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Is Emancipation the object of the present War,
or Is it to sustain the Constitution as it
. is, and restore the Union as it was,?
SPEECH
OF
HON. lIIESTER CLTME&
OF BERKS COUNTY.
DELIVERED IN THE SENATE OF PENNSYLVANIA,
MARCH 11, 1802.
The Senate of Pennsylvania having under
consideration the resolutions asserting that it
•is the unquestionable right and manifest du
ty,of Congress Slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia ; instructing their Sena tors
and requesting their Representatives to Con
gress, to vote for its. total and immediate abo
lition in said District, upon such terms as may
.fee decreed just and equitable .to the slave
Owners therein, Mr. CLYMEIJ moved to
amend by inserting after the word requested,
the words , after the assent ot the Stale of
Maryland, and of,the people of that District
has been obtained.” .
The question being on the amendment,
ftlr. CLYMER said:
■ Mr. Speaker, in this hour when the nation
is struggling for existence, we should bo
ready and willing to devote all our energies
to the furtherance of her legitimate airps and
purposes, wo should, top, bo unwilling to do
anything to retard her onward strides towards
the object she has in view, which is the main
tenance of the .Constitution as it is, and the
restoration of the Onion as it was.'
Deeply impressed with the magnitude and
importance of this object, I, as ope of the
' humbles -.members of this body, approach the
consideration of this question, which so di
rectly and sensibly nffects that great object,
With feelings of deep distrust as to my own
.ability to thoroughly investigate it, and o(
fear, lest I should fail properly to present it
to this Senate and the people of thisCommou
■ -V.-fj . T,t ioo, question of nature so (ifiiiciLte,
and yet so fast in its immediate and future
consequences, that if I could impress every
Senator with tbo same feeling of distrust and
fear, and,could ipyoke the,solemn aspirations
for the common welfare of our common coun
try, which that.feeling should inspire, I would
feel richly, amply rewarded for the labor I
am about to perform.
Look, sir, at the position of the great Com
monwealth which we , represent 1 The Al
raightv for some good and wise purpose, has
made Lor the very heart and centre of the Re-
Sublio. , Her western borders skirt the in
md seas, and lie upon the river which emp
ties into the southern .gulf. Go the east she
is washed by waters ebbing, from old Ocean,
• fhe highway of commerce and the pathway
to wealth. The Alleghenies traverse her cen
tre, from north to south, forming her back
bone,. from : whioh stretch out great ribs of
•iron. She has arteries of anthracite, and
tveips of limestone and marble, through which
the life-blood of trade and of industry courses
•in quick and healthy flow. In all the elements
.ofmertial wealth and progress, in manufac
tures and in agriculture, she stands to-day
the grandest Commonwealth of tbo grandest
(Confederacy that has ever existed 1
Thus powerful, thus groat, wo stand here
.placed by the hand of God, between the op
posing elements of ruin to our country—be
tween the blind, fanatical and mistaken sym
pathy (at this time I will use no stronger
term) of, the North, and the outrageous and
.damnable heresy of the South.
We are the natural bulwark between those
.contending forces, which threaten the very .ex
istence of (government, and I implore you
.Senators to act at this hour,on this question as
become the representatives of such a State,
.with such a position, with such a destiny, and
with such mighty interests committed to her
.charge. You are not. acting for this State
Alone, but fora common country ; not for the
present merely, blit for all time ; not for the
.thirty millions of to-day, but for the untold
generationswhoareyetto.be.
•The immediate.question, for the considera
tion of the Senate, is the first resolution,
.which is, “ That is the unquestionable right
find manifest duly of Congress to abolish slave:-
py in thejiisiriet ot Columbia."
The SPEAKER.. The Senator will per
mit the Chair to remind him that the ques
tion is on the amendment offered by himself,
to insert after the word ‘’requested” the
words after the assent of the State of Mary
land, and of the people of said district has
been odlained.
Mr., CLYMER. I am well aware, sir.
•what question is immediately before the Sen
ate ; and if the Speaker and the Senate
.choose to confine me to the amendment offer
ed by myself, I shall submit to the decision.
But, after the amendment which was previous
ly offered to the original resolution, the dis
,mission took'So wide a scope that I feel con
strained to ask the privilege accorded to Ihoso
who have proceeded mo, that I may, in ad
dressing the Senate at this time, embrace
within my remarks,all I have to say, both upon
the main proposition, and upon the amend
ment offered by myself. If that privilege is
.extended to mo I shall proceed, or else wait
.until I have heard the sense of the Senate
,u P° n tlm proposition offered by myself.
The SPEAKER. Does the Senate so give
its consent? , ,
~ question was unanimously answered in
thenffirmative.
the SPEAKER. The Senator from Berks
Will proceed.
