VOL. 48. AMERICAN VOLUNTEER. ipnBUSHED EVERY TnUUSDAY HORNING jjy jfOO» B. BRATTON. TERMS . Subscription. —Ono Dollar and Fifty Cants, paid Jn advance; “Two Dollars if paid within the year; and Dollars' and Fifty Cents,'if not paid within the year, These terms will bo rigidly adhered to in (every instance. No subscription discontinued until nil arrearages are paid unless at the option of the JSditor. ' ’ Advertisements— -Accompanied by thocAsir, and not exceeding ono square, will bo inserted throe itimes for Ono Dollar, and twenty-five cents for each ‘ additional insertion. Those of. a greater length in ' proportion. / Job-Printing —Sack ns Hand-bills, Posting-bills, Pamphlets, Blanks, Labels, * pre- Iho Congress of the PmPOS®'P 0S ®' In it yS 1780 and 1790 the States of Maryland and Virginia, in a spirit of kindness, and with the intention to pronjote the general convenience of the government, ceded ten miles square to Con gress for the soatof the national capital. They ceded ono hundred miles of their territory for this purpose. Now,,.sjr, by whom end to whom was this cession made, are the questions to be considered 'by this Senate, in order to determine whether the first position of the re solution is tenable and absolutely true. To whom was it made? It was made to the Con gress of the United States. By whom was it made ? By the legislatures of the States of Virginia and Maryland. Hav ing been made to the Congress of the United States for the purposes of a national capital, it cannot bo supposed that the State Legisla tures of Virginia and Maryland could have ceded to that national legislature other, great tor or higher powers than they themselves possessed. Then, sir, if those legislatures had not the right to abolish slavery within that territory—l mean if they had not the consti tutional ability to exercise that power, not having been elected by the people for that particular purpose—therefore'it will follow that these legislatures, not having been clothed with those powers, could not grant other or greater powers to the national legis lature than they themselves possessed.. There fore the grantee, which was the national Congress, has no greater or other powers than were granted by those State legislatures j and as the latter had not the power or right to aholsh slavery—that being a power resid ing in the people of these States—they never having conferred it upon the legislatures which passed the acts of cession., Congress cannot have the power to do what its grant ors (the States of Virginia and Maryland) could not do ; or, in other words, the grantee has hot or cannot have! greater powers than the grantor had to. confer. I present this position in order that Senators, after duly considering it,, may, then determine whether it is beyoml.t-ho shadow of doubt, that “ it u the unquestionable right of Gorpress to abolish .slaver;/ in the District of Columbia.” This disposes of the first proposition in the resolution. Admitting, for the sake of the argument, that thorp is.an unquestionable right in Congress to abolish slavery in that district, I approach the second, proposition contained in the resolution, which is “ that it is the manifest duty of Conyress to abolish slavery therein)”' In order to determine whether , it is the manifest duty of Congress to abolish slavery with said district, there are several considerations to be examined—the first of which is, what was the object of the States of Maryland and Virginia in ceding this territory to the National Government— and secondly, what was the object of Con gress in accepting it ? These two points must bo determined, and after thoir determination it will appear whether " it is the manifest du ty of Congress” to abolish slavery, within the District of Columbia. . First of aljVit.ia..clear and manifest that the design was to make that territory the Sept of Government of the United States. In the words of Mr. Clay, “ that was. the great "paramount, subsantial object of the grant,”—that and none other. Certainly ,it could never have entered into the opinion, of those Legislatures, or of the people residing within the district to bo ced ed, that it was to be used, occupied or treated for any other purpose than making the Dis trict the seat of the National Legislature, - In order to illustrate this branch of my argument, I will rend from the speech of Henry Clay, delivered in the Senate of the United States, during session of 1850; Ho says that “ the object of the grant to Congress was to make the District of Columbia the Seat of Govern ment of the. United States. That was the great, ’ paramount, substantial object.of the grant; and in exercising all the powers with which wp are invested, complete and full as they may bo, yet the great purpose of the ces sion having been to create a suitable seat of government, that ought .to be-the loading and controlling idea with Congress-in the ex ercise of this power; and inasmuch as it is not-necessary, in order to render it a proper and suitable Seat of Government of the Unit ed States, that'slavery should bo abolished within-the limits of the 'ton miles square ; and inasmuch as the cession was made at the time, in a spirit of generosity, immediately after the formation of the Constitution* when all was peace, harmony and concord, andAvhen fraternal feeling prevailed throughout this Union, when the States of Maryland and Vir ginia in a moment of generous impulse and with feelings.of high regard towards the mem bers of this Union, chose to make this grant ; neither