VOL. 49. amehioak volunteer. EVERY THURSDAY HORNING BY JOHN B. BRATTON. T E RM S ! gnnscnn’TioN.r“Onc < Dollar and Fifty Cents, paid , n ,ivanco; Two Dollars if paid, within the year; ami Two Dollars and Fifty Cents, if not paid within illbyonr. • Thosotorms will bo rigidly adhered to in every instance. No subscription discontinued.until jll jirresragcs are paid unless at the option of the Editor. Ai)V f.rtisrhrnts —Accompanied by the o ash, and inot exceeding one square, will bo inserted three Mmcs for One Dollar, and twoftty-fiVo cents fofr each iddlltonal insertion, ThoSo df A gtcatoV bSAgth in jiroiiortiofr; " 1 '; • jo»-Fai'* T *^ 0-:L £ l i c h a§ tta.nd-bills, Posting-bills, BlftV&s, labels, Ac. Ac.,' executed with and at' the shortest notice. poetical. AFTER ALL. BY WILLIAM, WINTER. The npplcs arc ripe in the orchard,- Tbc; work of tliq reaper is done, ; And thogoldc.n woodlands redden In the Wood of the dying sunV At tho collage doortho grahdsiro- Sits piilo in his easy chair, AVlillotho gentle wind .of twilight Plays with his silver-hniri A woman is kneeling A fair young head is pressed, In live' first wild-passfon of sorroT, Against his aged breast.. . . And_ far from over tho distance, ■ Tho faltering echoes como, Of the ilylng blast of trumpet ■ .And the rattling roll of drum. And tho grnndsiro speaks in awhisper, Tho cud no man can eco; J>ut wo give him too his country,*. And wo give qur prayers to Thee.”- The violets star,tho meadows, The rosebuds fringe tho door, And over tho grassy orchard Tho pink white blossoms pour. But tlio grandsiro's cfyair is empty, The cottage is dark and still j There’s a nameless .grave in tljo battle-field, And a now one under tlio lull, And a pallid tearless woman • • By the cold hearth sits alonp, And the old clock in (ho corner Ticks on with a steady drone, JS&cdteim a-wows cojfsmcy. there was no fairer child ever pleaded si lully for, love and care than the tiny baby, -'•'■ytfrortibr brought me one bright summer . <l»y,«ml placed, in my arms, eayijig : “My fuiiy is deoil,- Mary.- Will you care for Qon jinnee?” f"- Ilia voice was firm,-yet well I knew how I his heart shuddered with the agony of the first- sentence.' My tears blinded me as I hoard of the death of the fair, frail little beau ty I liad learned in one short year to call sis ter; hut I took the babe, and Roger knew by Jay look that I' accepted his, charge. Only for a few months did ho share the care with pic, and then my baby, my little niece, an or phan. Rich in beauty, in' this world’s trea sures, in talents ; poor in one great gift, the gift of health. She whs never very sick ; but she inherited a delicate constitution, and she ifWMQpwnys slightand fragile, needing alliny —' loving care to keep her from illness. Wo were alone in tljp beautiful house) my •darling owned, yet wo were never lonely.— She was rny pride, my comfort, ray heart’s choicest treasure, and I missed nothing when she was near; for herself, her playthings, and, ns she grew older, her books, her teach ers, music, and work, filled all the time, and she shared all with me. Wo pored together over each day’s tasks, fur her . loving heart fancied that aunty’s oxplanations-made them easier; wo practised duetts, wo worked on. the . sunn pieces of embrodiory. With this daily companionship my dar lings’ heart was won, not away from me, but into the keeping of another, who said I must Jove him as ho loved nio, for the sake of the love we both lavished upon the fair haired girl who had promised to bp his wife; and I accepted Iny now nephew gladly. lie was all 1 wished, even for my Constance. There* was truth in his frank, handsome face; strength in his tall, graceful figure, his hea»’ ly. genial voice ; love in his dark eye ; and tender protection in every movement. True, ttrong, tender, loving—l asked no more. 5 blio loved him fondly. She loaned upon his strong arm, so sure that it would always pro.ect her; and when her stop grew weak, ‘or °ye dim with ago, she know his love vouia watch over her, as it did now over her 7 10a ,t e fragile form. It seemed to mo the au ideal ol true love. lie so strong; digni ,, and tender; she fair, trusting, and so loa y ™ follow meekly where his judgement Weak l -f 1101 ’ orphanhood, and dent nnn i I, }'l made her peculiarily dopon that Zd'i f°n ’ ,?? d 6ho was like the vino readv dld , nut strong heart stand • thought°thon^ P ° rl; V* So I Fmril- n f P * IO ' T 10 son of my old friend* wealth whn re,lCa ’, * a mn of standing npd find fomlin,] ” <l ' o “, s cons ont tp the marriage, d"r S!“!, my ,l ,0t 8 «">■!« With an abstracted odiiesa' attributed to absent inind- Prank no more, Young Sired it | ln f 1 F 'hyslcmn, and-, as his father de i\i Ohin.' 1011,0 t° settle in a small town fill tho u , ,,i lt 0 ;i. 0 5j establish a -practice. Wo lie so anvim 1 So entiroh ■'but l tlm l | nk * is ° w iny‘ay of constancy nit lovors pa.r Wlwith vows Twn y ’ ftm ' 1,0 went jo €hio, °f.^o. y C PaSBed a "'ay, ajid,*m,y- pot was “onio s'ienlnrr'nf " ns a mo °ting of lawyers, Possession of M pa , pers ' nnd Conatanoo. was in had left o n h!° arge property her father friend Mi* r 110 oa y s * lo came of ago my old font f Ol . j.' died, and Frank- was. hope, W |,; . 1110 10 . m °. I knew my child’s death, makihn* a i!* m * n j’ to °’ that his Father's remaif at hmSo. ep6ndent; W °^ llo ' V 'l ptor ,. the funeral* Wo He rain nattm*in™ 0 pai l? r ’ I‘stening to a gen tening, top fn-” 8 on „ t ) la window panes, lis* flit) boll rane* vim we ’l-known footstep, when t} : step F r „?i. afontly, and then, with a has -Wk * a ik 001110 in, l lls father woH *"i° U l d * JO 8ad > F° r i'° had loved Jl* upon i,; B f„’ ut Q wo’started os the light p t airi »g misery T ® uoha lookofutter, des ll 1 , 00 was hosnln I a ° V ? 