'did ‘hs lie was bid, and ‘in the shrill ■voice of childhood repeated : ‘^ >c .tor, i Pote r ’ pumpkin-eater, Had a wife and couldn’t keep her.” , At this point, ho was stopped, but not he l° r ? xr point was taken by tho school, ■end Mother Goose’s poem appreciated. o The BEUi/otiN CnoKon.—(Md Judge !L. of Alabama kept a demijohn df good old Jamai private office for his own comfort '(-Ik JJidcrtainrtiefit of Iris particular ° ?■ , Phc Judgo ‘had noticed for some wno „ la^.? n Monday mornings his Jamaica finh,r,i )nBl^ ei 'i a i ‘lighter tluin he left "it on lv fact had grhdual finm ls ! ed . it«Uf in his mind. His son ‘clinf^n^ 8 n P ssl Pg from the paternal pew in Sim kSundays. One Sunday afternoon 1 i in , and vvpn’t up stairs rather the Judge hailed Him’; 01-0 have been ?” " \ri 'I 1 ' 11 , 1 ’ 01 ’’ was the prompt reply. « hat church, Sam ?” 11 1 „ ~e c“ n d Methodist, sir.” » vT a geod sermon, Sam ?” Weaii?” powei ’™ 1 > sir ;it quite staggered ful, eh’ Sam 6 ?”” Ba ‘ d th ° ?ude °’ “ quite ,po\V- ® lm^a y the son came home rtith kriuuli u j n UBua l. and apparently not so &i.i„ U “^ h . tha father SgajJftodav^'V^ 6oll to Jtha Second Methodist . , “ p. 00 ? aermon , my boy t” ftt h 0r > that I couldn’t get in ; “bW« P ani ? a tioket on the debt.” feood by U yot”“ ’ keop S oi may got S tef office for his 'dStt- I'dolin’’ cffintv^s^w'w®?^’■- found the label : pty > an >* bearing the fdllowin'g “ Tli . “Imrcli boi^'lu o'"“sewioehere 0 '"“sewioehere to-day, thia D o closQd for repairs/' ‘Ofribly £itt„n k/ 1 ! 10 *’ Ba y s ho usod t 0 to '“‘‘fried, wen tZl^ o^! 1 ! 1003 until 1 >« fi°t ? i Ut t| wt hT B , Woodtl , ursfc y villains found ! ’>aa not boon W 8 w >U i C 1 . t, ,‘ oton( ler o'st, di)d ee lflahr!. l | 8 of ofd t brfohdlora S . ,n 0 Tttlko ' fth '° Eomanee In Seal Life. A singular trial basoccupied the attention "of the taris judge's, involving the right to'the title and estate of one of the highest of the - noble families of Franoe. - Some thirty years 'ago the heir of this noble house was confided ; to the charge of a wot nurse, and his parents, fully occupied with the gaieties of the fash ionable World, seldom saw their infant. 'One day, when tho mother paid one of her fleeting visits, the nurse, in her excitement, let the child fall and broke his arm, and she was induced by her husband to take her own 'child, a boy 'about the same age, to receive the maternal embrace. 'lnstead of tho custo mary smiling indifference, however, With which she and her charge bad been usually greeted, a cry of angry borror burst from the mother —'‘Grands JJiettx! what a filthy little object I How lean—how dirty—how ill-cared for I” and, in a pet, she seized the infant in her arms, and before the stupified nurse could expostulate, tho carriage had driven off, and the woman was standing, open-mouthed and alone, on the threshold. The husband en deavored to console her With the hope, that oh the morrow all would be right. - The screaming heir was quickly'attended 'to by the village doctor, and by dawn tho next day the good' man had walked to the cheateaq to explain the disaster, and what Was his consternation on learning that the ■lady had "only visited,the chateau for the ■night, and that she already started by the railway for Germany, carrying with her ■the child, and full of anger and disappointment against tho nurse for having allowed her dear ■baby to get so dirty, lean and brown. Her Husband persuaded her to remain 'until the family’s‘return ; but’they did not return for years. Both childrt'h.grew.up, and hel'hntil soihe time after, were the facts revealed, when the nurse on her deathbed'lhade a dying declara tion to the above fact. The gentleman at present in possession of tho estate, and whose right is questioned, is well khown in England, having been secretary to tho French Embassy in London for many years, aud only recently removed to a higher position Closing Fruit Jars. The Homestead gives the, following advice respecting jars for preserved fruit, and the manner of closing them when filled': ; , , Per the preservation of all kinds of truit, Use glass bottles or jars, Select, those of oven thickness, or rather of oven thinness, for they are often exposed to considerable heat, and while they should noc be so thin as to break in common handling, or burst from internal pressure .caused by fermentation, still they should not he thick, or if pressed glass, when blown-glass jars can be readily obtained. So much for the bottles. Now,,-as to closing them air tight, we know tha’t corka will not do it. The very structure of the substance is against ft, unless cork of the most ■volvetry character is obtained, and thrCt is costly. AVo recommend waxed cloth tied over the jars ns a substitute at onoe cheap and effective, and have! never found, Anything' superior Prepare the cloth in this waf: ■. VV,: Melt together some rosin, beeswax and tal- - . low in equal parts; tear the cloth in strips four inphes wide, or at least wide enough conveniently to tie over the mouth and dip these strips, drawing them thtoug-h. llie hot Wax and stripping nearly all the WAX off. With 'doth thus prepared, - after the 1 jar is filled with hot'preserves, and while-still hot,; close the month and bind it on with good linen cord. Then with shears trim off as touch of the waxed cord as it is desirable,: and then dip "it in some melted wax, which' should he'made with only about half as much, tallow., 'Scaling wax may be 'used instead if desired. The jars should be put Where the wax will cool'At once, so that the'exhaustion caused by the cooling of the preserves and the Condensation of the steam, may not cause the wax to run through the cloth. Nothing can bo more thoroughly air-tight than the bottles so prepared. A Soldier’s Burial.