party could have suspected, that at some distant and future period after the agi tation of this unfortunate subject, their gen erous grant, without equivalent, was tp be turned against them and the sword was to-be lifted, as it were, within their own bosoms, to strike at their own hearts. Ido think that Congress, as an honorable body, acting in good faith, according to the nature, and pur : pose, and objects of the cession at the time it was made, and looking at the condition of the ceding States at this time, cannot, with out forfeiture of all those obligations of honor, which men of honor and nations of honor, will respect as much ns if they were found literally in so many words in the bond Dsolf, interfere with slavery in this District, without a violat ion of those obligations., not in my opinion, less sacred or less binding, and if they had been inserted in ■ the . Constitutional instru ment itself” - I could- hot more briefly, or succinctly sum up the argument ns to the purpose of this grant, aud as to the binding obligation upon this nation to preserve that purpose in the spirit in which it was made, than was thus done by that noble Senator—one of those real ly groat men who lived and flourished for half a century, and who, when they were among us, wore the props and pillars of the republic, and whose God-like teachings, since thoir voices are no longer hoard, are sainted and enshrined in the heart of every .man who is not openly or secretly a traitor to his coun try. I have now discussed the resolution in its two-fold aspect, as it is,before the Senate. I have examined, first, the assertion that it is the unquestionable right, and next endeavor ed to ascertain whether it is the manifest du ty of Congress to ablolish slavery within the District of Columbia. I will now discuss the propriety of the amendment offered by my self, which is, “ that our Senators ha and they, arc. hereby instructed, and our Representa tives in Congress, requested, after the assent v of the State of Maryland and of the people of said district has been obtained, to vote for the total abolition of slavery in said district, on such terms as may bo deemed just and equi bio to loyal slave owners therein.- 1 ? That is the second portion of the resolution. I will first inquire, why the assent pf the State of Maryland should bo obtained ? This has been partially answered in my exposition of the reasons whieh induqod the States of Vir ginia and Maryland to cede the District of Columbia to Congress—that in honor; and good faith, we have no right to which do that wps apt within the contemplation of the par- *.■■■• " OUR COUNTRY—MAT IX ALWAYS BE RIGHT—BUT, RIGHT OR WRONG, OUR COUNTRY.” ties interested, at the time the grant was made. I say that we have no right at this time—in this hour of national peril—when fear, dis may and terror pervade the land—and when danger lurks in and around the very capital itself, and in every square mile of territory in its vicinity—wo hove no right to erect within the shadow of that capital, a powder magazine (if you please) for the destruction of the .very State which generously granted that territo ry to the use of the nation. If wo abol ish " slavery in' the District of Columbia, wo afford a place for harboring and conceal ing free negroes and runaway slaves, from which forrays on the adjoining territory will be schemed and planned, where arms can be put into the hands of slaves in the sur rounding country, and from which tumults, rebellions and insurrections may bo—and will be—incited in the State of Maryland. Was, it sir, for any such purpose as this that the State of Maryland,ceded this territory to the national government? Was it to plant' within her own bosom the source of her own destruction ? Had that State supposed this to h ave been the intention, would she ever have m’ado the grant ? Had she supposed this to bo the ultimate result ofhdr generosity, would anv such cession have been made ? but, sir, it is a truth, sound in morals as in government; that that which we cannot do directly we have no pight to- do by indirection. Jfow, it was one of the avowed purposes of the Senator from Allegheny, by the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, to .in troduce on entering wedge for the abolishment of that institution in other portions ol the .slave territory. I present to him and to this Senate, as honest men, as.men representing the true and loyal sentiments of Pennsylva' ‘nia, the question whether they dare, abolish this institution in the district referred to, with any such purpose ? Mr. IRISH. Mr. Speaker, I rise to , ex plain. The Senator from Berks has attribut ed to me language that I did not make use of. I made no such assertion, that the adoption of this measure was intended as an, entering wedge. I simply said it might have a moral bearing upon the institution of slavery else where, and that in sp far as it had that bear ing I was perfectly will to taka the conse quences of it, • . ' 4 . Mr, CLYMER. . The Senator from Alle gheny stated in his remarks “ it is the ulte rior effects which the adoption of the measure before Congress for the; abolition' of slavery in the District may have ufioirthe slave sys tem in other portions of the country." . Tim , was ono of the considerations offered by that Senator to iriduce this Senate to'vote for the resolutions ; and I hold him to his record, to his assertions given upon the record before his people. I ask him in the name of the people ho represents—and I put the question to ev'ery