1 ’ saw before, Oon ‘T’rank ' 10 ll,ni instantly, ii's lin ’iin: 111 '’ y, ou are ill I” 7 S.S a/tl &'L and 110 to °fc her in his e ODtt to look-, of in„ to T fao ° witl. O pas -1 love and sorrow thu,(/ v w-iijj, heart-breaking; then he came to mo, and, putting her on the sofa beside me, said, soft “Take her, nuntio 11—I must giro her up.” “Give her up!” . - “I am no inconstant! I, love her”—his voice broke here; but, after a moment, he said: “I will toll you. When my—when Mr. Lawrence’s will was read this afternoon, it was found that he had only a few thousand dollars to will away ; these ho left to me.— The rest of his property goes to the heir-at law, his nephew.” “Surely his son is heir-at-law,” I cried. “I am not his son 1” "Not his son?” “I never meant to deceive you ; I:thought until to-day that I had the right to call him 'father, but I have not. Ho left me a letter, tolling me that years ago ho was called to see a dying woman, who had heard that ho was rich and charitable ; she bogged him to care for her baby, and died while she spoke. Ho did rts she requested,. May God reward him for it! And—and—that is all! I know' not who I am; nameless, poor, I came to tell Constance that she is free." . My darling lias listened quietly; now she left her place beside mo to go to her dearest resting-place, in his arms. She did not speak; she only rested her fair head on his bosom, drew his arms about her waist, and so, silent ly, .lovingly, renewed their engagement. 1 stole away, leaving them standing there. Tho next day he loft us to return to Ohio. lie wished, he said, to make himself a home and a position before ho married, and we re spected the noble heart that shrank from seeming to woo tho heiresq, and he went hack. At first his letters were frequent, then longer intervals came between thorn, and we noticed that each time the writing was loss distinct, the words of love more constrained, and the letters shorter. Constance trusted! I—l blush now tb own it—l doifbted. There was at least an interval of six months, in which our letters were unanswered. Then oamo one in a strange hand j I opened it, for my pet shook and trembled so that she could not break tho seal. “He is*not dead ?” she whispered. “No; the letter is signed with his name.” “Head it.” So I read the letter B— June ISfft, IS —. I am writing to you, Constance, by the hand of a friend to'toll you' that which t have tried fur months to tell, and yet hoped might not come true, ■ There is no hope now, and I must resign the one loved of my life, j am blind j Incurably blind 1 I have tried to be lieve this gradual dimness, darkening every 'day, was temporary, and that. I might still work on for tlio-.dear end I so prayed for— the power to call you wife ; but it is all over now. I know my dark future j I oau only pray for strength to endure it, and that God w!)l comfort you and bless you in a happier choice. Constance took the the letter, and looked at the name, ip large straggling characters which the luved hand had traced ; and then she folded the paper and put it in her bo som.- . , ■ ' “We must go to-day, auntie. Poor Frank I” “You will go to him ?”■ “Certainly.” So we went. Wo took rooms at a hotel, or rather tavern, and then inquired for Dr. Law rence’s office. It was easily found; and we were soon on the door-steps. The door was open, and we entered -very softly. Ho did not hear us. Ho was seated before a little table, upon which wore writing materials, and lie was evidently learning to trace the letters without seeing, them, and what was on the page—no word hut Constance—in . largo ir regular characters, crooked, meeting, crossing each other, often tho one name was multi plied upon tho sheet. Constance wont close to him, rind then bent over and read what ho wrote. The next mo ment she drew the pen from his fingers, and knelt beside hiin ;he did not start; he only said, softly— ■ • ' ' , ‘‘Constance !” “Yes, Frank. How could you write such a letter, Frank ? If I wore in trouble, would you cast mo off?” “Constance!” so softly and tenderly, he said the name again ; his hand resting on her head, and his sightless eyes fixed on hoi-face. I cannot tell how my darling became grad ually the strong one to load the wavering steps of her blind husband. Some there wore who pitiod-her for passing her bright youth with a man blind, poor, and nameless ; but I knew that his loving hoplossness made him dearer to her. than all else tho world offered her; and that in heart and truth they were indeed one.—Godey'.s Lady’s Booh. The Latest Romisii Miracle. —A pastoral letter from the AYiilihishop of Spoleto to his Book’has boon published, relating to a series of “ miracles” which, ho asserts, have just been performed by an old and-discolored im age of the Virgin Mary near Spoleto “ Some months ago,” no says, “ this venerable imago, to some extent, received its worship by means of a voice, which was several times heard by a child under five years of ago, named Henri, whom it called by its name. It also showed itself to this child in ri manner wo cannot describe.” Tho Bishop then goes on to nar rate that several villages suffering under dangerous and painfulafiii'otions, especially persons laboring under rheumatic affections, felt themselves inspired to visit this image and worship it, and were restored to perfect health. A man whoso feet had been crushed by tho wheels of a wagort, no sooner approach ed tho imago than ho was able to stand rind walk as' before. Moral miracles have also boon performed. Scoffers who have gone to tho spot have, on drawing- near, experienced a complete change of heart. The exhibition, has not boon unproductive to the treasury o£ the Church. Every visitor is expected to leave somo deposit; and the Archbishop, speaks indignantly of an attempt made by the polico officer of the .Itolian Government to procure a satisfactory account of the