Wlls "bout to say, when
•pronositinn n v, ei 7 U * the Chair, that the
■fie t mquestionai l? o ennto is - t,mt “ il is
Congress to aboliJ?' J I d and . mani f est dul .V of
Columbia." Thb in the District of
(discuss ; and in Jlj PrQ P o^ ltinn 1 propose to
of history, of dutv . Bo ’ thercare facts
examined. IVhen °f plighted faith to ho
United States vr a , S~?‘ itation of the
made for the establiahm.w r P rwis ‘mn was
Ini.; and it was proved thni a !’,f. ionftl 0!l P ; -
eorihod limits «>* pre-
Iho Congress of the PmPOS®'P 0S ®'
In it yS 1780
and 1790 the States of Maryland and Virginia,
in a spirit of kindness, and with the intention
to pronjote the general convenience of the
government, ceded ten miles square to Con
gress for the soatof the national capital. They
ceded ono hundred miles of their territory for
this purpose. Now,,.sjr, by whom end to
whom was this cession made, are the questions
to be considered 'by this Senate, in order to
determine whether the first position of the re
solution is tenable and absolutely true. To
whom was it made? It was made to the Con
gress of the United States. By whom
was it made ? By the legislatures of
the States of Virginia and Maryland. Hav
ing been made to the Congress of the United
States for the purposes of a national capital,
it cannot bo supposed that the State Legisla
tures of Virginia and Maryland could have
ceded to that national legislature other, great
tor or higher powers than they themselves
possessed. Then, sir, if those legislatures had
not the right to abolish slavery within that
territory—l mean if they had not the consti
tutional ability to exercise that power, not
having been elected by the people for that
particular purpose—therefore'it will follow
that these legislatures, not having been
clothed with those powers, could not grant
other or greater powers to the national legis
lature than they themselves possessed.. There
fore the grantee, which was the national
Congress, has no greater or other powers
than were granted by those State legislatures j
and as the latter had not the power or right
to aholsh slavery—that being a power resid
ing in the people of these States—they never
having conferred it upon the legislatures
which passed the acts of cession., Congress
cannot have the power to do what its grant
ors (the States of Virginia and Maryland)
could not do ; or, in other words, the grantee
has hot or cannot have! greater powers than
the grantor had to. confer. I present this
position in order that Senators, after duly
considering it,, may, then determine whether
it is beyoml.t-ho shadow of doubt, that “ it u
the unquestionable right of Gorpress to abolish
.slaver;/ in the District of Columbia.”
This disposes of the first proposition in the
resolution. Admitting, for the sake of the
argument, that thorp is.an unquestionable
right in Congress to abolish slavery in that
district, I approach the second, proposition
contained in the resolution, which is “ that
it is the manifest duty of Conyress to abolish
slavery therein)”' In order to determine
whether , it is the manifest duty of Congress
to abolish slavery with said district, there are
several considerations to be examined—the
first of which is, what was the object of the
States of Maryland and Virginia in ceding
this territory to the National Government—
and secondly, what was the object of Con
gress in accepting it ? These two points must
bo determined, and after thoir determination
it will appear whether " it is the manifest du
ty of Congress” to abolish slavery, within the
District of Columbia. . First of aljVit.ia..clear
and manifest that the design was to make
that territory the Sept of Government of the
United States. In the words of Mr. Clay,
“ that was. the great "paramount, subsantial
object of the grant,”—that and none other.
Certainly ,it could never have entered into
the opinion, of those Legislatures, or of the
people residing within the district to bo ced
ed, that it was to be used, occupied or treated
for any other purpose than making the Dis
trict the seat of the National Legislature, - In
order to illustrate this branch of my argument,
I will rend from the speech of Henry Clay,
delivered in the Senate of the United States,
during session of 1850; Ho says that “ the
object of the grant to Congress was to make
the District of Columbia the Seat of Govern
ment of the. United States. That was the
great, ’ paramount, substantial object.of the
grant; and in exercising all the powers with
which wp are invested, complete and full as
they may bo, yet the great purpose of the ces
sion having been to create a suitable seat of
government, that ought .to be-the loading
and controlling idea with Congress-in the ex
ercise of this power; and inasmuch as it is
not-necessary, in order to render it a proper
and suitable Seat of Government of the Unit
ed States, that'slavery should bo abolished
within-the limits of the 'ton miles square ; and
inasmuch as the cession was made at the time,
in a spirit of generosity, immediately after
the formation of the Constitution* when all
was peace, harmony and concord, andAvhen
fraternal feeling prevailed throughout this
Union, when the States of Maryland and Vir
ginia in a moment of generous impulse and
with feelings.of high regard towards the mem
bers of this Union, chose to make this grant ;
neither party could have suspected, that at
some distant and future period after the agi
tation of this unfortunate subject, their gen
erous grant, without equivalent, was tp be
turned against them and the sword was to-be
lifted, as it were, within their own bosoms, to
strike at their own hearts. Ido think that
Congress, as an honorable body, acting in
good faith, according to the nature, and pur :
pose, and objects of the cession at the time it
was made, and looking at the condition of
the ceding States at this time, cannot, with
out forfeiture of all those obligations of honor,
which men of honor and nations of honor, will
respect as much ns if they were found literally
in so many words in the bond Dsolf, interfere
with slavery in this District, without a violat
ion of those obligations., not in my opinion,
less sacred or less binding, and if they had
been inserted in ■ the . Constitutional instru
ment itself”
- I could- hot more briefly, or succinctly sum
up the argument ns to the purpose of this
grant, aud as to the binding obligation upon
this nation to preserve that purpose in the
spirit in which it was made, than was thus
done by that noble Senator—one of those real
ly groat men who lived and flourished for half
a century, and who, when they were among
us, wore the props and pillars of the republic,
and whose God-like teachings, since thoir
voices are no longer hoard, are sainted and
enshrined in the heart of every .man who is
not openly or secretly a traitor to his coun
try.
I have now discussed the resolution in its
two-fold aspect, as it is,before the Senate. I
have examined, first, the assertion that it is
the unquestionable right, and next endeavor
ed to ascertain whether it is the manifest du
ty of Congress to ablolish slavery within the
District of Columbia. I will now discuss the
propriety of the amendment offered by my
self, which is, “ that our Senators ha and they,
arc. hereby instructed, and our Representa
tives in Congress, requested, after the assent
v of the State of Maryland and of the people of
said district has been obtained, to vote for the
total abolition of slavery in said district, on
such terms as may bo deemed just and equi
bio to loyal slave owners therein.- 1 ? That is
the second portion of the resolution. I will
first inquire, why the assent pf the State of
Maryland should bo obtained ? This has
been partially answered in my exposition of
the reasons whieh induqod the States of Vir
ginia and Maryland to cede the District of
Columbia to Congress—that in honor; and
good faith, we have no right to which do that
wps apt within the contemplation of the par-
*.■■■•
" OUR COUNTRY—MAT IX ALWAYS BE RIGHT—BUT, RIGHT OR WRONG, OUR COUNTRY.”
ties interested, at the time the grant was made.