Senator—whether he represents or misrepresents his people, when ho dares tp do by indirection what he knows under the Constitution ho dare not do directly ? when h 8 knows that within the States ho dare not lay handsmpou the institution of .slavery, un less willing to tear down the Constitution and trample its provisions under foot. I ask whether by Indirection they are going to do that which Ithey dare rot and should not do directly. I put tliat question to the Sena tor, He has assorted that the present propo sition was urged because of its ulterior affects on the institution ; and,.sir, I hold him to his remarks,; and I ask him whether he da. b march up to the question and say that whet he has. already avowed is-not the real object , to bo accomplished by his party associates ? ( But I will pursue the argument farther. The Constitution has given power to Con gress to call out the militia to execute the laws of the Union, to suppress insurrections arid repel invasions. Dare we, then, in the face of the express authority granted to Con gress to suppress insurrections, do that which in the nature, of things must incite insurrec tion and rebellion ? Is not Conuress required to repel invasions and suppress insurrections? 'and will Senators here vote to do that which, by their own avowal, will produce the very results that among others your Constitution was, formed to preyont ? I .put the, question to Senators around me whether as constituti onal and law loving njeu—as men who un der similar oireiji stances would ask to have justice, the land Constitution administered to them—whether they would call upon Con gress to do tljijt which the Constitution is im tended to suppress and prevent ? The.next condition I propose by my amend ment is that this action shall not bo taken - without tbo consent of the people of the District. of Columbia ; themsolvos. ■ Why so, . sir ? If Congress has unlimited' jurisdiction within that territory—uncontrolled, unre strained by an earthly power—its condition is that of the most slavery over known. Why, sir,, then there is a popu lation of some sixty or seventy thousand peo ple who are anomaly in our system of govern ment ; they have no representation, nor right to voto. and yet they are taxed and made to feel the. hand of government. Suehtyranny, if it is to bo exercised (as it would be exercis ed by such proceedings as tljo.se) lias never been Heard 1 of. Tfwould move hopelessly and’ utterly enslave its victims than any oppres sion I have the power or, will; to describe. Should they pot bo heard or. consulted in re gard to a question which affects, first their rights, of property, next, their happiness and their social relations in life ? Is it possible tbo people of that District, without their consent, without,their petition and without their will, should be stripped of all their rights by a power not self-imposed of their part and in which they have not the first iota of represen tation ?Is it manly?—is it just ?—is it right?. Answer these questions, Senators. Toll mu whether it is so—you who are not affected by this institution, who have nothin" to do with it— whether the grievance in this matter is so great that, as the only remedy, you, must strip this people of property, of comfort and of many of tlio dearest relations pf life, without their will or request. sir. that would bo the worst, most terrible and most unheard pf ranny that ttyis world has ever seen. < I next comp to consider the substantial pro position submitted in tlje resolution asamend ed by the Committee on Federal Relations, that tbis abolition of slavery should not take plapo without some provisou for the payment of loyal slaveholders. I have no objection to the amendment of the Senator fr oQ * AJj e * ghony inserting the word “loyal; for the man who has raised hand against this gov ernment and would destroy it, has no right to tbo protection of its laws, oithoir in life, person or property. That Senator, had he not been borne down by that innate sense of justice which I know has not Ipft tbo breasts of all this Senate, would have struck out that amendments made to’his resolution in the com mittee of which I have thohonor to boa mem ber. Why should wo not make recompense to those men for bavin" their property ta ken ? Is it not declared in the fifth article of the Constitution that private property shall not he taken for public use without just com pensation ?—and that slaves are private pro perty who will doubt ?' Leaving that question stripped of'uU disguises, I present the ZugU ILE, PA., THURSDAY, APRIL CARLII authority of the Prosidentqftho United States, who has called upon Congress to assist in pay ing for emancipated slave property. It is property, recognized by law and endorsed by the President liirifself; ami although wo may not take it for a public use, yet, if, in obedi enoe to a public will be_ a demand its emanci pation, why should not its owners be paid the full, ample, outside pride for the commodity? Mr. Speaker,' I bave_ hitherto endeavored to confine myself moat strictly to the resolutions before the Senate. I have attempted to show, first that there is at least room fur a reasona ble doubt whether it is “.rte ifnyualiqnahle right of Congresa to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia.” ®iis is. a question for evc.y man to decide for'diimselft Next, I have c_ deavored.to showtpatit is’not “ mani fest dr.’