— A letter Vrdni 't!b6 field of Shiloh says: On AV'CdHfisSay evening wfe observed a few men [working on the face of the hill, not far from the 'boats. Wo turned aside to see and, found them engaged in digging'a grave for a : dead rebel soldier, Who hadjlain there forsome time wrapped up in his blanket. The work was done with little ceremony, but with do- ! cent propriety. No rabald word was 'Ut tered byjanybody. Before ho*Was laid in his. lonely resting place we uncovered his frtte. It was ghastly, but neither swollen nor dis colored. He hadtheon rather a good Hooking youth, of about twenty. That solitary one, like Stern’s solitary prisoner, made a sadder impression than whole catacombs-of slain foes. Po'rohanco ho had boor, forced into the unholy service, and it may'.bo that a mother and sisters wore at that moment weeping for him. ‘And Wilt then ever bo ‘unfaithful to me again ?’ ‘ Nay, dearest.” . And lie ncOjlied. * And wilt thou be my own faithftrl loving wife?—O, wilt thou ?’ And sho witted. ‘ And wq shall live lovingly together in a little shanty-^shan’t’We-?’ And they shdhtiecl. . 0“ A (loafer who bad got his fourth of July lo'as q'h, “ fetched up,” against tho side of r a bouse that had been newly painted. Shoving (Clear by a vigor effort, ho took one glimpse at his shoulder, another at the house, a third at his hands, and exclaimed': “ Well, ■ that’s a mighty ‘careless trick in whoever painted that house, to leave ft standing out all night for people to run against.'” A (Row in Peuspective.—‘ Ma, Aunt Jane has been eating tho honey,’ said an observing son. * ‘ How do you know my dear?’ asked the astonished mother. ’ i _ ‘ ’Cause i heard father say lie wanted to sip the honey - fy>m her lips,' responded the ydnth. O” “ Come hero you mischievous rascal.” “ Won’t you whip me,'father ?” “ No.” ■ ■ “ ’(Vill -you swear you won’t J” “Yes.” then I won’t obmo, father, for Parson At wood says, “ He that will swear will lie.” O”TIi0 CountD’Artois, on being asked by Stephen Kemble to repeat his visit to the Ed ‘ntlM’rglj Theatre to see him play Ealstaff, with which, he h'hd been so highly pleased, replied : “ Yaa's, I was much pleas ;X laugh, raosh ; yaas, it was good fun ; but one soolio fun, it is enoffl” HIT" ‘Deacon/‘said a minister, after a very hoa.vy .semen,‘l am very tired;' ‘lndeed/replied the Deacon,* ‘then'you’ll know how to pity us/ y plit if at ADDRESS- OT THE DEMOCRATIC STATfe CENTRAL C6M MITTEE, Sb the Democrats, and all the other Friends of the Constitution and Union in Pennsyl vania. , - The Democratic State Central Committee address you upon subjects of the gravest mo ment. . The life of our beloved country is in danger/ The nation writhes under the throes of wide-spread civil war. All ouf patriotism ; all our wealth ; all our physical powers ; all of whatever virtue exists in the Republic is' invoked, find should bo promptly to save the NationalConstitiition and the Union of the States from utter overthrow.- ' Is there a Pennsylvanian who values the title of American citizen—who'reverses the memory of the men of the Revolution—who values civil and religious liberty—who abhors anarchy or despotism or,who claims,to possess'd manly, .patriotic heart, that is not prepared to pledge. life, fortune And shcied honor for his country, in this;, her- hour of greatest need 'and peril. None can withhold such as surances of a just estimate of the importance of preserving the existence of our-Republican, institutions. We approach you witJh'tho fall conviction, that the hebris of the great body of the people of Pennsylvania are with their country in this great crisis of her destiny ; that all that is needed, is to bo satisfied of a feasible mode of-relief and extrication, and of the mfst effective organization to combine all the forces that can be applied to speedily and effectually yield 'the happy fruits Of-re turned peace and prosperity. . .. ' To clearly indicate the mode of relief it would‘appear to be proper to first determine the cause or causes of pur present difficulties.. Understanding the causes, it would seem.to bo in the order of niature, that restoration should follow upon their removal. It ia not ' ■compatible with the practical efficiency of tin address, such as this, to engage in any,elabo rate ‘exposition, Or historical 'account of the gradual progress of antecedent causes, that have at last culminated in the dreadful re sults we now behold, Wo shall, therefore, necessarily bfc brief, and best discharge our purpose by a statement of facts, which you will air recognize as correct, and by .the as sertion of-propositions and conclusions which we maintain,'cannot be successfully cdntro; | verted. The troubles that are now/hpon us are those that the fathers of this country fore saw might arise.upoittho decay of patriotism, and against which they undertook to guard by the Constitution of the United,States, and •the establishment thereby ; of, what was deemed by them—and has, until recently,. proved to be the harmonious, action of the 1 States and Federal Government—in their de fined and just relations to each other. , Wash ington, in