re ceipts. The Archbishop has had a medal struck in hpnov of “ the divine image,” 1C? A lad. swallowed a lead bullet. Ilia ftiends wore very much alarmed about if, and Kis father by no means might be spared to save his darling boy’s life sent post haste to a surgeon of skill, directing his messenger to teU’hinr'tho dirdunistancesj and urge his com ing without'delay; thedootorivafl found, herird the dismal tale, and with as liltlo uncoaeovn as ho would manifest in the-cnee-o£ COmtqon headache, wrote the following laconic-' note.' “ Sir —Don’t alarm _ yourself. If, after throe weeks, tho bullet is not removed,, give tho boy a obargoof powder. Yours’ ffio. P. S. —Don’t Shoot tho boy at anybody.” This is much akin to tho laconic proscrip tion of tho celebrated Dr. Ahornothy. An Irishman called in great haste upon tho doctor, stating that— “ Mo hoy Tim has swall’od' a mouse 1” “Then," said Abernathy-toll your boy Tilp toiwallow a■6at; ,, The adversaries of the Democratic party have dissolved the American Union in ad vance, so far as by their own action they can consummate that direful result. They can no longer assemble in national Convention ; they congregate as the representatives of a fragment of one-half of our happy country, and they arrogate to themselves the mastery of the other half by attempting to consolidate a.fierce and fanatical sectional majority in every department of the Government. They declare that the oou ntry is on the eve of unprece dented convulsions, and they proclaim their purpose to arrest these convulsions by ignor ing and insulting fifteen sovereign States of the Union. They talk of peace, and in their conventions proclaim dpolicy which must end in civil war. They appeal to Heaven to sancti fy a movement, which, if successful .would destroy the fairest fabric of freedom on the globe. They invito our countrymen to sup port their cause in the midst of the most ir reverent blasphemies of the Constitution. They prate pf exclusive Americanism, while they accept as leaders, men who profane the sages of the past with inconceivable calum ines. But theyydesorvo credit for their bold ness. They do not attempt to conceal the fearful end which, should they succeed, must crown their efforts. True to the history of all sectional parties, they unite men not by a love of country but by a hatred of National principles. Their bond of action is a sympa thy of antagonisms—not a harmony of patri otic sentiments; and to consummate their purposes they would sacrifice every great ma terial interests of society. They have already succeeded in dividing the Christian church, and now they would lay their hands upon the bulwarks of our liberties , they would rest file Constitution from the glorious purpose to which it was edicated by its founders ; and they would erect at Washington a sectional despo tism .whose presiding divinities would bo hostility to the equality of the States and the equality of the citizens, and relentless war upon- the domestic institutions of the South.'' . Such was the picture of Mr. Forney drew of the Republican party—such the eloquent prophesies ho uttered. He is now. one of the very worst of the class of men ho execrated in 1850, • lie would “ wrest the Constitution from the glorious purpose to which it was de dicated by its founders,’ 1 rind erect a despo tism to destroy liberty of speech and of the press. lie invokes reloptlosß war upon the domestic institutions of the South’ 1 pud pub- lishes* “ inconceivable calumnies” against every prominent defender of constitutional liberty. Ho has photographed, his own fen turcs with faultless accuracy.. Farewell, Frank, Burnside and Tlie Fisherman.— General Burnside was recently sailing outside Fort Ma con in a yacht when he encountered an old fisherman:' • * AVhat news ?’ inquired fhe General; - ‘Well,’ answered the old fisherman, ‘ they do say old Burnside is down here, sword in hand; giving em —-—™.’ ‘ Do yoq know Burnside ? ho asked, f No,’ was the response ‘ but I should like to seo him, for I have seen his picture.’ The general removed his hat, displaying hip bald bead. , • Halloo !’ exclaimed tho fisherman, ‘ you are the old fellow himself, ain’t you! You look just like the picture Sam Thompson brought down from Hatteras; hj\v are you, General ? I’m glad to see you.’ How Powder is Tested. —As an item, of information not generally known, wo give the following. description of the process of testing powder at the Bridonsburg Arsenal: A piece of Artillery—one of tlfb largest calibre generally being used—is placed in position, a small hole being drilled through the side near tho breech. A spring plug, made of steel, and containing a plunger, is tightly screwed into the hole made, tho plun ger working loosely and connecting with the interior of tho gun. Attached to this plun ger is a sharp piece of stoel, knife shaped. , Steady.— They have a story in Chicago about a drunken captain who mot a private of his own company in the sameicondition.— The captain ordered him to “ halt,” and en deavoring in vain to assume a firm position on:his feet, and to talk with dignified sever ity, exclaimed: . , “ Private Smith, I’ll give you t’l (hie) four o’clock to gi’ sober in.’' “ Cap’n," said tho soldier “ as you're (hie) ft blamed sight drunkerninm, I’ll give you t’l five o'clock to git sober in.” Beginning ’Moderately.— An Irishman left r demand with a lawyer, a friend of ours, for collection, with directions to have a letter sent before any suit commenced. shall I write about?” asked the lawyer. To write Pat replied: Why, your honor will plazo begin a little moderate in the matter, jest calling him a devil of a spalpeen and nigligent puppy, and so coming on shar per till ye reach to tho bottom of tho chap ter." A Repel Shot.