.j of Congress” so fo do. I have fur ther attempted to establish that such notion should be taken upon three conditions alone —first, with the assent of the State of Mary land, next, with tl)6 assorit of the people of that district; arid those two hoinggiyen, that then' the loyal slaveowners of that district; 'arid those two being given? that then the loy al slaveowners of that district should receive just and and fair Compensation fo, their prop erty. I have thus essayed to present to the Senate what are my views upon the question immediately before it. V Now, sir, thefe are portions of history inti mately bearing upon this;/ 1 cation, which I beg leave to present; so th-u they may be made matters of record, ns a portion of this question. On the 12th of December, 1831, Mr. John Quincy Adams, in the Congress of the United States, presented fifteen petitions from numerous inhabitants of Pennsylvania, praying for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and tire abolition of the slave trade therein;, “So lar at the hitter de sire was concerned, he thought it a proper subject of legislation for Congress,- and that the petitions on thataccinint should bo referr ed to the Comiriittee on the District of Colum bia. As to the other prayer of the petition —the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia—he deemed it his duty to say that he would not support it. “Ho would nut sup port it 1 John Quincy Adqiijs, borq before tho days when the Constitution was formed, reared am'ongst the influences that produced it, edu cated by the infsri who framed it,was unwilling to do what he know he-dared not do without a violation'of faith, of honor and of justice to the people of that district. The next petition bn this subject was presented in tho Senate of the United States, in'January 1830, by Mr. Morris, of Ohio, praying for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. This qries tion.' was finallyreferred’.’to a committee in Congress; who reported as the opinion .of that House,, (arid it was cleayly tho unanimous opinion of Congreds,) “ that Congress possess es no constitutiorial authority to interfere in any way with the institution of slavery in any of the States of the Confederacy next, it was resolved “ that Congress ought not to interfere in anyway with slavery in tho Dis trict of. .i That was tho deliberate ojjmion of Congress in 1836. The first resolution declaring, that Congress had rio power over slavery in the States was a mere ropriptpf Dye qno present ed in 1790, and adopted at that early day, in the very first Congress that sat under the Con stitution, “ that Congress had no power or authority over slavery within the States." This question was not again agitated in Congress, I (at the least I have found no record of con gressional decisions in regard to tho matter,) until the question was raisrfd, and as thocoun try believed, settled finally by the compromise measures of 1850.. In that year, Mr. Clay pre sented a series of resolutions known as the “ obipproipbo measures,” which afterwards, although they did not pass'as individual reso lutions, yet passed iu the shape of sepa rate bills on each respective subject. The fifth resolution reads “ that it is inexpedient to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, whilst that institution continues to exist in tho State of Maryland, without tho consent of the people of tho District, and without just compensation to;tho owners within tho dis trict.” I have endeavored, in the argument I have offered upon tho original resolution, re ported from the Committee ori Federal Rela tions, to embody, if not the exact words, yet the veritable meaning of the immortal Clay. Oh, sir, could I present to this Senate the ar gument ho advanced'to the .National-Senate of .1850,upon this subject, when l;o examined arid supported the same proposition 1 have- hero submitted, with the soul inspii-ii g energy of a dying patriot, foehn", that Without its pas sage the measure' .would bo (as is intended heT-o,) an entering wedgp for tho dissolution of the Union—could I have any portion of his eloquence, I concive that I could influence this Senate as ho,influenced tho Senate of the United States, and persuade those member.. as ho persuaded his,auditors, that this mea sure in itself is inexpedient, and that its pas sage will militate againsttho unity, the peace and concord of this great and good govern ment. But I have no such expectation, I mar that did I posses? tho oratorical power and eloquence of that gifted statesman, it would be useless hero; but if I had it, I would exert it; and ifitwas not heeded, with others, and not with me, should ho tho blame. ' But what'are the inducements held out to this-Sonate to secuie their affirmative action upon those resolutions 7 1 will do tho Sena tor from Allegheny, (Mr. laisn,) the justice to say that, in arguing. tliis'subject, ho en deavored to adhere strictly-, to life question immediately before the Senate, or, iu the words of tho Senator from Bradford, (Mr- L.ixnox,) ho confined himself within “the limits of tho too miles square." I cannot say tho samo of other gentlemen who have dis cussed this question—they have wandered from the pole to tho equator. But what were tho reasons given by the Senator from'Alio r The iirat one was. tho olfoot it would have upon the two or throe thousand individ uals who aro to ho directly affected by the adoption of tho measure now before Congress tl io two’ or three thousand slaves and tho several hundred slave owners in that district. Aro the interests, tho happiness, and tho eter nal welfare of’thirty millions of men to bo jeopardized for tho sako of two or three thou sand men, either white or black ? AFhy, in suoli a consideration, thoy are hut ns tho dust in tho scales. If my previous'argument has been worth anything, I have shown that it would ho consulting tho interests of those people that this action should not bo had.