his farewell' address,'/pointed ‘tftit'these dangers ; -and, above all, indicated, ds, :the bvid.ence of a waning attachment for the Union and as the precursor of its fall, the 1 Creation of sectional part ies, . It was in view : of probable-efforts in this direction that heap pealed to ,: his countrymen “to indignantly Irdwn • upon; the first dawning of every at tempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred tics which link together the various parts.” Had ! the countrymen'of Washington sufficiently i appreciated his patriotic warning, the wide-1 -spread .civil war that now afflicts us would never have'existed ; but, on the contrary, we should, at this time, under the support which 'j a most bountiful Providence is extending to us, hb in the enjoyment ot a degree of pros-1 parity and happiness (wo venture to assert) -j unequalledinthe historyof nations. Most un fortunately, sectional parties have grown up', begetting sectional bitterness ; and already the title of American citizen begins to pale before the invasive progress ot such titles as Northerner and Southerner. ' Years ago men in the North, .then a very in significant combination, begtah 'to assail our Constitution and our Union. This faction basing its opposition .upon a misguided senti mentality in regard to the servitude ot the ne groe 'race in the Southern States, and allow ing tha't -sentimentality to swallow up all true feelings of patriotism, and" all duty as citizens, boldly proclaimed their hostility to the Constitution and the Union, which they ■rightly claimed recognized and was pledged not to invade the control of the States res pectively over the institution of domestic s|avery. Disloyal declarations sudh as “ bet ter no Union at all than a-Union with slave holders,” became the axiomatic dicta of this faction, tfym and now'(in its formidable pro portions) best'knowiV-as Abolitionists. With out dwelling upon‘the progress and growth of this-faction, it is to lamentably true and well' known that proclaiming through its leaders thoir-ohief object to bo “ the ultimate extinc tions of-slavery” it attained to such conse-. quonOo (that tho peo'ple Of the slaveholding States became alarmed and began to form counter-combinations to resist tho threatened overthrow of what they claimed to bo rights that were intended to-be-sacredly guarded by the Constitution of the United States. -At tho same time there had existed an insignifi cant, and of themselves powerless, band of disunionists in one or two of the slovehoding States, who seized upon the opportunity thus afforded hy the aggressive action of-.the Abo litionists to stimulate those counter move meats. Xhese efforts wore too successful; and materials too, for such efforts, were be ing continually supplied by the successes of the Abolitionists. Abuse and obloquy against the slaveholder streamed out from some pul pits in the North, where the virus of Aboli tionism /had been infused. Rotalitory .epi thets were indulged in by pulpits in the South against the Abolitionists. Church or ganizations iin tho Union were split up into organizations North, and South. Nomina tions fot ,'bho ‘Presidency were made upon issues, in. .fainter or bolder terms, involving *thfO question of the existence or limitation j Of the area, of domestic slavery. The deci sions of the the Supremo Court of 1 tho United States were resisted, its integrity assailed, ■and hi remodelling avowed; These word fol lowed by outbreaks, as illustrated 'by. the taid of John Brown into Virginia. Mean time the retalitory and disunion ‘movements in the South, crystallized and proclaimed tho the.monstrous heresy that the Union was.but an alliance of Sovereign States andj that any one of its members might, in tho exercise of an nulimitod sovereignty, which was claimed .forit, withdrawrfromsnoh union. This heresy was designated, andas we allkndw; is famili arly called Sdoossionism, and, under its ban ner a great and formidable party id tho slave States was rallied.. , ; Thus were confronted two great sectional parties—the Abolitionists North, and the Se cessionists South—the very antipodes of each other j in th'pir sentiments ; they met On, the common platform of Disunion. Each alike, "OUR COUNTRY—MAY tT ALWAYS BE RIGHT—BUT, RIGHT OR WRONG, OUR COUNTRY.-' CARLISLE,.PA., TBllißito, AUGUST 14,1862. Resolved,, That the present deplorable civil I war has been forced /upon the country by the Disunionists. of the Southern States* nowin arms against thS Constitutional Government, and ra arms'around the capital; that in this national emergency, Congress, banishing all feeling of mere passion or resentment, will re collect only its duty to the whole country ; that this war is not waged on their part in any spirit of oppression, dr for any purpose of conquest or subjugation,. or purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and to preserve the Union, with all ,the'dignity* equality* and rights of the several States unimpaired ; and that as soon ns the Objects, are accomplished tho warought to cease.” , . Thus, the fiiith of the Prosidentiand Con gress was pledged to every loyal man in the North that the war was to be carried on for the Constitution a$ it is "hud the Union as it ■ was. Under the inspiration Of this high, pa triotic, and holy pprposb, dur gallant coun trymen have mardlicd. to the battle-field, keeping step to tbs xnuaio,of the Union, en during privations and sufi'orings that