I say that we have no right at this time—in
this hour of national peril—when fear, dis
may and terror pervade the land—and when
danger lurks in and around the very capital
itself, and in every square mile of territory in
its vicinity—wo hove no right to erect within
the shadow of that capital, a powder magazine
(if you please) for the destruction of the .very
State which generously granted that territo
ry to the use of the nation. If wo abol
ish " slavery in' the District of Columbia,
wo afford a place for harboring and conceal
ing free negroes and runaway slaves, from
which forrays on the adjoining territory will
be schemed and planned, where arms can be
put into the hands of slaves in the sur
rounding country, and from which tumults,
rebellions and insurrections may bo—and
will be—incited in the State of Maryland.
Was, it sir, for any such purpose as this that
the State of Maryland,ceded this territory to
the national government? Was it to plant'
within her own bosom the source of her own
destruction ? Had that State supposed this to
h ave been the intention, would she ever have
m’ado the grant ? Had she supposed this to
bo the ultimate result ofhdr generosity, would
anv such cession have been made ?
but, sir, it is a truth, sound in morals as in
government; that that which we cannot do
directly we have no pight to- do by indirection.
Jfow, it was one of the avowed purposes of
the Senator from Allegheny, by the abolition
of slavery in the District of Columbia, to .in
troduce on entering wedge for the abolishment
of that institution in other portions ol the
.slave territory. I present to him and to this
Senate, as honest men, as.men representing
the true and loyal sentiments of Pennsylva'
‘nia, the question whether they dare, abolish
this institution in the district referred to,
with any such purpose ?
Mr. IRISH. Mr. Speaker, I rise to , ex
plain. The Senator from Berks has attribut
ed to me language that I did not make use of.
I made no such assertion, that the adoption of
this measure was intended as an, entering
wedge. I simply said it might have a moral
bearing upon the institution of slavery else
where, and that in sp far as it had that bear
ing I was perfectly will to taka the conse
quences of it, • . ' 4
. Mr, CLYMER. . The Senator from Alle
gheny stated in his remarks “ it is the ulte
rior effects which the adoption of the measure
before Congress for the; abolition' of slavery
in the District may have ufioirthe slave sys
tem in other portions of the country." . Tim ,
was ono of the considerations offered by that
Senator to iriduce this Senate to'vote for the
resolutions ; and I hold him to his record, to
his assertions given upon the record before
his people. I ask him in the name of the
people ho represents—and I put the question
to ev'ery Senator—whether he represents or
misrepresents his people, when ho dares tp
do by indirection what he knows under the
Constitution ho dare not do directly ? when
h 8 knows that within the States ho dare not
lay handsmpou the institution of .slavery, un
less willing to tear down the Constitution and
trample its provisions under foot. I ask
whether by Indirection they are going to do
that which Ithey dare rot and should not
do directly. I put tliat question to the Sena
tor, He has assorted that the present propo
sition was urged because of its ulterior affects
on the institution ; and,.sir, I hold him to
his remarks,; and I ask him whether he da. b
march up to the question and say that whet
he has. already avowed is-not the real object ,
to bo accomplished by his party associates ? (
But I will pursue the argument farther.
The Constitution has given power to Con
gress to call out the militia to execute the
laws of the Union, to suppress insurrections
arid repel invasions. Dare we, then, in the
face of the express authority granted to Con
gress to suppress insurrections, do that which
in the nature, of things must incite insurrec
tion and rebellion ? Is not Conuress required
to repel invasions and suppress insurrections?
'and will Senators here vote to do that which,
by their own avowal, will produce the very
results that among others your Constitution
was, formed to preyont ? I .put the, question
to Senators around me whether as constituti
onal and law loving njeu—as men who un
der similar oireiji stances would ask to have
justice, the land Constitution administered to
them—whether they would call upon Con
gress to do tljijt which the Constitution is im
tended to suppress and prevent ?
The.next condition I propose by my amend
ment is that this action shall not bo taken
- without tbo consent of the people of the
District. of Columbia ; themsolvos. ■ Why so,
. sir ? If Congress has unlimited' jurisdiction
within that territory—uncontrolled, unre
strained by an earthly power—its condition
is that of the most slavery
over known. Why, sir,, then there is a popu
lation of some sixty or seventy thousand peo
ple who are anomaly in our system of govern
ment ; they have no representation, nor right
to voto. and yet they are taxed and made to
feel the. hand of government. Suehtyranny,
if it is to bo exercised (as it would be exercis
ed by such proceedings as tljo.se) lias never
been Heard 1 of. Tfwould move hopelessly and’
utterly enslave its victims than any oppres
sion I have the power or, will; to describe.
Should they pot bo heard or. consulted in re
gard to a question which affects, first their
rights, of property, next, their happiness and
their social relations in life ? Is it possible tbo
people of that District, without their consent,
without,their petition and without their will,
should be stripped of all their rights by a
power not self-imposed of their part and in
which they have not the first iota of represen
tation ?Is it manly?—is it just ?—is it right?.