- Wliat is tho next reason advanced by the Sen ator from Allegheny to induce our affirmative action? ' I would to God, sir, ho had not ad vanced it,' for I would then not have been fdrooff to express tho feelings I outer am. Ho savs this is a question of character, that char actor is powo,r; arid in order to prop.tmto tho good opinion of Englnnd-o/ England!- ;us think of it 1 \—the good opinion of England' / / that wo oro to do'this thing. May God for give him I mat, England ?—whoso virgin queen, Elizabeth, shared m tho profits of tho first alavo voyaga made by an Englishman, one John Hawkins I England?—whoso kings, Charles the second, and James tho second, were members of tho fourth company author- .7, 18(J2. ized to import slaves into the West Indies— James the second, being president of the last company I England ?—that had the contract to supply all the slaves to islands ot the West Indies, for thirty years, and that put a hun dred and forty-four thousand slaves into them! What, I|nglnnd ?-—whoso very body and soul are covered deep, damnation deep, with the blood of the slave! Is it to conciliate her friendship, her good opinion, that we arc to do tips 1 fa it to propitiate England, Our oldest and bitterest foo, from whose iron grip wo es cnood by the blood of our ancestors flowing like water from '76 to 'B3 ; and that England who, in our present death-struggle for nation al existence, when our.life was ebbing from us, when we wore lashed to our enemies, ap proached us from behind and would have stabbed us in the back?—is it to propitiate the good opinion Of such a nation, that wo are to adopt this'measuro? Sir, if more pas sion, prejudice and hatred— inetinciivi, nation al, hereditary 7iatm2—goyernodmy action, and I had ho other rOason for my course on this question, I would vote as I am do, to, manifest my utter detestation, andToathing of that government, and to hurl defiance atjior. If I had no holier; purer or higher motive, that single one would be sufficient for me. I deeply regret that the Senator assigned such a'reason for hisaotion. It is no pleasant du ty for me to recount tho wrongs and injuries that this nation has received from tho country which should be, if true to her religion, hor language, her literature and her destiny, our best and truest friend, butwhich for cotton and gold would sell herself to slavery and make herself a very harlot amongst the nations, .. Mr. Speaker, that was tho'second consider ation offered by the Senator from Allegheny, to, induce our favorable action upon this mear ure. The third consideration was the ulteri or effects which the adoption of thCnleasuro before Congress for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia might have upon the slave system in other portions of tho country; I have had occasion to discuss that point in a, former portion of my remarks, and I will not detain or weary the. Senate by recapitulating it. Suffice it for me to say that it is uncon stitutional, wrong in morals, wrong in poli tics, and wrong in government to attempt to do indirectly that, which under the Constitu tion and the laws, wo dare not do directly.— This is my answer to this, his last reason; and I will do tho Senator from Allegheny tho jus tice to say that those .three reasons, are the only ones'that have been adduced in all this argument why we should pass this bill. ■•I could stop hero in my remarks, and in do ing so I would feel that I liad answered every reason triumphantly and fully, but the most arduous and to me the moot disagreeable and unwelcome duty still remains. I pip now obliged to leave “this ten mile square,*’ whore the resolutions would legitimately locate us,, and travel off into that unbounded space, through‘which the Senators from Ijradforfi and Erie wandered, in order to reach tho iin der.lylr.{t principle presented by the resolutions I,immediately. before the, Senate., . .. Tho Senator from Bradford, who has wihd ened the .seopo of this discussion, stated that he intended to be frank, and that he would hold up before his heart a mirror, as did the old Grecian, so that every one. might bo able '-o see what was therein. I propose to do the same. . And .if in discussing this question I am obliged to say unkind and "un relcoine things, it is not because tho discussion is Of my own seeking, hut because it has been forced upon me. I come here as the champi on of no particular interest under the Consti tution. I pome here to defend that instru mont frora assaults.from within and without, no matter whether they come from the north or tho south. Planting myself upon its broad foundations, I will defend our groat legacy of freedom, despite the throats of men, no mat ter to what party they, belong. I am not a member of any political organization in occu pying this position. In view of ttyo issue in volvod-r-itho perpetuation ot tho eternal prin ciples of justice—l fool raised above the paltry copsideratiori of the partisan, and am willing to rise or. fall upon that vital issue.