would . harp utterly appalfo’Udss ,patriotic and.devo ted' soldiers. The ocethy, 'hithough massed in formidable bodies, 'find supported by im energy* ski'll, and munitions of war that evinced afi 'increase concentration of sentlr ment in 'behalf of the rebellion, yet, before the mighty shook of our arnjs—infliofel by t o soldiers of the Union—they for a time were vanquished ; their forts, towns, and other strongholds were rapidly taken, and, amid tho'shoats of the exultant apd trium phant soldiery who had enlisted for the mero purpose of re-establishing devotion to, and the protection of, our proud national ensign, the star-spangled banner there again spread out its folds, At the begining of these suc cesses much attachment for the Union was 'developed among the people where such suc cesses occurred. It was hoped and believed that, with a few more similarly, important blows inflicted-upon the rebellion, that its force would have been spent,'fend that the people of the rebellious States being assured that the pledges of the President and Con gress would be faithfully observed would liayo relaxed their efforts in behalf, of their usurping government, and that the Union mon of the South, and tho returning sense of the inestimable, value of tho Union to all di visions of population there, would complete the restoration of respect and obedience to the Constitution and laws of the Federal Gov ernment. These hopes have not boon real ized, and tho explanation of this disappoint ment, in a groat degree at least, is found in tho evidence afforded of the terrible fact that tli'o Abolitionists in tbs'North are determin ed that the white population of the South shall bo exterminated orb old in'subjugation, and thatour Government shall bo overthrown, and the Union of theso States finally and for ever broken up. Yes ! , exterminate the whites of the South, or govern them ns a sub jugated people, 1 and overthrow tho Govern ment ana destroy the Union, is their purpose. And wo ask your candid consideration for a moment, until we present to you a few points, from Which you will see that the inference is irresisitble -that this is the design of this most ■ disloyal band. . The Constitution and the -Union were early regarded by the Abolitionists as tho barriers that stood in the way of negro emancipation. Hence, such [Constitution was by them de nounced as “a covenant with death and an agreement with hell." So late as the 15th of Juno Inst a portion of the members of this band, at a meeting in Massachusetts, passed a formal resolution, viz : Resolved, That as Abolitionists, devoted to the great work of overthrowing slavery,we renew and repeat our old pledge, “ No Union with Slaveholders.” No support to any Ad ministration or Government that permits slavery on -any portion of its-soil—and Wa value this war only ns we ‘belreVb it musf lead to emancipation by order Of the i’odenV authorities, or to a dissolution of the UUion, which mast speedily .produce the sftnio r 6 suit. -It is unnecessary to even specify tlio pro minent evidenoies that, ffrom time to time, have been afforded that the Abolitionists hftd firmly resolved upon the destruction of this Government. A few of them are found in the unconstitutional, so called, “ Personal Liberty Bills” of several States ; the repeat ed declarations of: prominent party leaders, oven in <the,last Presidential campaign, /(see the speech delivered by Frank P. Blair, at Franklin Hall iff the city of Philadelphia, on tho,2d of October, 1800, one week before the election,) in which ho; qdotinjg still higher authority, declared that tug object of the Re publican party was/J tba.ultimiijto extinction of slavery.” In the avowed determination to re'sist-tho deoision of,the Supreme Court of the-, United States, in the Dyed, Scbtl, ease, and in such-declarations as mado by Senator Wade, “ a Union whore nil men are equal, or no Uuipri at nil., ’Acting upon tlua original purpose, apd upon- the conviction .that arc- . turn to Congress of Senators a.nd.Eoprosonti- i tivos from the Southern States would, ropdlt j in their political overthrow, the Abolitionists fended to oyertljfow-the.Constitution and the Union. Eaoh.MikeV/pfe tho enemies of 'tfie ' Republic. The- Secessionists, claiming to ’ not from the apprehension,that the threat for _ ‘_‘ tho r,ltimato e_xtmct>pn of Blaycry’’ would he put in execution, SQoceed by bare majori ties in some cases, Ana by the more efficient organization of probable minorities in others, in procuring the adoption of ordinances of ;Bedession, or for the Withdrawal of such ■States fro to th'C AmerWhn Union as are now banded under tho deslgnntion ofthe Confed erate States, ' Obtaining, thus, th‘6 formal or ganization of' a government, f ti'fcy set at defi ance the Constitution and laws of the United States, and, undertook to resist their execu tion within the pretended jurisdiction of this revolutihary government, The (Government of tljo United States, in strict accordance with , its powers, undertook to enforce those laws and to demand obedience to them— armed re sistance was at once inaugurated on thepart of th eSecessionists; and 1 thus began a rebellion and civil warthafhas become one of gigantic proportions, and for njaqy of its characteris tics one of the most formidable that ever ex isted among a civilized people. At its out set, the appeal was made to the loyal men of 'the North, to fly, toAHne, in order to uphold the Constitution and laws,‘and to maintain, the Union. AVith the rapidity of magic this appeal was responded to with unbounded en thusiasto,'and ah'Armed force of ov.or 700,- 000 men stood ready fb obey the summons to meet the foes of the Union. President, lain -coin, in his inaugural'address had Said-. " I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in \ the States where it exists. I believe I have < no lawfql right to do so, and I have no ineli- ( nation to do so." * * .