Answer these questions, Senators. Toll mu
whether it is so—you who are not affected by this
institution, who have nothin" to do with it—
whether the grievance in this matter is so
great that, as the only remedy, you, must
strip this people of property, of comfort and of
many of tlio dearest relations pf life, without
their will or request. sir. that would bo the
worst, most terrible and most unheard pf
ranny that ttyis world has ever seen. <
I next comp to consider the substantial pro
position submitted in tlje resolution asamend
ed by the Committee on Federal Relations,
that tbis abolition of slavery should not take
plapo without some provisou for the payment
of loyal slaveholders. I have no objection to
the amendment of the Senator fr oQ * AJj e *
ghony inserting the word “loyal; for the
man who has raised hand against this gov
ernment and would destroy it, has no right
to tbo protection of its laws, oithoir in life,
person or property. That Senator, had he
not been borne down by that innate sense of
justice which I know has not Ipft tbo breasts
of all this Senate, would have struck out that
amendments made to’his resolution in the com
mittee of which I have thohonor to boa mem
ber. Why should wo not make recompense
to those men for bavin" their property ta
ken ? Is it not declared in the fifth article of
the Constitution that private property shall
not he taken for public use without just com
pensation ?—and that slaves are private pro
perty who will doubt ?' Leaving that question
stripped of'uU disguises, I present the ZugU
ILE, PA., THURSDAY, APRIL
CARLII
authority of the Prosidentqftho United States,
who has called upon Congress to assist in pay
ing for emancipated slave property. It is
property, recognized by law and endorsed by
the President liirifself; ami although wo may
not take it for a public use, yet, if, in obedi
enoe to a public will be_ a demand its emanci
pation, why should not its owners be paid the
full, ample, outside pride for the commodity?
Mr. Speaker,' I bave_ hitherto endeavored
to confine myself moat strictly to the resolutions
before the Senate. I have attempted to show,
first that there is at least room fur a reasona
ble doubt whether it is “.rte ifnyualiqnahle
right of Congresa to abolish slavery in the
District of Columbia.” ®iis is. a question for
evc.y man to decide for'diimselft Next, I
have c_ deavored.to showtpatit is’not “ mani
fest dr.’.j of Congress” so fo do. I have fur
ther attempted to establish that such notion
should be taken upon three conditions alone
—first, with the assent of the State of Mary
land, next, with tl)6 assorit of the people of
that district; arid those two hoinggiyen, that
then' the loyal slaveowners of that district;
'arid those two being given? that then the loy
al slaveowners of that district should receive
just and and fair Compensation fo, their prop
erty. I have thus essayed to present to the
Senate what are my views upon the question
immediately before it. V
Now, sir, thefe are portions of history inti
mately bearing upon this;/ 1 cation, which I
beg leave to present; so th-u they may be
made matters of record, ns a portion of this
question. On the 12th of December, 1831,
Mr. John Quincy Adams, in the Congress of
the United States, presented fifteen petitions
from numerous inhabitants of Pennsylvania,
praying for the abolition of slavery in the
District of Columbia and tire abolition of the
slave trade therein;, “So lar at the hitter de
sire was concerned, he thought it a proper
subject of legislation for Congress,- and that
the petitions on thataccinint should bo referr
ed to the Comiriittee on the District of Colum
bia. As to the other prayer of the petition
—the abolition of slavery in the District of
Columbia—he deemed it his duty to say that
he would not support it. “Ho would nut sup
port it 1 John Quincy Adqiijs, borq before tho
days when the Constitution was formed, reared
am'ongst the influences that produced it, edu
cated by the infsri who framed it,was unwilling
to do what he know he-dared not do without
a violation'of faith, of honor and of justice to
the people of that district. The next petition
bn this subject was presented in tho Senate of
the United States, in'January 1830, by Mr.
Morris, of Ohio, praying for the abolition of
slavery in the District of Columbia. This qries
tion.' was finallyreferred’.’to a committee in
Congress; who reported as the opinion .of that
House,, (arid it was cleayly tho unanimous
opinion of Congreds,) “ that Congress possess
es no constitutiorial authority to interfere in
any way with the institution of slavery in
any of the States of the Confederacy next,
it was resolved “ that Congress ought not to
interfere in anyway with slavery in tho Dis
trict of. .i
That was tho deliberate ojjmion of Congress
in 1836. The first resolution declaring, that
Congress had rio power over slavery in the
States was a mere ropriptpf Dye qno present
ed in 1790, and adopted at that early day, in
the very first Congress that sat under the Con
stitution, “ that Congress had no power or
authority over slavery within the States." This
question was not again agitated in Congress, I
(at the least I have found no record of con
gressional decisions in regard to tho matter,)
until the question was raisrfd, and as thocoun
try believed, settled finally by the compromise
measures of 1850.. In that year, Mr. Clay pre
sented a series of resolutions known as the
“ obipproipbo measures,” which afterwards,
although they did not pass'as individual reso
lutions, yet passed iu the shape of sepa
rate bills on each respective subject. The
fifth resolution reads “ that it is inexpedient
to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia,
whilst that institution continues to exist in
tho State of Maryland, without tho consent of
the people of tho District, and without just
compensation to;tho owners within tho dis
trict.” I have endeavored, in the argument I
have offered upon tho original resolution, re
ported from the Committee ori Federal Rela
tions, to embody, if not the exact words, yet
the veritable meaning of the immortal Clay.
Oh, sir, could I present to this Senate the ar
gument ho advanced'to the .National-Senate of
.1850,upon this subject, when l;o examined arid
supported the same proposition 1 have- hero
submitted, with the soul inspii-ii g energy of
a dying patriot, foehn", that Without its pas
sage the measure' .would bo (as is intended
heT-o,) an entering wedgp for tho dissolution
of the Union—could I have any portion of his
eloquence, I concive that I could influence
this Senate as ho,influenced tho Senate of the
United States, and persuade those member..
as ho persuaded his,auditors, that this mea
sure in itself is inexpedient, and that its pas
sage will militate againsttho unity, the peace
and concord of this great and good govern
ment. But I have no such expectation, I
mar that did I posses? tho oratorical power
and eloquence of that gifted statesman, it
would be useless hero; but if I had it, I would
exert it; and ifitwas not heeded, with others,
and not with me, should ho tho blame.