— What is that instrument? and .by whom was it made ? The Constitution was made by tlip people of these United States, (tho then thir teen colonies,) for them and for their descend ants forever. It was the result of tho com bi nod wisdom and the mature reflection of the thirteen, original States, with a full under standing of their condition and wants at that time, and of the probable; future wants ami tho requirements of their country and poster ity. Such as it is, as they formod.it, and wo find tho instrument with tho alterations that in time booano necessary. It is now the written law of the land, and tho expressed will of the people—tho only one that in gov ernmental matters and subjects of state or na tional policy binds my conscience--the only One that a man true to his duty, to his God, and to the best interests of his country should ever subscribe to. I know no higher law cm earth than the written Constitution of the United States ; and in matters of government, Ikmw no higher, rule-in heaven,'far the equal and exact justice of its law harmonizes wifh tho attributes of Divinity itself, lie who attempts to set up a higher authority I proclaim to pe either a fanaotio or a traitor, lie may chouse tho alternative, but one or the other ho must bo. and is, .1 have stated that this Constitution was made to suit tho condi tion of our ancestors of tho thirteen, original States. It was tho result of compromise—- the child of compromise—and to-day it is tho strong living man of compromise ; and when you take away that life-giving, substantial nourishment, the man will sicken and die.— Now, sir, there wore adverse interests and Opinions entertained by our forefathers rep resenting these States when they formed tho federal compact; but in spirit of amity, of concession and fraternal fooling, those adverse elements were settled and received expression in tho writon law. And I say to-day, that wo, their dependants. the progenoy of those I thirteen original States, are bound to the en-( (oroomont of every word and letter in tlnjt in strument. In framing its provisions they wore obliged to treat in the best manner pos sible tho condition of affairs then existing.— Thoro was then, unfortunately for us, (but it was entailed upon us by that England, whoso I will w© aro to-dny tiskod to conoiliflto,) a species of property throughout the country, which required to bo peculiarly protected. If it attempted to escape, they provided a rom edyfor its return : they prOpnrd the means for suppressing the insurrection raised 6y. it; and they made it on element Of pojiiica! strength and power, giving to it the right of representation for three-fifths of its number. They reeognized its right of representation, for at the time tho Constitution was formed there was but one State of tho original thir teen that was non-slavoholding. Therefore tho Constitution was formed by men and tho representatives of men who were interested in slave property, and who very sensibly pro vided for their interests in tho constitutional convention. I repeat, they had to treat the subject as they found it. They did so treat it, and the result was, that from 1790 tolB2o this country prospered under the blessings of God and under tlio Constitution ns no nation over prospered before. It is true "that the founders of this nation regretted that slavery existed ; it is true that they would have abol ished it if they could ; hut it was an existing fact, and - they, ns practical men, who wore dealing with facts, and not in theories or sen timent, treated it as a fact; therefore, they moulded and adopted a constitution adapted to their exigencies. Sir, from 1790 to 1820, : there was no difficulty, ho trouble between the elements composing the original Union ; one State after another abolished slavery. I have taken some pains to examine tlio history of this matter, in order to show how rapidly the system decreased in this northern climate of ours, and how, as rapidly, it increased in those regions further south. As slavery be came unprofitable in tho New England States, they abolished it. In the State of New York it was abolished, commencing in 1790. My recollection is that this State commenced its, abolition in 1780. Thus gradually it was abolished as it became unprofitable ; but fo show how deeply rooted was this l system in ' tho minds of the people of that day, I will merely state that although -the slave, trade had been abolished by tho Continental Congress in 1770, yet-in the convention that formed the Constitution in 1788, a provision was incor porated into that instrument that the slave trade should not be abolished for twenty, years thereafter, until 1808; and this was done at the request of several of the Hew England States conjoined with Georgia and the Caro linians. If lam .wrong in historical data, it is not intentional, ns 1 am endeavoring to re-’ late facts without referring to notes, flaring this interval of time, Pennsylvania having! adopted a system of gradual emancipation, the institution .of slavery soon expired in this Stale. ’ In the year 1780, I believe, the first abolition society in the country was formed in the city of Philadelphia. y and other-lording ami distin guished patriots. Proof that time up to 1831,- there was little or nothing said upon this sub ject. Prior to that year all was peace and happiness ; the storm of 1820.had’ subsided, . and the people wore again satisfied; Wo wore’ ; onoo upon our career of material and nation al wealth, progress and strength, .when this i foul spirit of discord and- disunion again ap peared upon tho horizon. In 1831, if I mis- Itake not, an abolition paper was established in the city, of Boston, by William Lloyd-Gar ison. Ho put up as the moHo of that paper, that the