— A rebel prisoner was shot at Comp Douglas, -Chicago on Friday night, while attempting to escape. Ho was fired at while sealing the fence, but escaped uninjured. Subsequently, while running across a garden lot in that vicinity, he was agained f#tod at, and fell pieced by a half doj-jon hußots. A scampish fellow was talking of a trip to Franco, when a companion meeting him on the street, inquired:: - “•Well, Brown, my boy, when aro yon off? - “To-morrow," “ Going to take-your wife- with you?. “No I it is a voyngo of pleasure,” Balt I more Beauties,— Mary Tickers,. Emeline Vickers, Roso_ Vickers, and ICafe Vickers, were-arrested in Baltimore on Hth nit., for “ playing their voorition" of waving Secession flags. Tlioso girls throw vitriol on tho officers who arrested thorn. ■ jjgy ‘ Julius, why did Gen. Grant rest un easy do night 'fore he took Fort Donolson V ‘Dunne,,Mass» Johnson; 'sposo ho didn’t feel sleepy.’ • ‘ No, sah 1 ’Twas kaz.o ho ’speotoj to git a Pillow, and only got a slip.’ CC? Teototalism forbids a man to touch anything that can intoxicate, except a pretty girl’s lips. You may taste that article, after signing tho pledge, if you will only do it dis trobtly’and with moderation. ’ " OUR COUNTRY—MAY IT ALWAYS BE RIGHT—BUT, RIGHT OR WRONG, OCR COUNTRY.” A Page from the Record. In 1856 John W. Forney, now the loader of the Republican party in Pennsylvania, was Chairman of the Democratic State Cen tral Committee, and issued an address to the people in which the following eloquent pass age occurred: CARLISLE, PA., THURSDAY,*JULY 31, 186&. fMfual. THE PRESIDENT’S APPEAL BORDER STATES. Gentlemen;— After the Adjournment of Congress, now near, I shall have no opportu nity of seeing you for severr'l months. Bo liqying that you of the Bonier States hold, mdrp power for good than any other equal l nurqher of members,-1 feel it is a duty which- I cannot justifiably waive, to lliako this appeal to you. I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure you that, in niy opinion, if you all had voted for the resolution in the gradual eman cipation message of last March, the war would now bo substantially ended. And the plan therein proposed is yet one of the most potent and swift means of ending it.:-- Let the States which are in rebellion see djfinitely and cer tainly that in no event will the States you represent ever join their proposed Confedera cy, and they cannot much longer mantain the contest; ' But you cannot div£# them of their hope to ultimately have you with them so long as you show a determination to perpetuate' the institution within our own-States. Beat them at elections, as you have overwhelming ly done, and, nothing daunted, they still claim you as their own. You and I know what the lever of their power is. that lover be fore their faces, and thoycabsliako you no more forever. . •?-' Most of you have treatedyno: with kindness and consideration, and. Iff list you will not now think I improperly touch whajt.is exclusively, your : own, when, for the snkejof the whole pountry, I ask, “ Can you, for yniir States, do better than take the course I urgh 1” Discard ing punctilio and maxims adapted to more manageable times, and looking'ouly to the un precedently Stern facts of our else, can you do better in any possible event ? You prefer that the constitutional relations of the States to the nation shall bo practically restored without disturbance of the institution' ; and, if this were done, my whole duty, in'this respect, under the Constitution and mj^path of office would be performed. But it is'not done, and wo are trying to accomplish it by war. The incidents of the war eannot bej avoided. If the war continues long-as it npjst, if the ob ject be not 1 sooner attained, theinstitution in your States will bo extinguished by mere friction and abrasion—by the mere incidents of the war. It will he gone, sjknd you will have nothing valuable in lieu ojjit. Much of its value is gone . ■ | How much better for you ondj for, your peo ple to take the step which at bvco shortens the war and secures substantial Afihpensation for that which is sure to.be w'btiify dost in any other event! How much better to,thus save the money which else .wp:’hink((or;6yef , in the war 1 How-much better tb’.chAitljivhilo wo can, lost the war ero long [ rily'unable ■ to-dirit'i-, ■ HotffHfficU.'Vjbtyf for you, as seller, and the nation as buyer, to s'ell I out and buy out that without which the war could never have been, than to sink both the thing to bo sold and the price of it in cutting one another’s throats. _ ■ ,‘ I do not speak of emancipation at once, but of a decision at once to emanc’pale gradually. Boom in South America lor colonization can bo obtained cheaply and in abundance, and when numbers shall bo large enough to be company and encouragement fur one another, the freed people will not bo so reluctant to to. "■ . - I am pressed with a difficulty not yet men tioned—one which threatens division among those who, United are none too strong, An instance of it is known to you. Gen. Hunter is an honest man. Ho was, and I hope still is, my friend. I valued him none the less for his agreeing with me in the general wish that all men everywhere could bo freed. Ho pro claimed all men free within certain States, and I repudiated the proclamation. lie ex pected more Rood and leas harm from the measure than I could believe would follow. Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not offence, to many whoso support the country cannot lose. And this ig not the end of it. The pressure in this direction is still upon mo and is increasing. By conceding what I now ask you can relievo /me, and, muon more, can relievo the country, in this impor tant point. . _ _ ' Upon these considerations I have again begged your attention to the Message of March last; Before leaving tho.Oapitol, con sider and discuss it among yourselves. You are ,patriots and statesmen, and as such I pray you consider this proposition; ind at the least commend it to the consideration of your States and people. As you would perpetrate popular government for the best people in the world, I beseech you that you do in no wise omit this. Our common country is in groat peril, demanding the loftiest views and bold est notion to bring a speedy relief; Once re lieved, its form of government is saved to the world ; its beloved history and cherished mem ories are vindicated, and its happy future ful ly assured and rendered inconceivably grand. To you, more than to any others, the privilege is given to assure that happiness and swell that grandeur, and to link your Ownjßiame therewith forever. i At the conclusion of these remarks some conversation was had between the President and several members of the delegations from the Border States, in which it was;ropresont cd that those States could not ho expected to move in so great a matter ns that to their notice in the foregoing address while as yet the Congress had taken no stop beyond the passage of a resolution, expressive rather of a sentiment than presenting a substantial and reliable basis of action. , The President acknowledged the force of this view, and admitted that the Bonder States were extitled to expect a substantial pledge of pecuniary aid as the condition of taking into consideration a proposition so Important in its relations to their social system. It was further represented, in the Confer ence, that the people of the Border States wore interested in knowing the groat impor tance which the President attached to the pol- icy in question, while it was equally,duo to the country, to the President and to them selves, that the representatives of the Border Slaveholding States should publioly announce the motives under which they were to act, and the considerations of public policy urged upon them and their constituents by the President. ' ' With a view to such a statement of their position, the members thus addressed mot in council to deliberate on the reply they should mako.to tbo President, and, ns a result ot a comparison of opinions nniong_ themselves, they determined upon the adoption of a ma jority and minority answer. •. ■ REPLY OF THE MAJORITY. The following paper was sent to the Presi dent, signed by a majority of the representa tives from the. Border Slavoholding States: TO THE lief has been fully justified by subsequent events. Not to mention other circumstances, it is quite sufficient for our purpose to bring to your notice the fact, that, while this reso lution was under consideration in the Senate, our colleague, the Senator from .Kentucky, moved an amendment appropriating $500,000 to th.e object therein disignatod, and it was voted down with groat unanimity. What confidence, then, could we reasonably feel that if wo committed ourselves to the policy it proposed, our constituents would reap the fruits of the promise hold out; and on what ground could we, as fair men, approach them and challenge their support ? The right to hold slaves is a right apper taining to all the States of this Union. . They have the right to cherish or abolish the insti tution, as their tastes or their interests may prompt, and no one is authorized to question the right or limit the enjoyment. And no one has more clearly affirmed that right than you have. Your inaugural address does you groat honor in this respect, and inspired the country with confidence in your fairness and respect for tbo law. Our States are in the qnjoynient -of - that-right. . Wo- do .not feel called on to defend the institution or to affirm Washington, July 14, 1862. . To the President ; " The undersigned. Representatives of Ken tucky, Virginia,-.Missouri; and-Maryland;-™ the two Houses of Congress, have listened to your address with the profound sensibility naturally inspired by the high source from whieh it emanates, the earnestness which marked its delivery, arid the overwhelming importance of the subject of which it treats. We have given it a most respectful consider ation, and now lay before you Our response. Wo regret that want of time has not permits ed us to make it more perfect. We have not been wanting, Mr. President I in respect to you rind in devotion to the Con stitution and the Union. We have not been indifferent to the' great difficulties surround ing you, compared with which allformor na tional troubles have been but as the summer cloud ; and we, have freely given you our sympathy and support. Repudiating the dangerous heresies of the Secessionists, we believed, with you that the war on their part is aggressive and wicked, and the objects for which it was to be prosecuted on purs, defined by your message at the opening of the present Congress, to be such as all good men should approve, we have not hesitated to vote all sup plies necessary to carry it on vigorously. AYo have voted all the men and money yori have asked for, arid oven more; we hatfe imposed onerous tases on opr penplo ; and they are paying them with cheerfulness and alacrity; wo have encouraged enlistments arid sent to the field many of our best men ; arid some of our number have offered their persons to the, enemy as pledges of their sincerity rind devo tion to the country. ■ ' ' . Wo have done all this under the most dis couraging circumstances; and in the face of measures most distasteful to us arid injurious to the interest i we represent, and in the ljearing of doctrines avowed by those who claim to be your friends; must he-abhorrent to usand our constituents. Rut, for all this, we have nev er faltered, nor shall we as long as we have n Constisution to defend and a Government which protects us. And we are ready for, m uewod efforts, and even greater sacrifices, yea, any sacrifice when we are satisfied it is re quirod to