* * *, j /the 'Congress of the United States, imme- , diately after the battle of Bull Rim, in July, ] 1861—, ■ . 1 in the late Congress have pursued a policy that has alarmed every loyal man in the North, and forced the conviction that our gallant armies in the field, and the whole nn tion were tobe thwarted in their patriotiopur poseg. The resolution above quoted, adopted by Congress in July, 1861, immediately after the Bull Run disaster, it Was sought to re-' affirm in the present, Congress, through a re solution offered’ by Mr. .Holman, o'f Indiana, in the following terras: — . , ; .,feWiys;,Thfit the, unfortunate 'Civil War ihto which the Government of the United States has been-.forced- by ;tho treasonable attempt ; pf South'fc'fii SedCsslUnists t 6, ,'deptroy the Unioh, Should not prosecuted for.nhy other purpoffc than restoration of the authority Of the Constitution and welfare. ofi;ho ,Wholo people of the United States, who Wfe perma nently involved in the preservation of our ■present form of Government, without toodifi- 1 cation or change. resolution was defeated by a motion to lay it upon the table, made by Mr. Love joy, by the following Vdto, yeas 66, nays 58. Of those who voted to, thus defeat the resolu tion 59 were Republican, while every Demo crat excepting one, and every Border States representatives, whose vote is recorded, voted in the negative. In co-operation with this most significant declaration, by the Federal House of Repre sentatives, we had the military emancipation proclamation of Generals Fremont and Hunt er. Along with these we bad the project of Mr. Sumner, in the Senate, to blot out the State governments of the rebel State, reduce them to a territorial condition, and to govern them as such. Then followed various eman cipation schemes, and among them the-pro ject of confiscation of slave nominally, but re ally a bill to emancipate them. Wo cannot probably better prove tho operation of such measures upon the Southern mind, than to, quote the following extract from the reply of twenty out of twenty-eight representatives from tho Border Slave States to President Lincoln, in reference to his appeal to them to adopt his project, that the Federal Govern ment should aid them with money to pay the master for, his negro upon his oraanoipa±i.oß- VIZ,: —• The.re.heliion derives its strength from the union of all classes in the insurgent States; and while that union lasts the War will never end until they are utterly exhausted. We know that at the inception of these troubles South ern society was divided, and that a large por- ! tion, perhaps a majority, were opposed to se cession. !Now the great mass of Southern people are united, (to discover why they are so tve must glance at Southern society and notice the elites into which it has .been divided, : hnd which Still distinguish it. They, are .in arms, Wt not for the sitme object ; they are amoved to a CCmfhon end, but 'by dif ferent and inconsistent reasons. The leaders, which comprehends what was previously known ns the States Rights party, and is much tbe lesser class, seek to break down national independence and set up State de nomination. With them it is a war against nationality. The other class is fighting, as it . Supposes, to maintain and preserve its .lights of property and domestie safety; which! it has been made to believe are assailed by this Goycrnment. This latter class are not disimionists per sc ; they are so only because,| they have been nidde to believe that 'fhis ad ministration is inimical to their rights, and is making war on their domestic institutions. As Jong ns these two classes act together, they will never assent to'hpeadC. /fhe poljpy,, then, 'to Be p’rirCuoti is obvious. The former class will nover be reconciled, but the latter maybe. . Removetheir'iippCChe'llsions. Satis-:! fy them that no harm is intended to them j and their Ins’tritions ; that this Government is not making war on theirrights of property, but is simply defending its legitimate autho rity, and they will gladly return to allegiance as soon as the pressure of military dominion 'imposed by the'Gohfcdefjitc authority is re moved from them. ’ , Twelve nionths ago both Houses of Con gress, adopting the spirit of your message, then but recently sent in, declared with sin-, gular unanmity the objects of the war, arid the country instantly bounded to your side to assist you in carrying it on. If the spirit of that resolution had been adhered to wo are confident that we should before now have seen tho end of this deplorable conflict. But what have we seen,? jfp both Houses of (Congress we have heard doctrines subversive of the principles of the Constitution, and seen .pleas ure after measure founded in substance on l those doctrines proposed and carried through, which can have no other effort than to dis tract and divide loyal men and exasperate and drive still further from us and their duty the people of the rebellious States. Military! officers, following these bad examples, have stopped beyond the.jnst limits of their autho rity in tho same direction,-until in several instances yon have felt the necessity of inter-, faring to arrett them. And even-the passage ■ off'thc resolution to which you refer has been ostentatiously proclaimed ns the triumph of a; grinoiple which the people of the .Southern batch regard ns rriffto'Csto -them. The effect of these measures was foretold, and may now, be seen in the induraed state of -Southern foaling. To. these causes, Mr. 