Constitution was a “league with, the' devil and a covenant with that this Union must bo dissolved', His efforts wore persistent and constant, and tho paper origi nated and aroused a spirit within this people which being founded upon fanafoal sympathy grow and increased until it resulted iu the formation of a mighty party-. This brings me to’tho assertion of tho Sen ator from Bradford, that “slavery and slave ry alone is the cause of nil our. trouble,V that without'it there .would'lie no war—all would have bopn peace;' concord and happiness. Suppose, sir. by way of illustration, that in a densely populated city there was a magazine of powder, (a perfectly legitimate, lawful oh jqot of trade anfi commerce, useful and indis pensable jn its way as applicable to tho wants and necessities of men ;) suppose further, .that this magazine has been located by aulnority of law, lung before that great city has grown, up around and about it, that the law by which it existed was fixed and unalterable, except by the consent of tlio owners of that magazine: suppose, however, that some infuriated mad man—some one with hc!j in bis heart and savage'hatg in hiu soul-should conceive that this ,powdqr .should not wemain withiil tho limits of that city, that ho would remove it, even if in so doing ho blow up the, city and brought upon it utter ruin and, desolation.— iSnpposo, sir, that despite all the efforts of the citizens and of tho olficors of iho law, ho should seize a torch hud apply it to that mag azine and blow it tu the slcies, scattering death and ruin over the scene which before had ever witnessed the hum of industry, and the joys of prosperity ? Answer me, sir? was it the magazine of pow : er which caused the ruin, or was it not rather the fiend who fired it? Mr. ITTFISTAND. [aside,! Both. . Mr. CLYMEII. Aye, the Senator says both, apd so say I. That was tho answer! hoped to extort. . Mr.LANBON. IdldnntanswerthoSonator. Mr. CLYMKR. The Senator from Lancus- aurcly destined hy God himself, and from tor answered Vboth.” I with him that which, as I believe iu that God, > she cannot it was both, that .if was those miserable, dos- now ho * porato tricksters and politicians of tho South, Again, sir, in order savo the Senator* using, the institution of, slavery, planted in from Unulford from tho sin of innoo.ity, J. thoir midst by thoir ancestors for benevolent would point him to tho lesson tnpght the purposes, as a moans to cxeito the feelings of world by tho struggle of l7i 0. Diq not God their people ; it was they, sir, and the equally sustain, support and domfort us in those dark misguided—shall I not siiy tho traitorous ? and gloomy years of that sovou years, war ? meuofthe North, who,'aiding and abetting Sorely His arm sustained ua; surely Jim those otlier men in their mischievous designs, voice comforted us ; and yet su, Ills cjnof 111- aetuated by th 0 same hellish intention, (that Hfriiraenl; for om- del,vorat.ee was GEORG 11 I never could fathom,) gave them the means WASIIINGIpN, tho \ irgn .an and slnve to blow up this fabric of Government. owner; hut. sir. according to tho Senator from I hero desire to say that if there is any one Bradford. lie must have been accursed m the I who hiiG a right to feel desperately revenge- sight of God. . . fill against tlmso traitors of tho soptii, (I do Again sir, wore not the generals and tin? not moan tl.o people generally, but the Davis- rank and Dio of the revolutio nary army most os Floyds and Yanceys.) it is a man like mv- of them slaveholders ? Purely, sir, for all tho saif—a northern Democrat. I have had no States were slavo-luiMing say.i one. Audyet, part nor lot in bringing this terrible calamity with this inoulius of slavery upon them, God, upon tho country ; I, and tlmso who acted in Jfia merciful providence, sustained, snp with.rne, havo endeavored to secure to all see- ported and upheld then). Ho, sir, allowed a - tions their every right; and if I was only nation of slaveholders and slaveowners to govornod by prejudice, if I could disregard achieve their independence, aud assert their the Constitution and the laws, I onuld soo true position among tjio'nations of tho caidli. those leaders go down 1 down ! 1 down!!! But Ills kind providence did not end here. Sir, it is only my lovo of the Constitution, my He permitted us to go on prospering, and to belief in its efiic'lonoy for all our national ills presper.untiUhe year 1801. Having don? this and grievances, and my hope that it will bo m tho past I will not, cannot doubt, Ills mor rostored intact, uni iij ured, that prevents me 1 cy, His protecting care and support in the fu in my footings of indignation from being driv-1 turd. I will roly upon His mighty arm, on ou to some desperate position. I do not de-' His sure protection, rather than. on tho niis fond thoir institution of slavery ; I merely i guided and fanatical teachings, on the wild accept it because the Constitution recognizes ■ rayings of men wlurforo willing and.prepared t. ■ Whore such recognition is made I recog- to cast aside His word wdien it conflicts with in'zo it—not one whit more, not one Whit leig. thoir finite ideas of right and justice. This There I leave it. There, in Gods’ name, I has been tho rule of action of Providence iti implore every one to leave it; as our fathers times past ; and acting uuder immutable and Jolt it to us ; leavo.it undev God and under eternal principles, I cannot doubt tho results God and under this government to workout of tho future. 