preserve our admirable form of gov, eminent and the priceless blessings of cons ‘ tutional liberty, A foiv of our numlior voted for the romlu- tiori recommended by our message of .the 6th of March last, the greater portion of us did not, and We will briefly state the prominent reasons which influenced our action. In the first place, it proposed a radical change of our social system, and was hurried through both'.llouses with undue haste, with out. reasonable time for consideration and de- bate, .and with no time at all,for consultation with our constituents, whoso interests it deep ly _ involved; It seemed' like an interference by .this Government with a question which peculiarly and exclusively belonged to our respective States; on which they had not sought iWvice or solicited aid. Many of us doubted the constitutional power of this Got ernment|to ihate app-opritttioube'f money for the object,designated, and all''of us thought our finances were on no condition to tear the immense out-lay which its adoption andfaith ful execution would impose upon the Nation al Treasury. If wo pause but a. moment to think.of the debt, its.acceptance would have entailed, we are appalled by its magnitude. I The proposition was addressed’to all the States j and # embraced the whole number of slaves. According to, the census of 1860 there were thennearely 4,000,000 slaves in the country ; from natural increase they exceed that num ber now. At even the low average of $3OO, the price fixed by the emancipation act for the slaves of this District, and greatly below their real worth, their value runs up to the enormous sum of $1,200,000,000',' and if to that we add the cost of deportation and colo-, nization, at sloo,each, which is but a fraction' more than ie actually paid by the Maryland Colonization Society, we have $400,000,000 more 1 Wo were not willing to impose a tax on our people sufficient to pay the interest on that sura, in addition to the vast and daily in creasing debt already fixed upon them by the exigencies of the war, and if we had boon willing, the country could'not bear it. Sta tod in this form! the proposition is nothin less than the deportation from the country of ?1,000,000,000 worth of producing labor, and the.substitution in its place of an interest- bearing debt of the same' amount 1- But, if we. are told that it was expected that only the States we' represent would ac cept"the proposition, we respectfully submit :bat even.then it involves a sum too great for die financial ability of this Government at diis time. According to the census of 1860— Slaves. 225,490 87,188 490,887 1.798 114,905 275,784 Kentucky had Maryland Virginia Delaware Missouri Tennessee Making in the whole' At the same rate of valuation these would amount to Add for deportation and colo nization SlOOeach And we have the enormous sura ■ of TVo did not feel that we should he justified in voting for a measure which, if carried out, would add this vast amount to our public debt at a moment when the Treasury was reeling under the enormous expenditure of the war. Again, it seemed to us that this resolution was but the annunciation of a sentiment which could not or was not likely to bo re duced to an actual tangible proposition. No movement was then made to provide and ap propriate the funds required to carry it into effect; and wo Wore not encouraged to believe that funds would he provided. And our be- it is one which ought to be cherished ; per haps, if we were to make the attempt, vyo might find that wo differ even among our selves. ■lt is enough for Tour purpose“to knoiv that it is right; and, so knowing, we did not see why we should now bo expected to yield it. AVe had contributed our full share to re lieve the country at this terrible crisis; we I had done as much as had been required of others in like circumstances ; and wo did not see why sacrifices should bo expected of ns from which others, no iporo loyal, were ex empt. uNor could.we see what good the na tion would derive from it. Such a sacrifice submitted to by us would not have Strengthened the arm of this Gov ernment or weakened that of the enemy. It was not necessary as a pledge of our loyalty, for that had been manifested beyond a rea sonable doubt, in every form, and at every place possible. I’hflre was not the remotest probability ' that the States wo represent would join in the Rebellion, nor is there now, or of their electing to go with the Southern section in the event of tl recognition of the independence of any part of the disaffected regiom Our States are fixed unalterably in their resolution to adhere to and support the ! .Union. They see no safety for themselves, and no hope for constitutional liberty but by its preservation! They will, under no cir cumstance, consent to its dissolution ; and we.'do them no more than justice when we' assure you that, while the war is conducted to prevent that deplorable catastrophe, they will sustain, it as long ns they Can nlilster a man or ooinmand a dollar. Nor willthey ever, consent, in any event, to unite with the Southern Confederacy, The bitter fruits of the peculiar doctrines of that region will for ever prevent them from placing their securi ty and happiness in the custody of on associa tion which has incorporated in its organic law the seeds of its own destruction. . AVe cannot admit, Mr. President, that, if wo had voted for the resolution in the cipation Message of March last, war, would now be subtantially ended. AVe arohmable to see how our action in this particular has given, or could give, encouragement to the Rebellion. The resolution has passed ; and, if there be virtue in it, it will be quite as effi cacious as if wo bad voted for it. AVd have I not- power to bind Our States in this,.respect by our votes here; and, whether we. bad vot ed the one way or- the other, they are' in the same condition of freedom to accept or reject its provisions. "No, sir, the warhas not been prolonged or hindered by our action on this or any other measure. AVe must look for othet causes for that lamented fact. AVe think there is not'much difficulty, not much uncertainty, in pointing out others far more probable and potent in their agencies to that end. 1 Tho Rebellion derives its .strength from the union of all classes in the insurgent States ; and- while that union-lasts the vcar will never end until they are utterly exhausted. We know that at the insception of those trou bles Southern society, was divided, and that «large portion, were op posed to Secession. Now the great mass of Southern people are united. To discover why they are so we must glance at Southern society, and notice the classes into which it lias been divided, and which still distinguish it, They are in arms, but not, for the same ob jects ; they are moved to a but by different and oven, inconsistent reasons. The loaders, which comprehends what was previously known l rt-s tlre State Bights party, and is much the lesser class, seek to break down national independence and set up State domination.- With , them it is a war against nationality.- ! The other class is fighting, ns it supposes, to maintain and preserve its rights of property and domestic Safety, which it has been made to believe are assailed by this Government.- This latter class are npt disunionists per se; they are so only because they have been made to belivo that this Ad ministration 'is inimical to their right, and is making war' on their domestic institu tion. As long .as these two. classes act to gether they will never assent to a pence. The policy, then, to bo pursued, ispbyious. The former, class will never be reconciled, but the latter may be. Remove their ap prehensions ; satisfy them that no harm js intended to them and their institutions ; that this Government is- not making -war on their rights of property, but is simply defend ing its legitimate authority, and they will gladly return to their allegiance as soon as the pressuroof military dominion imposed by the .Confederate authority is removed from them. . Twelve months ago both Houses of Con gress, adopting the spirit of your Message, then but recently sent in, declared with sin gular unanimity the objects of the war; and the country instantly bounded to your side to assist you in carrying it on. If the' spirit of that resolution had been adhered to, we are confident that we should before now have seen the end of this deplorable conflict. Bui what have wo seen ? 1,106,112 In both Houses of Congress We have' heard doctrines subversive of the principles of the Constitution, and aeon measuroafter measure founded in substance on those doctrines pro posed and carried through which can have no other effect than to distract and divide $358,933,500 118,244,533 loyal mon, and exasperate and drive still fur ther from us and their duty the people of the rebellious States. Military officers, following these bad examples, have stepped beyond' the just limits of thoir authority in the same di rection until in several instances you have $478,038,133 felt tho necessity of interfering to arrest them. And oven the passage’of the' rptqln i tion to which you refer lias boon ostentatious ly proclaimed ns tho triumph of a principle i which the people of tho Southern States ro ■ gard as runious to them. Tho effect of those i measures was foretold; and may now bo seen in the indurated state of Southern foqhng. To those causes; Mr. President, and not to our omission to vote for tho resolution recom mended by you, wo solemnly believe we are to attribute tho terrible earnestness of those in arras against tho Government and the con tinuance of the war. , Nor do wo (permit us to say, Mr. President, with all respect to you) agree that tho institution of slavery is “ the lever of their power,” but wo are of the. opin ion that “ tho lover of their power” is tho ap prehension that tho powers of a common government, create it for common and equal protection to the interests of all, will be wielded against the institutions of tho Southern States. There is one other idea in your address we feel called on to • notice. After stating tho foot of your repudiation of General Hunter’s proclamation, you add;— ‘‘•Yet in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfac tion, if not offoriso, to many whose support to tho country cannot a fford to lose. And this is not tho end of it. Tho pressure in this di rection is still upon mo, and, is increasing. By conceding what I now ask, you can 1 re- lievo mo, and much more, can reloivo tho country, in this important point.” \Yo have anxiously lookod.into this pass. , age to discover its true import, but wo are yet in painful uncertainty. How can we, by. I conceding what you now ask, relieve yeti, and the country from the incrdttsiugpreaaura to which you refer VWe will not allow our selves to think that the proposition is, that we consent to give up slavery, tothOend that the Hunter proclamation may bo lot looflo pn, the Southern people, for it is too well khowq. that we would, not be parties to any such, measure, and we have too much respect, fori you to imagine you would propose It. Can it mean that bypaorificing our interest in slavery we appease the spirit that controls’ that pressure, cause it to bo withdrawni,hncl rid the country of the pestilent agitation of the slavery question ? We are forbidden so to, think, for, that spirit would not be satisfied, with the liberation of 700,000 slaves, ijnq cease its agitation while 300,000,000 rCifiaiil in bondage. Can it mean that by abandon ing slavery in our States we are removing, the pressure from you and the country, by preparing for a separation on the line of the, Gotten States ? , , , i-. M AVo are forbidden so to think. hGOnusait is known that we ore, and We believe that you are, unalterably opposed to day. division at all. AVg would prefer to think that yo.n, sire this concessions as,a pledge of oml slip-: port, and thus enable you to withstand a. pressure which weighs heavily on you and the country, Mr. President, no snob ,sacri-. lice is necessary to secure odr support. - Oobe fine yourself to your constitutional authority • confine your subordinates within.the same, limits ; conduct this war solely,.fap,the ti.ur-. dose of restoring the Constitution to its legi timate authority ; conceded to each, State. I add its loyal citizens -their jost rights, and we. are wedded to you by indissoluble ties; .llq this, Mr. President, and you . toudi tho American heart and invigorate itwith new hope. You will, as we solemnly believe, in due time rCstbfe peace,,to yout, country,- lift it from despondency. t 0,.» futjUr.o.of glory and preserve it. fo- yoni cou&trymeii; theii posterity, and man, the inestimable treasure, of a constitutional Government. r , ■ •. Mr. President,- vteLbovq stated with,frank-, ness and candor the reasons on which we for-, bote to vote for the resolution, you have men- ■ tioned ; hut you. have .again presented this; proposition, and appealed to ns with tin ear-. . nestness and eloquence which have not failed - to imprOsO us, to “ consider ife' find .ttf;. the. least to Commend it to consideration of our States and people.” . Thus appealed to. by the GhieflVlagiatratp of pur beloved coun try, in the hour dfjtpjgreritest, peril, we can- ; not wholly declin'e? willing td trust)' every question interest and.. happiness to the consideration and ultimate, judgment of oiir own people.. While.,.differ-..', ing from youas to the. necessity of omanoipa-. ting the slaves of opr .States as a means of putting down the -Rebellion, arid while. pro- • testing; against propriety of any extra territorial interfererice to' induce the people , of oup States to adopt any particular line ofj policy on a subject which peculiarly and exj. when you’ana. our brethrenpfethp|eyal States sincerely ber; lieve that the retention of slavery by us is an. obstacle to peace and national harmony, and) and arb willing to contribute pecuniary aid,, to compensate our States and. people fcf thfli. inoo’nvenieucies produced by such a change ; 'of system we are not unwilling that our pee- 1 , pie shall ponaidet. .thp- propriety Of putting ;jt| asidev',,;)) v , „ >" . Butwc have already said that we regarded; this resolution as the utterance of a sentiment,, and wejhiid thal .it would aijr., siimo the shape, of a tangible,practical proper i sitiou, which would you yield the fruits of the sacrifice it required. Our peopleare influenced.. by the same , want of confidence, and will no,t, consider the proposition, ip its present impair pable formv. The interest they are. asked to.) give ,up - ia to'them of imriiense , importance, ■ and.they ought not to .be expeotod’bvon toen-j, tertain tho,,proposal.until .they are assured, that when they accept it .their just expects.-. tion will not be, frustrated. We,regard your , plan as a,proposition,from the nation to'tbftV States to. exercise nil admitted constitutional) right in a- particular-manner and yield up ft viuuable interest. Before they ought to,con-, aider the proposition, it should be presented in such a tangible, practical, efficient shapS) as to command thoir that itq fruits) are contingent only, upon their adoeptence. .We cannot truafanything to the contingep-; dies of fufufe JegislHtion. < ~ > . If Congress, by proper and necessary legis-: latipn shall provide sufficient funds and place t .them at ypur disposal, to be applied by yoii i.to the, payment of any of .our States. or tfio citizens thereof who shall adopt the ahpr lishmcnt .pf slavery, either grgdiial. .Ot jnjmes, diatc, as they may determine, arid the- as- - ., ponse of deportation and colonization of the liberated slaves, then willoup States anij pea?; pie take this propbaitibridpto cniftful dorisi(iera,-:i tion,-for sp'ch decision as in their,judgment.is[ demanded by their interest, their honor, and', their duty to the whole country.-. We have the honor to bo, with great respect, C. A, Wicklitfee, Ch'n.|Chas. JJ. Calvert, Garrett Davis, 11. Wilson, J. J. Crittenden, John S, Garble, J. -VV. Crisfield-, J. S. Jackson, 11. Grider, John S. Phelps, Ffanoiif Thomas, ■O' Some animals won’t fight till they are driven to hay. Wo guess tho rebels wont fight till they arfl driven to gulf. ■ ' "You' are always yaiyning", aftid, a lady to hor husband., “My dear Maria,” ra-i plied ho, “the husband and wife are one, and when I am alone I grow .weary,” ; ,O” Jeremiah : was telling bow much lie liked chive’s head for dinner, when the mis ;reaa exclaimed—“Oh, you cannibal I” ■ -,.c, „[C7” The young man who recently Vent oil a. bridal tour with an angel in muslin, has returned with a turmagant in hoops. i. . ;: VJ* Why is a sleepless lover like a brief less barrister ? Because he’s .devoid of eaw [of fees.) . , 1 • ’ .'t DC7* Why is a'person who is slightly poor-' ly loose his sense of touch I Because heaon’c feel well. ... .. • O" A trial of still between a couple ,of ' chess players results often in a draw, and he- 1 tween a couple of artists always in twodrowp. C 7? Why is Ireland like a bottle of wine? Because it has Cork in it. O' Which is the largest jewel in the world ? Thb-Emerald Isle. : ..;.i. lr :Whnt living creature has a beard without a chin? An oyster. .. .. ... ; ! -iUa>v- ! -A ip. , O” The fittest dower for a widow— owor, . - NO, 8. C. L. L. Leary, E. H. Webster,' 11. Mallory, Aaron Harding ; ■Jameg S. Kolhns, J. W;, Menzies, Thomas !/.■ Me!*, fx. W. Duping,' Wm. A. ilall, ■
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