'President, and not to our omission to vote for the resolution recom mended by you, we solemnly believe we are to attribute the terrible earnestness of those in arms against tho Government and tho con tinuance of the war. Nor do wo (permit 'ds to say, M, r - President, with all respect for you) agree thfct tjao institution of slavery is, “the lover of their . power" b'rit we itre of the opinion that “the ICiror of their power" is the apprehension that the powers of a common government, created for common and equal protection to the interests of.all, will be wield ed, against the institutions of tho Southern 'States Signed by, C. A. Wiokliffp, .Chairman. Garrett Davis, ■ It. AVilson, J. J. Crittenden, | > Jrio. S. Garble, ■ . J. W. Crisfield, J. S. Jackson, H. Grider, .John 6. Phelps, Francis Thomas, Charles B. Calvert, 0. L. L. Leary, Edwin H, Webster, ,H. Mallory,' Aaron Harding, -James S. Rollins, J, W. Menzies, > Thos. L. Price, G. W. Diiplap, Wm. A. Half. , In farther prosecution pf.the emancipation project of tho Abolitionists wo have the pro positibn ,t,6 arm and enlist,the negroes as soldi iors.. .Indeed; ,iyc are informed; from official seduces, that end general in the army has al ready organized a full regiment .of negroes,. Wo forbear to discuss the question, whether such soldiers (?) are not a burWquo upon the name, and whether clothing and arming negroes ns such, beside, tho waste of clothes, arms, and other supplies, is not exposing us to dofeat in battle, front the Clear*y estab lished'fact, that the nfegro is utterly disqual ified by nature) to stand the musketry and ar tillery fire—not to speak of the bayonet charge —of modern warfare. The subject has infi nitely greater proportions when regarded in its effect to discourage enlistments by our own race resulting,,from the commendable TappgaancQ'of the white man to’bo placed up on an equality of military rank with the ne gro. . . . But tfht tb'fe lefvst objectioriaMo. £orißi3era tisn is the fact, 'tfik'tjthis inferior, .rkes ’baying their ’rt’.injjs and. passions, inflamed by the tales of fefelOr imaginary wrongs which Ab olitionism is too careful to impart to them, will, frith arms in their hands, perpetrate the atrocities of “the indiscriminate slaugh ter of all ages, sexes, and conditions"-—bar barity in warfare—of which our ancestors complained against Great Britain, who' had employed against them the “merciless Indian savages." ' . . .. The history of negro, wars . and insurrec tions in St. Domingo, and other West India Islands, is replete with the barbarities of ra 'pfne rind slaughter of helpless women and in fants, that shock the sensibilities of the low est development of humanity in the white man. And yet, should the negroes in the Southern, States be employed and armed by the Federal .Government against the white I population, then the atrocities of the lyest I India Islands we may naturally efmeot to b,e repeated here on a vastly more nxtdndjßd scale. Against such a fiendish policy would not only the moral sensibilities of all the whites of the Northern States who have not become brutalized by the devilishness of Ab olitionism, be most painfully shocked, b'tft the whole ciyilijsod world would oomlerah us, and probably, in th,e Cause of humanity, rise to stay atrocities so disgraceful. ■ But what sane man can doubt 'that under such policy the last spark of Union senti ment in the South would bo extinguished, 'and the entire Southern population 'become, united as one person'against the Government? It were the merest folly toTSrippoSe otherwise 1 How then would SUch-fighting bring book the revolted States int 6 'th'e UfniO’h? , 'Gian tKe 8,- 000,000 of white people there be held ■under our republican form of Government, in Bub jegation? Is‘it hbtie'ved 'that the people of the North ’Can bo madderifed into the effort for the oxte'rteirititioft of eight millions of peo ple, with fvhoth we have hitherto lived in a Union hdla together by fraternal bonds, _andj -most of whom are now bound to members .of dhr owt population by. the closest ties of pon sanghinity ? If we were to exhaust ajl our physical fesdhreos and all our pecuniary means, could wo, if we would,, accomplish such purpose of extermination 1 Gan wo hold the Southern States or, people in subjugation without overthrowing our Constitution and the Union; without, in fact, establisfiißg a government the moat.,despotic? . We need not answer for yop .these inqui ries. Wo know what must bo tho, response o'fiqyeyy mind not demented by Abolitionism.' , IlaVq Wh tat -shown, then, the pojioy of Ab olitionism, if carried out, is to the'overthrow | of our.ponstitutiqn and Union? That, Abo litionists aro. the enemies of-,tho Republic? Believing we have done so, it remains to in quire : What is tho relief for us, in this our hour of,g|pom for our beloved country •? We answer : !Eemoyh,,’the causes; remove Aboli tionism and SecossiehiSip. Put