' But what'are the inducements held out to
this-Sonate to secuie their affirmative action
upon those resolutions 7 1 will do tho Sena
tor from Allegheny, (Mr. laisn,) the justice
to say that, in arguing. tliis'subject, ho en
deavored to adhere strictly-, to life question
immediately before the Senate, or, iu the
words of tho Senator from Bradford, (Mr-
L.ixnox,) ho confined himself within “the
limits of tho too miles square." I cannot say
tho samo of other gentlemen who have dis
cussed this question—they have wandered
from the pole to tho equator. But what were
tho reasons given by the Senator from'Alio
r The iirat one was. tho olfoot it would
have upon the two or throe thousand individ
uals who aro to ho directly affected by the
adoption of tho measure now before Congress
tl io two’ or three thousand slaves and tho
several hundred slave owners in that district.
Aro the interests, tho happiness, and tho eter
nal welfare of’thirty millions of men to bo
jeopardized for tho sako of two or three thou
sand men, either white or black ? AFhy, in
suoli a consideration, thoy are hut ns tho dust
in tho scales. If my previous'argument has
been worth anything, I have shown that it
would ho consulting tho interests of those
people that this action should not bo had.-
Wliat is tho next reason advanced by the Sen
ator from Allegheny to induce our affirmative
action? ' I would to God, sir, ho had not ad
vanced it,' for I would then not have been
fdrooff to express tho feelings I outer am. Ho
savs this is a question of character, that char
actor is powo,r; arid in order to prop.tmto tho
good opinion of Englnnd-o/ England!- ;us
think of it 1 \—the good opinion of England' / /
that wo oro to do'this thing. May God for
give him I mat, England ?—whoso virgin
queen, Elizabeth, shared m tho profits of tho
first alavo voyaga made by an Englishman,
one John Hawkins I England?—whoso kings,
Charles the second, and James tho second,
were members of tho fourth company author-
.7, 18(J2.
ized to import slaves into the West Indies—
James the second, being president of the last
company I England ?—that had the contract
to supply all the slaves to islands ot the West
Indies, for thirty years, and that put a hun
dred and forty-four thousand slaves into them!
What, I|nglnnd ?-—whoso very body and soul
are covered deep, damnation deep, with the
blood of the slave! Is it to conciliate her
friendship, her good opinion, that we arc to do
tips 1 fa it to propitiate England, Our oldest
and bitterest foo, from whose iron grip wo es
cnood by the blood of our ancestors flowing
like water from '76 to 'B3 ; and that England
who, in our present death-struggle for nation
al existence, when our.life was ebbing from
us, when we wore lashed to our enemies, ap
proached us from behind and would have
stabbed us in the back?—is it to propitiate
the good opinion Of such a nation, that wo
are to adopt this'measuro? Sir, if more pas
sion, prejudice and hatred— inetinciivi, nation
al, hereditary 7iatm2—goyernodmy action, and I
had ho other rOason for my course on this
question, I would vote as I am do, to,
manifest my utter detestation, andToathing of
that government, and to hurl defiance atjior.
If I had no holier; purer or higher motive,
that single one would be sufficient for me. I
deeply regret that the Senator assigned such
a'reason for hisaotion. It is no pleasant du
ty for me to recount tho wrongs and injuries
that this nation has received from tho country
which should be, if true to her religion, hor
language, her literature and her destiny, our
best and truest friend, butwhich for cotton and
gold would sell herself to slavery and make
herself a very harlot amongst the nations,
.. Mr. Speaker, that was tho'second consider
ation offered by the Senator from Allegheny,
to, induce our favorable action upon this mear
ure. The third consideration was the ulteri
or effects which the adoption of thCnleasuro
before Congress for the abolition of slavery in
the District of Columbia might have upon the
slave system in other portions of tho country;
I have had occasion to discuss that point in a,
former portion of my remarks, and I will not
detain or weary the. Senate by recapitulating
it. Suffice it for me to say that it is uncon
stitutional, wrong in morals, wrong in poli
tics, and wrong in government to attempt to
do indirectly that, which under the Constitu
tion and the laws, wo dare not do directly.—
This is my answer to this, his last reason; and
I will do tho Senator from Allegheny tho jus
tice to say that those .three reasons, are the
only ones'that have been adduced in all this
argument why we should pass this bill.
■•I could stop hero in my remarks, and in do
ing so I would feel that I liad answered every
reason triumphantly and fully, but the most
arduous and to me the moot disagreeable and
unwelcome duty still remains. I pip now
obliged to leave “this ten mile square,*’ whore
the resolutions would legitimately locate us,,
and travel off into that unbounded space,
through‘which the Senators from Ijradforfi
and Erie wandered, in order to reach tho iin
der.lylr.{t principle presented by the resolutions
I,immediately. before the, Senate., . ..
Tho Senator from Bradford, who has wihd
ened the .seopo of this discussion, stated that
he intended to be frank, and that he would
hold up before his heart a mirror, as did the
old Grecian, so that every one. might bo able
'-o see what was therein. I propose to do the
same. . And .if in discussing this question I
am obliged to say unkind and "un relcoine
things, it is not because tho discussion is Of
my own seeking, hut because it has been
forced upon me. I come here as the champi
on of no particular interest under the Consti
tution. I pome here to defend that instru
mont frora assaults.from within and without,
no matter whether they come from the north
or tho south. Planting myself upon its broad
foundations, I will defend our groat legacy of
freedom, despite the throats of men, no mat
ter to what party they, belong. I am not a
member of any political organization in occu
pying this position. In view of ttyo issue in
volvod-r-itho perpetuation ot tho eternal prin
ciples of justice—l fool raised above the
paltry copsideratiori of the partisan, and am
willing to rise or. fall upon that vital issue.—
What is that instrument? and .by whom was
it made ? The Constitution was made by tlip
people of these United States, (tho then thir
teen colonies,) for them and for their descend
ants forever. It was the result of tho com
bi nod wisdom and the mature reflection of the
thirteen, original States, with a full under
standing of their condition and wants at that
time, and of the probable; future wants ami
tho requirements of their country and poster
ity. Such as it is, as they formod.it, and wo
find tho instrument with tho alterations that
in time booano necessary. It is now the
written law of the land, and tho expressed
will of the people—tho only one that in gov
ernmental matters and subjects of state or na
tional policy binds my conscience--the only
One that a man true to his duty, to his God,
and to the best interests of his country should
ever subscribe to. I know no higher law cm
earth than the written Constitution of the
United States ; and in matters of government,
Ikmw no higher, rule-in heaven,'far the
equal and exact justice of its law harmonizes
wifh tho attributes of Divinity itself, lie
who attempts to set up a higher authority I
proclaim to pe either a fanaotio or a traitor,
lie may chouse tho alternative, but one or the
other ho must bo. and is, .1 have stated that
this Constitution was made to suit tho condi
tion of our ancestors of tho thirteen, original
States. It was tho result of compromise—-
the child of compromise—and to-day it is tho
strong living man of compromise ; and when
you take away that life-giving, substantial
nourishment, the man will sicken and die.—
Now, sir, there wore adverse interests and
Opinions entertained by our forefathers rep
resenting these States when they formed tho
federal compact; but in spirit of amity, of
concession and fraternal fooling, those adverse
elements were settled and received expression
in tho writon law. And I say to-day, that
wo, their dependants. the progenoy of those I
thirteen original States, are bound to the en-(
(oroomont of every word and letter in tlnjt in
strument. In framing its provisions they
wore obliged to treat in the best manner pos
sible tho condition of affairs then existing.—
Thoro was then, unfortunately for us, (but it
was entailed upon us by that England, whoso
I will w© aro to-dny tiskod to conoiliflto,)
a species of property throughout the country,
which required to bo peculiarly protected. If
it attempted to escape, they provided a rom
edyfor its return : they prOpnrd the means
for suppressing the insurrection raised 6y. it;
and they made it on element Of pojiiica!
strength and power, giving to it the right of
representation for three-fifths of its number.
They reeognized its right of representation,
for at the time tho Constitution was formed
there was but one State of tho original thir
teen that was non-slavoholding. Therefore
tho Constitution was formed by men and tho
representatives of men who were interested
in slave property, and who very sensibly pro
vided for their interests in tho constitutional
convention. I repeat, they had to treat the
subject as they found it. They did so treat
it, and the result was, that from 1790 tolB2o
this country prospered under the blessings of
God and under tlio Constitution ns no nation
over prospered before. It is true "that the
founders of this nation regretted that slavery
existed ; it is true that they would have abol
ished it if they could ; hut it was an existing
fact, and - they, ns practical men, who wore
dealing with facts, and not in theories or sen
timent, treated it as a fact; therefore, they
moulded and adopted a constitution adapted
to their exigencies. Sir, from 1790 to 1820,
: there was no difficulty, ho trouble between
the elements composing the original Union ;
one State after another abolished slavery. I
have taken some pains to examine tlio history
of this matter, in order to show how rapidly
the system decreased in this northern climate
of ours, and how, as rapidly, it increased in
those regions further south. As slavery be
came unprofitable in tho New England States,
they abolished it. In the State of New York
it was abolished, commencing in 1790. My
recollection is that this State commenced its,
abolition in 1780. Thus gradually it was
abolished as it became unprofitable ; but fo
show how deeply rooted was this l system in
' tho minds of the people of that day, I will
merely state that although -the slave, trade had
been abolished by tho Continental Congress
in 1770, yet-in the convention that formed the
Constitution in 1788, a provision was incor
porated into that instrument that the slave
trade should not be abolished for twenty, years
thereafter, until 1808; and this was done at
the request of several of the Hew England
States conjoined with Georgia and the Caro
linians. If lam .wrong in historical data, it
is not intentional, ns 1 am endeavoring to re-’
late facts without referring to notes, flaring
this interval of time, Pennsylvania having!
adopted a system of gradual emancipation,
the institution .of slavery soon expired in this
Stale. ’ In the year 1780, I believe, the first
abolition society in the country was formed in
the city of Philadelphia. <lu 1790, that abo
lition society- presented a memorial to Con
gress praying for the abolition of tlio slave
trade, and the. general amelioration of the
black rare. That petition was received, and
after respectful consideration there was.adopt
cd.that first resolution which has been, tho
basis of every resolution on t)io subject of
slavery since that day—“that Congress lias
no power to interfere with slavery,within tho
States.” That was.in 1790, immediately af
ter tho formation of the Constitution! ."'fhat
opinion of Congress was based upon the opin
ions of men who formed that .Qqnstitution,
and upon the universal sbntimont.of tho men
of that day. Afterwards, there were other
abolition societies forrijed.
The first great , difficulty in regard to this
quostiojj of slavery, arose in 1820, upon tlio
question of the admission of the State of Miss
ouri into the Union. Then there was trouble
and difficulty iu the country, happily settled,
however, through a compromise of tho friends
lof Mr. Oh>y and other-lording ami distin
guished patriots. Proof that time up to 1831,-
there was little or nothing said upon this sub
ject. Prior to that year all was peace and
happiness ; the storm of 1820.had’ subsided,
. and the people wore again satisfied; Wo wore’
; onoo upon our career of material and nation
al wealth, progress and strength, .when this
i foul spirit of discord and- disunion again ap
peared upon tho horizon. In 1831, if I mis-
Itake not, an abolition paper was established
in the city, of Boston, by William Lloyd-Gar
ison. Ho put up as the moHo of that paper,
that the Constitution was a “league with, the'
devil and a covenant with that this
Union must bo dissolved', His efforts wore
persistent and constant, and tho paper origi
nated and aroused a spirit within this people
which being founded upon fanafoal sympathy
grow and increased until it resulted iu the
formation of a mighty party-.
This brings me to’tho assertion of tho Sen
ator from Bradford, that “slavery and slave
ry alone is the cause of nil our. trouble,V that
without'it there .would'lie no war—all would
have bopn peace;' concord and happiness.
Suppose, sir. by way of illustration, that in a
densely populated city there was a magazine
of powder, (a perfectly legitimate, lawful oh
jqot of trade anfi commerce, useful and indis
pensable jn its way as applicable to tho wants
and necessities of men ;) suppose further, .that
this magazine has been located by aulnority
of law, lung before that great city has grown,
up around and about it, that the law by which
it existed was fixed and unalterable, except
by the consent of tlio owners of that magazine:
suppose, however, that some infuriated mad
man—some one with hc!j in bis heart and
savage'hatg in hiu soul-should conceive that
this ,powdqr .should not wemain withiil tho
limits of that city, that ho would remove it,
even if in so doing ho blow up the, city and
brought upon it utter ruin and, desolation.—
iSnpposo, sir, that despite all the efforts of the
citizens and of tho olficors of iho law, ho
should seize a torch hud apply it to that mag
azine and blow it tu the slcies, scattering death
and ruin over the scene which before had ever
witnessed the hum of industry, and the joys
of prosperity ? Answer me, sir? was it the
magazine of pow : er which caused the ruin,
or was it not rather the fiend who fired it?
Mr. ITTFISTAND. [aside,! Both. .
Mr. CLYMEII. Aye, the Senator says both,
apd so say I. That was tho answer! hoped
to extort.
. Mr.LANBON. IdldnntanswerthoSonator.
Mr. CLYMKR. The Senator from Lancus- aurcly destined hy God himself, and from
tor answered Vboth.” I with him that which, as I believe iu that God, > she cannot
it was both, that .if was those miserable, dos- now ho *
porato tricksters and politicians of tho South, Again, sir, in order savo the Senator*
using, the institution of, slavery, planted in from Unulford from tho sin of innoo.ity, J.
thoir midst by thoir ancestors for benevolent would point him to tho lesson tnpght the
purposes, as a moans to cxeito the feelings of world by tho struggle of l7i 0. Diq not God
their people ; it was they, sir, and the equally sustain, support and domfort us in those dark
misguided—shall I not siiy tho traitorous ? and gloomy years of that sovou years, war ?
meuofthe North, who,'aiding and abetting Sorely His arm sustained ua; surely Jim
those otlier men in their mischievous designs, voice comforted us ; and yet su, Ills cjnof 111-
aetuated by th 0 same hellish intention, (that Hfriiraenl; for om- del,vorat.ee was GEORG 11
I never could fathom,) gave them the means WASIIINGIpN, tho \ irgn .an and slnve
to blow up this fabric of Government. owner; hut. sir. according to tho Senator from
I hero desire to say that if there is any one Bradford. lie must have been accursed m the
I who hiiG a right to feel desperately revenge- sight of God. . .
fill against tlmso traitors of tho soptii, (I do Again sir, wore not the generals and tin?
not moan tl.o people generally, but the Davis- rank and Dio of the revolutio nary army most
os Floyds and Yanceys.) it is a man like mv- of them slaveholders ? Purely, sir, for all tho
saif—a northern Democrat. I have had no States were slavo-luiMing say.i one. Audyet,
part nor lot in bringing this terrible calamity with this inoulius of slavery upon them, God,
upon tho country ; I, and tlmso who acted in Jfia merciful providence, sustained, snp
with.rne, havo endeavored to secure to all see- ported and upheld then). Ho, sir, allowed a -
tions their every right; and if I was only nation of slaveholders and slaveowners to
govornod by prejudice, if I could disregard achieve their independence, aud assert their
the Constitution and the laws, I onuld soo true position among tjio'nations of tho caidli.
those leaders go down 1 down ! 1 down!!! But Ills kind providence did not end here.
Sir, it is only my lovo of the Constitution, my He permitted us to go on prospering, and to
belief in its efiic'lonoy for all our national ills presper.untiUhe year 1801. Having don? this
and grievances, and my hope that it will bo m tho past I will not, cannot doubt, Ills mor
rostored intact, uni iij ured, that prevents me 1 cy, His protecting care and support in the fu
in my footings of indignation from being driv-1 turd. I will roly upon His mighty arm, on
ou to some desperate position. I do not de-' His sure protection, rather than. on tho niis
fond thoir institution of slavery ; I merely i guided and fanatical teachings, on the wild
accept it because the Constitution recognizes ■ rayings of men wlurforo willing and.prepared
t. ■ Whore such recognition is made I recog- to cast aside His word wdien it conflicts with
in'zo it—not one whit more, not one Whit leig. thoir finite ideas of right and justice. This
There I leave it. There, in Gods’ name, I has been tho rule of action of Providence iti
implore every one to leave it; as our fathers times past ; and acting uuder immutable and
Jolt it to us ; leavo.it undev God and under eternal principles, I cannot doubt tho results
God and under this government to workout of tho future. 1 lib past is the mirror, of th?
its own destiny and all may vet be well. , future. In it wo read .with unerring certain;
The Senator from Bradford said that ho ty all that bos boon all that can be : ..
would sweep away aught that interferes with 1 ' I Concluded onJouM V a a c. J
| the re-establishment of this government. If
he moans by tho re-ostablishnieijt ol thisgov
ornment, tho preservation of the Constitution
as it is, and the Union as itwas, Ijnihwitli
liim ; and, with him, I would spread firo.and
■brimstone not only over rebel soil in-the
Soutli, but over soil, North or South, whefoyor
secret treason or open rebellion exists; And
believing that it exists hero in the North,
this war made upon tho. Constitution, iigon
tho President, upon tho lender of pur^arniuss;
I for unconstitutional purposes,! iyoji|d
it thick and fast right here,
Sir, if I know anything of tlip politjfial
party to which I lujyq tht)' ht)t)_Qf - _t|3 hplong,
and with which I act from conviotionSbf du
ty, I have stated, truly, emphatically Japd
fearlessly their views upoh'uiis'queSiibh.—
They nro not for slavery or aghiust it’,' They
are for it ofrly haTlia Oopgfitijtion finds
They arc neither for or agalhkt any particu
lar government, but they nro for tho goyorp
moht under the' Constitution as it is, and for
tho Union ns it was! They arp for this Cap- ■
stitution'and Union intact; and if I
stand them they will strike down North and
South,: whatever stands between them and
this intact Union and intact Constitution.—
That is thoir proposition undisguised ; ilnd.it
is well to bo known here and now th lit such,
is tho determination of that great party.—
While disregarding all more desires based
updn sympathy with traitors and all ideqs
based upon a design to acquire powetr from
hostility to a particular institution; they will
strike down both alike, for they are both ac
cursed under the Constitution; aud Ijeirjg sb,
we the democracy, whom I claim' Hava pver
boon true and loyal to this government'in
| every war,- in all our history— ice will sop that
i tliis Constitution.remains unchanged andun- ■
corrupted. This is the mission of the Ijehib;
emtio'party. Por that it whs founded by
Jefferson and Madison, and Jib principles ip
lustrated by Jackson and a hosl; of woflbiogj
who arc now sainted patriots, whose memories,
are enshrined in the hearts of their country
men, and who will be worshipped as long H 8
there is one stone upon another in the tomplo
of liberty.
But, siiys the Senator from Bradford; if
this country could bo restored to peace, and.
could go .pa from pge to ago prosperously, .
with this institution intact, lie yrould bb in
clined' — ,
' Mr. I/ANDOlfi The Senator is not right,
sir. I wish to be rightly represented. I
want the whole of tho quotation'.
Mr. CLYMEII. [Bonding from tho speech
of Mr. London in the ‘.‘God has -
made certain men with . thoir faces a little
darker than mine; but if they nro capable
of enjoying freedom, liberty and the pursuit
of happiness, it is your duty to givq .it to
them ; and woe to the government, sooner or
later, that refuses to do it, and throws itself
[ athwart thoir pathway of progress. lam no
infidel; hut it we, as a nation, can bold up
and perpetuate slavery, age after ago, sanc
tion it legally and christen it ecclesiastically,
at tho same time prospat oursblyoa, bo
■ frcii-'Tiap'py mid great’, escaping all tbb’opnso
■ quencos divinely threatened against injusiipp
i and oppression —" ■
Mr. LANDON. That’ is correct. *
31 r. CLyjIEK. [Reading further.] f'Thon
this, if anything, would constrain
I only to question tho biblo, bat to douht v phb
I vpiT existence of tho Deity, liijnsclf.”
Mr, LANDON. I pnaprseWiat. mgk
Mr. CLY.MER. Sir,'it is ah adnuitpf-fnet
mid not mere theory, that lends
to infidelity. It has produced thatjfesuit in
I tho Garrisons, Giddings, ptlipp
shining lights of that faith’} atid-if thb Sena;
tor from Bradford by being
the exception, ho ld
order, sir, to save Cdnse;
quencos of such u rosqlt; T'Would pbinfcijitpi
to thp life and teachings of Ilim whoso
sion was" *# poaco oh earth end good will to-‘S;s
wards men.” Born noil reared in Judea, it ■%
province of tho Roman Umpire, in which sla
very existed io its \yorsi; forms and in fright
ful numbers, there being sixty millions of
thorn, it is to say tho least remarkable that
npwhero in all his teachings do wo find tbb
institution directly or indirectly condemned.
Every other sin, every other vice he denounce
ed and -reproved. It was Ilia mission to rp
bukVvicb wherbyer ho found it. 110 was hob
uivod by powers or principalities; ho taught
be true faith as it was committed to him, mu]
' that system of slavery was morally wrong
•was tho “ sum of all villainies”—why did
not lie denounce anil rebuke it? Is impos
sible that this most stupendous, social insti
tution of the 'Roman empire should albmj
have escaped Ilia denunciation and reproof?
Oh, no, sir! I will not—cannot believe it. In
order to do so, I must throw away my Bible,
with the Senator from Bradford; and forget
the teachings of Him who walked by the Sea
of Galileo. lint this I cannot, will not
I desire, for myself and for all others, to par
take more freely and more truly of tho spirit
and teachings of the blessed, founder of our
Faith. By so doing, how much ofpreset t
bitterness and sorrow might have been avoid
ed; how easily might we have escaped ajlour
present difficulties ; how love and peace
now reign instead'of'anarchy and discoid;
and how this country would have bounded
onward in. that mission for which she was
: r
NO, 45,