1 lib past is the mirror, of th? its own destiny and all may vet be well. , future. In it wo read .with unerring certain; The Senator from Bradford said that ho ty all that bos boon all that can be : .. would sweep away aught that interferes with 1 ' I Concluded onJouM V a a c. J | the re-establishment of this government. If he moans by tho re-ostablishnieijt ol thisgov ornment, tho preservation of the Constitution as it is, and the Union as itwas, Ijnihwitli liim ; and, with him, I would spread firo.and ■brimstone not only over rebel soil in-the Soutli, but over soil, North or South, whefoyor secret treason or open rebellion exists; And believing that it exists hero in the North, this war made upon tho. Constitution, iigon tho President, upon tho lender of pur^arniuss; I for unconstitutional purposes,! iyoji|d it thick and fast right here, Sir, if I know anything of tlip politjfial party to which I lujyq tht)' ht)t)_Qf - _t|3 hplong, and with which I act from conviotionSbf du ty, I have stated, truly, emphatically Japd fearlessly their views upoh'uiis'queSiibh.— They nro not for slavery or aghiust it’,' They are for it ofrly haTlia Oopgfitijtion finds They arc neither for or agalhkt any particu lar government, but they nro for tho goyorp moht under the' Constitution as it is, and for tho Union ns it was! They arp for this Cap- ■ stitution'and Union intact; and if I stand them they will strike down North and South,: whatever stands between them and this intact Union and intact Constitution.— That is thoir proposition undisguised ; ilnd.it is well to bo known here and now th lit such, is tho determination of that great party.— While disregarding all more desires based updn sympathy with traitors and all ideqs based upon a design to acquire powetr from hostility to a particular institution; they will strike down both alike, for they are both ac cursed under the Constitution; aud Ijeirjg sb, we the democracy, whom I claim' Hava pver boon true and loyal to this government'in | every war,- in all our history— ice will sop that i tliis Constitution.remains unchanged andun- ■ corrupted. This is the mission of the Ijehib; emtio'party. Por that it whs founded by Jefferson and Madison, and Jib principles ip lustrated by Jackson and a hosl; of woflbiogj who arc now sainted patriots, whose memories, are enshrined in the hearts of their country men, and who will be worshipped as long H 8 there is one stone upon another in the tomplo of liberty. But, siiys the Senator from Bradford; if this country could bo restored to peace, and. could go .pa from pge to ago prosperously, . with this institution intact, lie yrould bb in clined' — , ' Mr. I/ANDOlfi The Senator is not right, sir. I wish to be rightly represented. I want the whole of tho quotation'. Mr. CLYMEII. [Bonding from tho speech of Mr. London in the ‘.‘God has - made certain men with . thoir faces a little darker than mine; but if they nro capable of enjoying freedom, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, it is your duty to givq .it to them ; and woe to the government, sooner or later, that refuses to do it, and throws itself [ athwart thoir pathway of progress. lam no infidel; hut it we, as a nation, can bold up and perpetuate slavery, age after ago, sanc tion it legally and christen it ecclesiastically, at tho same time prospat oursblyoa, bo ■ frcii-'Tiap'py mid great’, escaping all tbb’opnso ■ quencos divinely threatened against injusiipp i and oppression —" ■ Mr. LANDON. That’ is correct. * 31 r. CLyjIEK. [Reading further.] f'Thon this, if anything, would constrain I only to question tho biblo, bat to douht v phb I vpiT existence of tho Deity, liijnsclf.” Mr, LANDON. I pnaprseWiat. mgk Mr. CLY.MER. Sir,'it is ah adnuitpf-fnet mid not mere theory, that lends to infidelity. It has produced thatjfesuit in I tho Garrisons, Giddings, ptlipp shining lights of that faith’} atid-if thb Sena; tor from Bradford by being the exception, ho ld order, sir, to save Cdnse; quencos of such u rosqlt; T'Would pbinfcijitpi to thp life and teachings of Ilim whoso sion was" *# poaco oh earth end good will to-‘S;s wards men.” Born noil reared in Judea, it ■% province of tho Roman Umpire, in which sla very existed io its \yorsi; forms and in fright ful numbers, there being sixty millions of thorn, it is to say tho least remarkable that npwhero in all his teachings do wo find tbb institution directly or indirectly condemned. Every other sin, every other vice he denounce ed and -reproved. It was Ilia mission to rp bukVvicb wherbyer ho found it. 110 was hob uivod by powers or principalities; ho taught be true faith as it was committed to him, mu] ' that system of slavery was morally wrong •was tho “ sum of all villainies”—why did not lie denounce anil rebuke it? Is impos sible that this most stupendous, social insti tution of the 'Roman empire should albmj have escaped Ilia denunciation and reproof? Oh, no, sir! I will not—cannot believe it. In order to do so, I must throw away my Bible, with the Senator from Bradford; and forget the teachings of Him who walked by the Sea of Galileo. lint this I cannot, will not I desire, for myself and for all others, to par take more freely and more truly of tho spirit and teachings of the blessed, founder of our Faith. By so doing, how much ofpreset t bitterness and sorrow might have been avoid ed; how easily might we have escaped ajlour present difficulties ; how love and peace now reign instead'of'anarchy and discoid; and how this country would have bounded onward in. that mission for which she was : r NO, 45,