down the for-' mof at tho ballot-box ; put down the latter (backed by arms) by force of arms. In’tlto execution oftha,letter, insist that .the Gov ernment shrill stand by its,pl.igh|ed feith—to conduct the war to uphold the Constitution, and the Union, and not, as Abolitionism would have it, to make disnn'ion'Cojnpleteand to overthrow the .Constitution ! As Pensyl vanians,yon have possibly a greater ptake in. the preservation of tho -Union than,.the,pop-" pie of any other State. Should tho co-opera tive, yet, in some sense, hostile movements of Abolitionism and Seeeshionism succeed, and disunion become ah .established fact, Penn sylvania, owing to her peculiar geographical position, would be exposed to tho desolation and become tho battle field of the conflicting forces tha l ipightpndertako to settle all ques tions that would reqjriin ,»s the heritage oi disunion. These, however, we forbear now to contem plate,; for we are .unwilling to believe that “that God who presides over the destines of nntiosn” will permit such a terrible dispen sation to befall us. We are (in willing to be lieve that the .people of the free States will ever become so maddened as to aid the spirit of Abolitionism, that seems now to brood over us like some evil,genius, that would control us to our destruction. It cannot be that wo are to have a doom worse than befell Baby lon.aftor she had “become the habitation of devils and the hold of every foul spirit." The only excuse offered by Abolitionism for its policy, is the plausible fallacy that, “slavery is the cause of our threatened dis union.” To those who look only to immedi ate and proximate causes, this position is cap tivating | but to those who remember that the original Union, which waged -the war of the .Revolution, bp of thirteen slave holding States,; that'the Union at the time of the adoption of the present Constitution, con sisted of twelve slavoholling to one free State, it is very plain,, that instead of slavery pro ducing disdriiori that, linlesi it had been re cognized and the faith of the whole people pledged for its protection, this Union would have never existed. It would bo as reasonable to arguo that houses and money should bo exterminated, because so long as they exist there will be in cendiaries .and thieves, as to argue that sla very should bo destroyed, because so long as it exists thoro will ho Abolitionists. llous os.iihd money are not .more clearly ,apd de cidedly recognised by the Constitutional Jaws of the -Federal Government, as ebujoot to tho laws and protection of the States whoro they exist, as is the right of tho mas- I tor to the services of his negro slave in States I where negro slavery is recognized. Incen diaries and thieves no more violate the rec ognized rights of others when they burn houses and Commit robbery, than do Aboli tionists, when, by tho underground railroad or other devices, they deprive tho slaveholder of tho South of that property to which tho Constitution and laws of his State, as well as those of the United States guarantee protec tion, If in the.attempt to commit arson or robbery, life ie taken, it is murder in the first degree; so too it is murder of the same grade to take life in the unlawful attempt to doprivo the owner of his rights in the services of his negro. , And hero, too, wo will .remark that tho present,war, if Abolitionists should Bll pi ceed in diverting it from its proper purpose of.upholding the Constitution arid tlio Union, and prostituting it.to thoir cherished, objept of freeing pogrpep by killing w)uto riion, wppld become an .ptropiopa piiirderobs war, | than would justly subject all who giv it such direction to the penalty of the law im posed against the highest of crimes. The policy of Abolitionism, therefore, is not only unsupported by die tenable ground, oven for its palliation, but judged by.its objects and its effects, it is in the ihighesf degree criminal apd disjoyal. By eradicating Abo litionisAv.we remove not only sectionalism from tho North, but the cause of sectionalism iushe South. ... . The fiill of Abolitionism, ire verily believe, would in 'b. short time bo attended by the.fa)l of Gecessionism. Although the imaginary advantages of a Southern Confederacy, enter tained by many in the revolted States, jins secured for it unconditional supporters, yet the desolation that has already attended upon their efforts at separation, the continued .pres sure of our arms, 'tind the recollections of tho blessings of the Union, will, upon the removal of tho cause of Southern Sectionalism, re vive their sentiments, of nationality. _ Wo belieye that upon the. substantial ex tinction.of Abolitionism, the tjuion certainly can be restored, but that without such extinc tion it never can. be. It is, therefore, quite as essential that the energies of the loyal meh of the North be directed against tho Aboli tion foes of the Union as it is against Secess ion foqs. It remains therefore only to iff quire in what way can these energies be moat effectively directed to accomplish the desired purpose? Wo reply only by supporting the organization of the Democratic party. Thorp is no other thoroughly loyal party in the land; it bps always been national; it is the only party that has no affiliation or sympathy with sectionalisrti—North or South—it is the hilly party in Pennsylvania, that is not in the sympathy or support of such friends as Wade,. Sumner, .Greely, Phillips,, Lovejoy, and Wil mot. The national too n; wlio.su p ported 31 el I and Everett in the,late Presidential,canvass, we Bfelieve, may bow he countedip ■of the Democratic party. Tho Only 'Other po litical organisation in this Stato is tlic enemy of the democratic party, who hap rallied once more Under the designation of the People’s Party. This party held their Convention at, Harrisburg on the 17th inst., and their true character is abundantly shown in that,, i b their fesohjtione thpy ‘fcplogwe und .sustain Senator Wilbiot while they condemn Senator Cowan, both by the homage paid to Mr. Wil mot, and by refusing to Mr. Cowan even the need of “faint praise.” Tho "distinguishing feature ip the political course, of those tvfo Senators, it is well known', is,,fiat Mr. Wil mot Inis' supported the extremest Abolition measures of the present Congress, whilst Mr. Cowan has won the admiration and confi dence of every Union-loving patriot in this laud by his h°nest ( and fearless opposition to. these . measures—ibeapures that tended to make Disimipn perpetual. • Can any loyal man in the State, therefore. hesitate which of the two political organiza tions is entitled to his. support ? The stan dard bearers selected by the Democratic State Convention are in every respect deserving c|t - your confidenpe, „ ... Isaac SLENK'Wk, Esq., opr./pandidkte for Auditor ,6eue/e,l,..i?,.a'gentleman.:o'f distin guished’ability andspprtiesarepufktion. Q» is/ii native Of yorlc cuoniy, born of German parents, and who were,.till ers of the soil. The early political course and well-tried integrity of Isaac., Slenker, is known to many pf t(io peoplqof Pennsylva nia. Ip 1834 lie was elected ,to represent Union and Northumberland counties in the Senate of Pennsylvania ;' apd, while top,'many Senators in, that body .yielded to the in3uen r obb Jthat w.eia .employedby .the late bank of the United States, to obtain itsi yharter t from a Pennsylvania Legislature, Isaac Slenker, with eleven other?, as hqfl'esfc men, resisted these inftd,shoes, .add wop .the. reputation of faithful among the faithless. He, was upon thoJudieiary Commitloa of tpa Senkte, and took an active part in the revision of our civi il code. At the expiration of his Senatorial term. Alf. Slenker r'etprned.egajnto, the prac tice of his profession as a lawyer, and since then has been out of public, position, except that in 1856 he was one of the Presidential Electors on the Democratic ticket in this State. Mr.'Slenker is a gentleman* of coni'- ■ mending abilities; highly . exemplary in hie hu,bits of life ; of great industry and purity of ■character. . Col. James P.. Barr, our candidate for Sur veyor General, is the editor and proprietor of the Pittsburg PosU a newspaper that since Mr. Barr’s connection with it, has ever booh the advocate of sound principles’. During the present civil War the Post has ably advocated the prosecution, cf the war for the .suppression of the rebellion, pre- ; scrvatioii fif’thq,,L!on.S(titution and the Union. At the same, time it has been usurping in its hostility to that disloyal party otcornbination that lias sought ;to prostitute, such war to tub mere purpose, of negro emancipation', and to that policy in conducting it that..necessarily tends to .make disunion perpetual, and to permanently destroy our republican form of ‘ government. Mr. Barr, like Mr.slonker, is a Pennsylvanian by birth,.bom ip the coun ty of Westmoreland—is a ipraotidal printer— has raised himself tp : a. proud political anti business position by his industry and energet ic character, and is a gentleman-of prompt ness and integrity in all his privito and po litical gelations'. . , ~ • -. w ; .... While our candidates, have great reason to 'entertain a just pride that, they have been selected as the standard-bearers of $ great national party, struggling to,-maintain the Union and Constitution against dangero'ns and insidious assaults of theft .anenbies, still. ,{jmt party may doqgratihlhte itsfjlf.tjbAt.it is so worthily represented in its standard bear ers. i - - I'eHow.countrymen, a great issue is before you—it involves the momentous Consideration, I whether our Constitution and Union, shall bo I preserved ; whether Abolition toes North, or .Secession foes South, shall destroy them I Every .patriot in the. land should, kppw and feel that the only chance fpr the preservation of our,present Government, its. Constitution and the Union based thereon, is in this sub cess of the Deraooratictliarty.m the.freo States at the,next eleotipnl I? we mil, then all is lost, and the hitherto 'glorious fabric.,our once great Government, will fall; in. the abyss of anarchy, dr else upon its ruins a despotism will be reared. In eitheir event our future will, bo marked in desolaledhomoa, ruined fortunes, the depri vation of personal liberty and persopal sodiiri ty and very (possibly our soil and our streams bo reddened with tho blood of qup own people . In each Crroamato,noe3 wo appeal to every loyal Pennsylvanian tq do his duty by giVirtg his energies his influence, arid bis vot.e JO in sure tho success of tho uomliiees of thbDemq oratio party. \ . By order of tho Committee. j i\ IV. HUGHES,(Chairmam Philadelphia, July 29th; 1862. , V Will, you take something 1” tfiid a teetotaler to His friend, while otanaing near a fdvoVn. " I don’t oaro if I do,” was the reply, “ Well," said Frank, “ let lake a walk /” (*n "HO. Iff.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers