limiting a part and withholding a part of the •cnslitution from a vote of the people. Tho senator will pardon mo lor looking glittlo lusthor into his views. In an address delivered at Springfield on the Ifilh of Juno last, touching Kansas affairs; ho says: , “ Kansas is about to speak for hcrsolf through dslegatos assembled in convention to, form a State constitution, preparatory to admission in. fo the Union.” “ The law under which her delegates are. about to bo elected is believed to bo just and fair in all its objects and purposes .” • * * " “ There is every reason fo believe the law will be fairly interpreted and impartial ly executed.” • • • * << The election law is acknowledged to be fair and just, and the rights of the voters arc clearly defined, and tho exorcise of those rights will bo efficiently and scrupulously protected.” Then, again, lib says : , “The organic act secures to the people of Kansas tho sole and exclusive right of forming and regulating'their domestic institutions to suit themselves, subject only to tho Constitution of tho United States.” He denounces all neglect of, or resistance to, the movement for a convention, and says, that if any portion of tho people relnso to vote for delegates, and Kansas should become a slave State: through their neglect, upon them the re sponsibility should fall. I should prefer to give the entire speech, but I do not wish to ex tend my remarks to so great a length. Now let us turn to what he said in the Senate the Other •day:'? “ If you apply those principles to tho Kansas convention, you find that it had no power to do any act as a convention forming a government; you find that; tho act calling it was null and void ftom tho beginning j you find that the legisla ture could confer no power whatever on the convention. That convention was simply an as semblage of peaceable citizens, under tho Con stitution of the United States, petitioning for tho redress of grievances, and, thus asseriibled, had tho right to put their petition in tho form of a constitution if they choose j butstill it was only a petition, having tho force of a petition, which Congress could accept or reject, or dispose of ,us it saw proper., That is what I understand to bo just the extent of tho power and authority of this convention assembled at ■Locompton.” How to reconcile these sentiments. I cannot see. In the Springfield speech, lie says, “Kan. sas is about lb speak for herself through dele; gates assembled in convention to form a State constitution,” and that the law underwhich her. delegates were about to be elected is believed to bo just and fair in all its.objects and purposes. In the Senate, he says: ~’i You.flnd that the act calling it [the...con vention] was null and void from the beginning; you find the legislature coutd confer no power whatever on the convention;” Then, agajn, at Springfield, ( he says: “The organic act secures to the people of Kansas the sole and exclusive right of forming and.regulating thuirdomesticinstitutions to suit - themselves, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.” . In the Senate, JieJjSSs that the convention, which was, lronWts'*®flPnatliro, an assemblage of the people, through their representatives, ’“was simply ah assemblage as peaceable citi zens, under the Constitution of the United States to petition for the redress of grievances;” which petition Congress could accept, or reject, or dispose of os it saw proper. "Comment is scarcely necessary. If the right of a people, in the matter of making a government for them selves bo limited,only by the Constitution, as - claimed- by the senator in his Springfield speech, I should like to know where lie finds the autho rity for congressional interference. Nor can I See how he could designate a law as just and fair in all its purposes, which, he at the .same ] time hold to bo “null and. void from the begin- ] ning;” or what ho could moan by saying that . Kansas is about to speak for herself, holding at ■ the same time that she cannot speak at allwith- ( out the permission of Congress, But this is not ail, sir.. I want to call atlert- 1 tion to another view of this Springfield speech, 1 which I have before me. The honorable sona- | tor has maintained in this body that the failure , on the part of the sonverition to submit the con 1 - ' stitution to the approval of the people, is a rea son why the State should not bo qdmittod; and A yet, in this Springfield address, though made ! after the appearance of the inaugurals of Gov. ‘ ' Walker and Secretary Stanton,-ho reference whatever is made to a vote on the constitution. Ue made special note of the election for dele gates, but nowhere hinted that there was to be an election on the constitution after it was form ed by that convention. If he know the law call- < ing the convention to be “null and void,” and 1 that the convention would not bo vested with ■ authority to make a constitution and State gov ernment, I can hardly see how ho could fail to ' say so. ■ I may be mistaken; but it seems tome that, as the statesman above all others who has had this subject in charge, and the people of Kansas in keeping, ho might have admonished them of the mistake theo were about to make, or at least hinted tr them that their proceedings, though nbt against law, were irregular, and could be of no avail. I can hardly imagine how the senator could have refrained from doing this. Nor can I see how he could say to the free State men that, if . they neglected to vote for delegates, Kansas would become n slave State through their neglect, if ho at the same time held that the delegates which were to be electee!would have no right to make a consti tution of any kind. Holding now that the ques tion of railroads, banks, and corporations must be voted upon by the people before the State can come into the Union, is it not a little sin gular that, at the opportune date of his.Spring llcld speech, bo failed to drop the remotest hint thatitwas necessaay that the people should vote upon these questions, or on oven theall-absorb'. ing. question of domestic slavery—the only question that over was involved in the affairs ,ot Kahsas? Whilst the senator, was notifying the free State men of Kansas of their rights and .■ privileges, and the mode by. which they could ■ prevent Kansas from becoming a-slave State, is : it not strange that he failed to inform them that they would’have an opportunity of voting down the slave constitution, when submitted to them for ratification; if at that time ho held that such a submission was essential to its validity 7 But where are our friends on the other side to be found on this new issue? They cannot object to the informalities and irregularities at Lecomplon, for they have contended for noth ing else at Topeka. They have urged tho ad mission of State on the proceedings of a party convention, gotten-tip Without the color of law, and in derogation of the authority of the terri torial and .United States government. Nor. indeed, can they complain that all the people have not had an opportunity to participate in the decision on the slavery question ; for it was an articloin their faith, declared in the Fre mont convention, that not only a portion, but all the citizens, should be deprived of this right. They claimed the right for the people of the States, acting through Congress; which was virtually saying that those who did not go to Kangps should 'influence that decision, and that those who did go should have no represen tation on the subject. Mr. President, I am nearly done with this subject. I. have mainly followed the senator from Illinois. Without sitting down to syste matize my views. I have pursued the several topics pretty much as he presented them. On some points I may have fallen into error ; on others perhaps I may have manifested 100 much feeling.; but I beg to say to the Senate, and es pecially to tho.senator from Illinois, that I have in this matter but performed what T concoivoto be simply a right and a duty on my part as a senator. Whilst laying down those rules and princi ples which are the result of my humble judg ment after all the reflection I could give the • subject, I shall, above all things, be controlled by a desire to give peace to the country, and to Silence forever a dangerous feud that at times menaces the stability of our great government. What I mean to say is, that if the exigency arises, there shall bo on my part no want of concessioner compromise that will secure the adjustment of this unhappy conlrorersey; nor vyill I agree to be placed in a wrong attitude upon the great question which is the leading idea in this discussion. No man shall say, be cause of the remarks that I have made, that I am against giving the people tjie right.to make their own laws, or that 1 would circumscribe the use of those great inalienable and funda mental rights which lie at the foundation of our republican system. I intend no such thin"’ - but considering this question in all its bearings, I have been impressed with the belief'that it was an exigency which should be disposed of at tho first reasonable opportunity, by admit ting Kansas ns a State. Sir, it is painful .to reflect on the aspect of this question. .I do not know what may be In progress in Kansas at this piuincnt. If any thing I have said on any occasion, has minister ed to tho agitation which exists "there to-day, and which some fear may .approximate to civil war, I pray for forgiveness. I stand pledged to unite with the senator from Illinois in the patriotic sentiments-which he uttered when -he' declared his desire, to secure to tho country peace on tho slavery' agitation. It has bxn magnified at every step; it has been aggrava ted every hour; and now,■after a struggle of four years, the aspect is worse than over. How are we to settle it? One party in Kansas is acting in a rebellious spirit, without authority of law ; another has attempted to' make a con stitution by authority of law, and under the supervision of the federal government. We are to have, perhaps in a few days, a , contest be tween these propositions. When that contest shall come, I know where the senator from Illi nois will be. He will go with those who have acted aspording to law. I think I know him well enough to know that ho estimates tho re cognition of resistance to law or rebellion as one of the most unhappy incidents that could be connected with legislation at Washington. t have said all that I desire to say, except, simply-, that whatever is to come out of this unhappy embroglio, in future, I feel authorized to pledge myself first to the maintenance of justice and principle, and then to every reason able concession to give peace to the country. AMERICAN TOLUNTEER. JOHN B, -BMTTON. Editor & Proprietor. CARLISLE,.PA., JAN. 21, 1858. Suicide. —A pauper kit the Poor House of this county, by tho name of lle.xkt Wuite, committed suicide on Friday morning last, by hanging himself with a rope in one of tho barns attached to that Institution! Nothing unusal in his conduct was observed, except a few days before he was engaged in making coffins and when ho* had finished one he got into it and said it.wsiiited him exactly and That he intended that one for himself.” An inquest was held on tho body by Coroner M Clellas, on Saturday even ing, it not having been discovered before that time. STATE TREASURER. We rejoice to announce the re-election of that, excellent officer and sterling Democrat, Henby S. Magbaw, Esq., as State Treasurer. The effort made by a few political adventurers to defeat him, received a proper rebuke in the Democratic caucus, where he received a’riearly unanimous re-nomination. Men who “were Know-Nothings, but now Democrats,” have no business to become competitors of such ster ling men as Gol. Magbaw. IVe repeat, we are highly gratified that this faithful officer has been re-eleclcdr-it is an evidence that the peo ple’s representatives are not to be deceived or hoodwinked by designing men. The National Hotel, Washington.— This is the hotol at which so many strangers wore poi soned, in March last. It has been closed ever since, and is now again, opened, and is well pa. tronized. A letter writer! at Washington thus speaks of it: “The National Hotel has not only regained its ancient prestige but is pronounced by its numerous guests, to be one Of the best in the city.” We know-nothing about the management of the-National, but yet wo may remark that It might be “the best in, the city” aud’bo no great shakes after all. Tho Washington hotels are celebrated for their high charges and mean Hire. They are a disgrace to their proprietors and .to Washington city. Pedestrians have not yet, wo believe, been poisoned at “Wiiliard’s,” but they have been starved, deprived of sleep for want of decent beds; and fleeced. No gentle man will complain at reasonably"high charges in a hotel bill,.provlded ho has received good accommodations j but it is enough to provoke a saint, to have to put up with high charges and receive nothing in return. Members of Con gress are talking of establishing a nnf iogfl print ing office, to do their own printing. Wd would suggest that they build one or two decent hotels at the expense of the treasury, for themselves and their friends to stop at. Revival. —The revival which has been pro gressing in the M. E. Church of this place for the last .month or more, still keeps up with un abated success. The Rev. Mr. Chambers , tho able pastor, is a hard worker in the cause of his Master, and his people should spare no pains to hold up his hands and render him the assistance he sp much requires. The large congregations in attendance at thesd meetings every night, is an evidence of the interest felt in them, and be tokens the power and presence of God, iu awa kening, convicting and converting souls. The alter is nightly crowded with humble penitents, wrestling and agonizing for the comforts pf that “ peace which passes all understanding.” While on this subject, wo cannot but speak of and condemn tho bad conduct of a few row dies who occasionally drop into these meetings.’ Most of them are half-grown boys—impudent, dirty, worthless young vagabonds—who attend to tnako sport and practice indecent behaviour. The only way to put a stop to the.conduct of these young reprobates is for the congregation to select three or four of its stoutest members to watch them, and kick them into the street when they misbehave. This is the only argu ment that can be used with effect upon them, and it should be put into practice at once. The rowdyism practiced in our town has become a most'intolcrable nuisance, and every good citi zen should assist to put it down at all hazards. letter from the Surveyor-General. In another column we publish a very impor tant and interesting communication from Sur veyor-General Rowe, to Mr. .Speaker Welsh, on '‘the subject of arrearages due on lands purchased from the Commonwealth," &o.— The reading of this communication will convince the people of two things, viz—that the present Surveyor-General is a faithful and dil igent officer, and that his predecessors were just the reverse. We always have believed, and So expressed ourself, a hundred times, that the business in the Surveyor-General’s office Sad been mast shamefully neglected. It is fortunate for the people of tho State that Maj. Rowe oc cupies this important position at present—he is a working man, .and is well known for his in tegrity and devotion to the interests of the State. Let our readers give the commuuicaliou referred to a careful perusal. Acquitted. —Smith, the murderer of Mr. Carter, at tho St, Lawrence hotel, in Philadel phia, a few months since, .has had his trial, and has been acquitted of the murder, on the ground of insanity- • • THE NEW ADMINISTRATION. „ Gen. Packer entered upon bis duties as Go vernor of the Commonwealth, on Tuesday last. His Inaugural Address, which will bo found.in another column, is an able paper, and indicates the policy tho Governor intends to pursue.— Should his future acts correspond with his pro fessions—which is not always tho case with pub lic men—his administration will , not only be successful, but will redound to the advantage and honor of tho Commonwealth. We have every confidence in tho now Governor.. Wo have known him long and well, and fool satis, lied he has the prosperity of the State and the welfare and happiness of the people at heart. — We will not now, however, (for it is not our province,) predict that bis administration will bo faultless. Gov. Packer, it is admitted, is a man of experience and talent, but, like us all, ho is fallible, and liable to fall into error. It will be our duty to sustain him when wo bcliovo him right, and to dissent from his policy .when wo believe it wrong. It has been 100 much tho habit of newspaper editors in this State, to ex cuse and palliate tho errors and short-comings of public servants, and to extol them beyond their deserts for a discharge of plain.duty. We shall not permit our party predilections to load us into this error. Because wo assisted to ele vate a fellow-citizen to a high official position, it does not follow that wo must sanction all his acts, whether they bo wise or foolish. On tho contrary, we shall, to tho best of- our ability, judge his official acts by the standard of justice, and hold, him to a strict accountability should he deviate from tho principles of the paify whoso interests ho professes to represent. Such being our views, we hope to see Gen. Packer’s administration eminently successful, Indeed; knowing the Governor to be a discreet, sagacious and able , man, we have no fears that he will ever forsake.the principles he professes, or abuse the confidence reposed in him by his follow-citizens. DUPLICITY OF OUR OPPONENTS. Our political opponents profess to feel a great anxiety at present bn the sulrject of the tariff. They attribute the present financial embarrass ment and general prostration of business to the operation of the tariff jaws., A high tariff was tho leading measure of the old Whig party, but after tho advent of Know-Notliingisni and Black Republicanism, we heard nothing from our op ponents on this question. Ifwns lost sight of altogetheryand our zebra foes elevated to office many of the most notorious free-traders in the country. Banks of Massachusetts, the man they elected Speaker of the Honse, is and al ways was a free-trade man, and on that ques tion voted, with McDuffy, Yancy, Khett, arid other Southern fVee-traders. this Stale, where they hope to galvanize life into the putrid carcass of their dead party, by crying out for a high tariff - , they, nqt only elected a number of .free-traders to Congress, two years since, but they supported ‘free trade Davy” for/. Governor last fall! Are they not. beauties to talk about the baneful'effects'of tho present tariff laws ? Again, why didjhey; when they had a majority in Congress, lower the duties imposed byibeiar iff of 184 G 7 Notwithstanding their professions,, they, on first opportunity, repealed the tariff of 1846, because its rates were too high, and passed another tariff act, which approximates to the free,-trade standard of Mr. Speaker Banks arid the Southern free-traders t Now, these are facts which our opponents cannot and dare not deny. A-hd yet these very men who now prate so flfppantly about tho tariff not being high enough, were tho advocates of alow tariff when they bad tho power 1 What do they moan 7DO they consider the people fools, that they thus 1 dare to.impose upon them? Wo repeat, it is i enough to "disgust tho most inveterate deina- j gogue, to hear tho Abolitionists crying out for | a “high tariff.” Wby in the name of shovel . ploughs didn’t they try to establish a “high tar iff” when they had the control of Congress, if they consider it a measure of so much impor tance to tho country? Why, if they believe the doctrine they are now preaching, did they lower the duties imposed .by the Democratic tariff of 1846 ? Why did they support for Governor, at the last election, tho bitterest and most uncom promising anti-tariff man in the' Union 7 Instead of agitating the subject of a high “tariff,” when in the last Congress they had a solid working majority; they consumed their time in lighting about “Bleeding Kahsas” and in settling for bribes with railroad companies to which they ’ had made extravagant grants of public lands. Instead of raising tho duties authorized by tho Democratic Revenue Tariff of 1846, they lower ed them, so that now the Govornmonfis coin pellcd to give its,paper inpayment of Abolition debts, there not being a sufficient revenue. In stead of supporting “tariff man” for Gover nor, they nominated and voted for. “the only British free trade lory in all Pennsylvania I” ' Beautiful fellows 16 talk about a “ high tariff,” ! to bo sure! . , SPEECH OF SENATOR BIGLER. According to promise, we this week publish the able speech of our distinguished Senator on Kansas affairs. Wo hope our readers, one and all, will give it a careful perusal. It contains a vast amount of information, and has been pre pared with great care, alter much reflection and research. Barren of those rhetorical flourishes which serve to excite, rather than to convince —aiming at nothing but a simple statement of the truth— devoid of all special pleading and un fairness-. it is an argument that fully and forci bly .vindicates the policy for which it contends. The’weight of Senator !]idler’s effort is felt sen sibly by tho mongrel opposition to the Demo cratic party; They know his power anti fear it, and hence tho vile calumniation and abuse which they heap upon him. But it matters not how much bitterness they expend upon him, he occupies firm ground—such as will never give under him—while the foundations his op ponents build upon shall vanish like the base less fabric of a dream. We commend tho speech to the attention of our readers, hoping that every one of them will read it thoroughly and carefully; 03-Col. Johnston, the Commander of our Utah army, is a Kentuckian by birth, and grad uated at West Point, but resigned his commis sion, and became a volunteer in tho Texas re volution. Ho was Colonel of a regiment in, tho Mexican war, and shared the honors at Buena Vista. In 1846 ho became a paymaster in the U. S. Army, and in 1855 was appointed Colonel of one of tho new regiments. The Supreme Court.— At the meeting of the Supreme Courtof this State, last Monday, Justices Strang and Thompson drew lots far the priorty of succeeding to tho Chief Judg ship, as provided by the amended Constitution. The drawing resulted in favor of Justice Thompson, wliowill'accordingly, be Chief tice next after Judge Knox. ' ' . [ Congressional Bribery nnd Corruption. ■'*' They are inquiring in New Bedford who got the eighty-seven thousandWlars paid to effect the passage of. lljo tftrilfbf 1847. The Express says: '■■■■, .. . ' '' "V--- . : “That’s the question—‘WHO GOT IT ?'— And we mean to keep tins pertinent inquiry before the people.. Itfcouflerns the people that a full response bo made.. The Massachusetts delegation in Congress owu.it to their constitu ents, to the honor of the State, to thejr own characters, to call for n full investigation of the matter. Eighty thousand dollars were expen ded in Washington to. carry a certain tariff amendment through Congress. Who was bribed ? Show your hands, gentlemen.” : Our readers will bear witness, says the Washington Stales, that within the past few weeks we have taken the animadvert ing, in perhaps unmistakable terms, upon the late disgt useful failure of the great house of Lawrence, Stone & Co , of Boston. This house, with its greal magazines of Woolens, cottons, nnd what not, lias tumbled to (ho ground, leaving a vast pile of debts on top ol the riiin, but not a vesligo of a considerable amount of treasurowbich was supposed to bo stored in its vaults;*' The absence of treasure very naturally led to ; an investigation on the part of a rag-making company, called the Mid dlesex Mills, whosofjbricks were sold by the Lawrence & Stone inch, and the funds were ta ken care of by the same party. The Investigating Committee, as it is fair to presume, went to work in their search with a hearty good will, in 'hopes of finding the lost money j but, after vjhat seems to have been a pretty close scrutiny, they were altogether dis appointed, and report the great house to have been bankrupt nnd Jstton tor years and years! This was all very cljarj but then the question arose, what became of the money? Hero they came to a dead loci:, and all the power of their groat water-wheel at Lawrence could not develop the mysterf. All the, knowledge they state they are in possession.of is, that $87,000 of the Middlesex Mills’ funds was used to urge the tariff through Congress. This, certainly, is rather a grave charge; and it naturally occurs to people who takajan honest interest in the af-. fairs ol the Government, that it is a charge ol so serious a character as not to bo treated with in difference. It strikes us tliatsomo one of the members of the last Congress who voted for the tariff meas ure, supposed to have- been “urged” by Law rence', Stone & Co.‘, might with propriety make some sort of a motion or resolution to . inquire into the-truth-of this matter; und should there be no foundation for it, why, so much the bet ter —it would serve ns a Warning, perhaps, for* any such scheme for the future.. It may be, however, that the creditors in Boston may initiate.the.business of a complete investigation by. amovement in their own Leg islature. The Middlesex Cojnpany is a corpo rate institution, and surely the State has a right to inquire how their affairs have ben conduct ed. Besides, such a course will give Governor Banks the’opportunity of accounting for the al leged receipt pftilO.OOb, which happily dimin ished down to a temporary loan of “$7OO to build a back building with”’, at his little place in Waltham. Nothing, we imagine, could be more satifactory to Governor Banks than the course we point out, and we therefore hope he will give it his earliest attention. In the meanwhile, as his Excellency is no .doubt very busy (With more important matters, upon his'assuming the reins of State Govern ment, and rna^j^ssibly, in the hurry of busi ness, overlook lilts little item ofjW.OPO; we therefore respectfully call upon the Daily Ad vertiser, Couricfj and other influential Boston journals, to aid his Excellency’s memory. We trust, hi)wcvcr*|that we are not asking too much of these jotqmals. cspoe'rally of the Ad ver tiser, bht, since,|of late, that paper has exer-1 cised a particularly sharp look out over our 1 own property, ns well hero in the South as, in Kansas, wo should be lacking in courtesy if wo did not extend.%p;same regard for the interests' of the community at Boston. Tire Late Execution.—The exception of Donnelly (or the vniirdcr of Moses, appears to create considerable excitement in certain sec tions of the country, and great doubt is express ed to the justice and propriety of the act. Don nelly was educated at the Georgetown College, and was well knbwri and highly respected in Washington City. He was a surgeon and phy sioian by profession, and-during the prevalence of the yellow fever at Norfolk, Virginia, he generously volunteered his professional services in behalf of the Sufferers of that terrible epi demic. He always moved in good society in Washington, and was engaged to be married to the beautiful daughter of one of the most estima ble citizens of that metropolis. The terrible blow has (alien tfith overpowering force upon her gentle heart, as it has upon his venerable father, who now lies at the point of death. His sisters are married respectably' "in the city of New York and exhibited unwearied devotion to him to the last. i Tire Mormon Hegiha.—The latest intelli gence from Utah possesses more than ordinary interest. It is stated that the- Mormons have determined to leave for the British possessions, and that pioneet- parlies have already taken their departure from Salt Lake City. What portionlof the British possessions is al luded to, we are at a loss to imagine. The field,- however, is'wide, and several eligibly lo cations may readily bo selected, especially if the authority of-ltho British Government—or that of the Hudsop Bay Company—-can “be ob tained. “ f-t • The policy of migration is evidently the wi sest ami safest for the Mormons, but wo doubt' their intention tp; establish themselves inutile British Possessions. : . However, Brigham Young is a fanatical enthusiast, and perhaps, seeing no means of attaining his cherished ob ject in the establishment of bis followers in So nora or Lower’California, has decided upon ••pitching his tB»t }l in a more bleak and inhos pitable region. : j Hon. James B*.Cr,AY. — Tho Hon. James B. Clay of Kentuclsyi made his debut in tho House of Representatives, on tho 18th inst., on tho Nicaragua question, in which ho warmly bus. thined tho President in bis efforts to put down all (illibuators. In reference to his speech .the Washington correspondent of tho Philadelphia Jir% ».» says: ,; His effort wa 4 not only a decided success, but, in view of t|)o oitcumstances, it was a tri umph, ’ The son b£ a great statesman, when he appears in thoupfilical arena, lips, in addition to ordinary rivalries, tho shadpiy of his sire’s reputation to contend with, and to acquit him selfwith extraordinary credit isaworthyacliitfvo ment. • Mr. Clay'illd far more; both in matter and manner and/ his effort was an able one, while his stylo.of otatory,his clear,’sympathetic voice, and distinct enunciation, ns well ns his ready self-possession, give promise of future eminence. • . Committees of the Two Houses. On the.lllh Inst., the Speakers of thoHouscs of the State Legislature announced the Stand ing Committees for the ensuing session, ns fol lows : , . Senate. Finance —Messrs. Bncknlow, Coffey, Wright, Souther and Fetter. , Judiciary— Messrs. Wilkins, Finney, Bell, Orcsswell, Schofield. Banks —Messrs. Crcsswcll, Finney, Bell, Cof fey, Marsclis. . Corporajions —Wfight, Souther, Steel, Schell, Slnetfer. ’. liaifron’tZjr—lngram, Gazzam, Crcsswcll, Tur ner, Rutherford. • Education —Brewer, Harris, Wilkins, Gregg, Miller. S n -"nparc Bills —Meyer, Laubach, Knox, Fot tnudnll, :c and Immorality —Miller, Gregg, Straub, vin,. Evans. Private Claims and Damages —Schell, Finney, Buckalow, Meyer, Ingram. Public Printing —Gazzam, Brewer, Scofield, Steele, Craig. Public Buildings —Marsclis, Rutherford, Tur ney. - New Counties and County Scats —Craig, Fran cis, Ingram, Fetter,- Schell. Accounts —Evans, Gazzam, Tutney, Shmlfnor, Knox. Estates and Escheats —Bell, Scofield, Brower, Souther, Turney. Pensions and Gratuities- Gregg, Steele, liar. ris‘, Marsclis, Francis. T.ibraiy— Randall, Francis, Miller. Canals and Inland Navigation— Ely, Meyer, Craig, Harris; Steele. Election Districts —Scofield, Straub, Coffey, Wright, Francis. ‘ Retrenchment and Reform —Steele, Finney, Wilkins, Laubach, Randall. Agriculture $ Domestic Manufactures —Knox, Rutherford, Evans, Baldwin, Ely. Militia. —Straub, Gregg, Fetter, Harris, Shad ier. ■ ■ , Roads and Bridges —Laubach, Baldwin, Ely, Craig, Souther. .’ House. ' . ■ Ways and Means.’ —Calhoun, Jackson,Stroth ers, Melloy, Smith, of Cambria ; 'Crawford, Turner, Rhoads, Imbde. Claims —Abrijms, McClure, Hay, Garret,Mil ler; Woodring, Powell. Agriculture— Kincaid, Wolf, W.itraer, Shields, NMI, Roland, Gilliland. Education —Nill, Stephens,Ramsdoll, Stuart, Owens, 'Sharp, Chase, Christy,-Kincaid. , Domestic Manufactures' —Wells, Weaver, Im-, brie, J. H. Donolly, Nogley, Lovett, Roth. Accounts —Ent, Glatz, Hayes, Dunlap, Rams dell, Lauman, Nichols. • _ Vice and Immorality —Ramsey, Dunlop, War ner, McClure, Rupp, Irwin, Price, Weaver, Hillegas. Militia —Rupp, Mangle, Dodds, ; Warren, Donavan, Gritnian, Himrod. Election Districts— H. Megas, Vffightiey, Donnelly, James, Stephens,- Babcock, Shields, Dodds.- ■ Banks —Hodgson, Abrams, Foster, Dohnert, Lloyd, Pownall, Hamit; Ent, McDonald. . Corporations —Yearsley, Hamel, Struthers, Brandt, Evans, Christy, Warner. . Estates and Escheats —Jenkins, Grithara, Wii llslon, Hippie, Armstrong, Rose, Goepp. Roads and Bridies —Arthur, Wolf, Roland, Bower, Sharp, Costner, Wells. Local' Appropriations- —Mangle, Donnelly, James, George, Gilliland, Arthur, Kirkpatrick, McDonald., Lands —Nunemachef, Spyher, Donnelly, J." H. Hayes; (xlatz,.Ramsey; Miller. Divorces— Smith, of 'Wyoming; Wharton, Babcock, Hippie, Armstrong, Williston, Houfz, New Counties —Brandt, Irwin, NicholSjTear sley, Ebur, Benson, Hays. Compare Dills —Lovett, Donahoo, Rose, Evans, Negoly, Library— Smith, of Berks; Dohnert, Craw ford. _ • Canals —Houtii, Weaver, George Donahoo, Himrod, Rhodes, Shane. Railroads —Westbrook, Jackman,'Lawrence, Lauinan, Wilcox, Williams, Shaw, Melliy, Smith, of Wyoming; Donovan, Po.wnolf Askins, Hoagson. . Public Printing— Koine, Foster, Hoagson. , Public Buildings —Wharton, Witmor r Gar rett, - - Judiciary — Goepp, 2yl!I, ■ Olaisc, -Tenpins, Smith, of. Berks; Lawrence, Owen, Cailioun’, McClure. Pensions aed Gratuities— Smith, of Cambria; Warden, Cashier; Bower, Ebur, Askins, Bruce. Confirmation by the Senate The fol lowing nominations were confirmed by the Senate! in Executive session. Francis W. Pickens, of South, Carolina, as Minister Extraordinary to Russia. Beverly L. Clark, of Kentucky, Minister Res ident in Gultemala. Beverly Tucker, of Virginia, Consul at Liv erpool., William Thompson,, of New York, Consul at Southampton. James W. Bin-den of Indianna, Consul at Hawaii. v, John Enleich, of Pennsylvania, Consul at Balse. Charles J. Fox, of Michigan, Consul at As pinwalb . Charles Wt Qlautz, of Pennsylvania, Consul at Stettin: Wm. Trevillo, of Ohio, Consul at Valparaiso. - Wyman B. S. Moor, of Maine, Consul of the General British North:American Provinces. Ernst Volger, of Virginia, Consul at Barce lona. Henry W. Spencer; of New York, Consul at Paris. ~ ■ ’ John F. Porteus, of South Carolina, Consul at Oporto. Designs Upon the Sandwich Islands. Intimations are given from, various quarters that the French government is endeavoring to attain authority over the Sandwich Islands.— The European Times states “that the French Ambassador is busily at work in an effort to obtain a monopoly of the trade of these islands, and to the material disadvantage of most other commercial.countries. If he should succeed, the islands would in effect be under the Pro tectoratc of France.*- Thia statement emanating from a source of the most undoubted authority, should not be lightly passed over by our government, as the United StatCftajms a paramount interest in the future destiny bf the Hawaiian group, and should naturally resist any attempt made by foreign powers to obtain exclusive possession of their soil. The acquisition of such extraor dinary privileges as would be embraced in the monopoly desired by the French, would be fa tal to many of our commercial interests with the Sandwich Islands, and to avoid this diffi culty, an early step should be taken toconsum mate the Treaty of Annexation so earnestly desired by the late King of that dominion, but which was thwarted at the time by the inter ference of some of the European Ministers. Early inquiry and earnest action arc necessary in the premises, and it therefore behooves the Administration to look into this muter, and jealously guard our interests in that section. slnrbtL _ Piula., January 19, 1858. ■lf noun and Meal,— The foreign news has affected little change in prices. Tho flour mar ket continues inactive and dull. Tho sales have boon at $4 75 pir bbl. for common : su perfine and good extra at $5 60 a 6 for extra L'il’Vi 3 ' u ? d lul,oy brands. .Rye Flour is dull at $3 50 a 8 62. Corn Meal is steady at $3 00. There is little Wheat coming- for ward, and prime lots are wanted. Sales of ■good red at $1 12 a 1 14 per bushel, and small lots w.uto from $1 25 to 1 30. There is a stea. ■J demand frr Rye at 700. Corn is scarce, at 63 a 64 cents, afloat. Old yellow at 65 cents m store. Cats—2ooo bushels prime’ Pennsyl vania sold at 33 a 85 c. Cidvbiimed is in fair demand. Sales of 160 bushels ordinary and good at $4 75 a 5 25 per 64 pounds. A small solo of Timothy at $2 50, and Flaxseed at 1,30 per bushel. WuisjtET is unchanged j sales of bbls. at 21 a conts; hhds, at 21 cents, drudges at 20 a 20J cents. INAUGURAL ADDRESS GOVERNOR william f. packer. Fellow-Citizens : In appearing before you tochtcrupon my duties as Governor of the Cpm mpuweaUh, T "consult my own inclinations in conforming to the usage which demands a pop ular address ; and, in the first place, I gladly embrace this opportunity to return my profound and grateful thanks to ti.o people of Pennsylva-. nia, for honoring mo with the Chief office in their government. Their kimlness will never be forgotten,, nor will the confidence they have reposed in me ever be intentionally betray ed. Duly to them and to myself will require that the obligation which I have just taken to discharge my public duties with fidelity shall be faithfully observed ; and thus justify, as far as possible, the popular decision. Doubtless I may commit errors in a position involving so much of responsibility ; but I will hope that none of them will bo of a grave character, or productive of.vital injury to the public interests. I crave in advance a charitable judgment upon my official conduct—that'it shall be construed with kindness and toleration so long as it shall appear to bo prompted by sincere and honest motives—and I hear engage, in ibis public and formal manner, to regard the will of the people, the public good, and the commands of the Con stitution, as the guiding lights by which my course is to be directed. With these aims con stantly in view, I shall indulge the pleasing hope of'doing some good in the high station to which I have been called by the public voice, and of repressing some evils which may threat en the public welfare, or the individual rights of the people. . . .. Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives: It will be my ardent desire to cultivate with you, as Representatives of the people,' the most amicable relations, and to unite with you in the adoption of all such mca surcsps'The pu.blio good may require. The different branches of the government, although, charged' with distinct duties, are to be regarded ns parts of one harmonious whole; and it is well when all these parts moveonward without jar, interference, or collision. Nevertheless, the distinct duties'of the Executive, when duly and honestly .performed,-may occasion differ ences with the Legislature ; but, in such case, it will be expedient to cultivate .a spirit of com promiscand conciliation for the disposal of such differences', or, at least, for mitigating the feel ings of alienation to which they tend. .It is one ofVtne duties of the Executive from time to time, to give to the General Assembly information of the state of the Commonwealth, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge expedient ;'and un der.usage this is done by'tnessages in writing, which are entered among the , public ■ records and remain a part of the official history of the State. I do not understand this as a power Of dictating to.the General Assembly the measures they shall, adopt, nor even as a power of initia ting laws, but as an informing and suggesting power, in no respect trenching upon the just and proper jurisdiction of the legislative de partment of a free State. In short, it was ne ver intended to give a legal control over the proceedings of the Representatives of the people in'the enactment of laws. It 'in. therefore, a right of communication with them, which,- while prudently and reasonably exercised, can give no just occasion for jealously, objection, or complaint. The Executive, when exercising this right, is but performing a plain duty, and otin apprehend no difficulty in speaking with a respectful freedom even upon questions where art entire agreement of Sentiment cannot bo ex pected. But, there is another and more deli T cate power which pertains to the relations be tween the Legislative" and- Executive depart ments. , By the 23d and 24th sections of the first article of the Constitution, all bills passed by the General Assembly, and most of the or ders, resolutions and" votes in which they mav concur, are submitted to the Executive, and if disapproved'by him can only be made valid by a vote of two-thirds of each House. This pow er of disapproval is ampng the most important duties of the Executive,*and is constantly be-' coming more so, from the operation of obvious and natural causes. .In my 'opinfon it is the clear nnd binding duty of the "Executive to re turn for re-consideration every bill, order, reso lution or vote, presented to him which ho can, not approve—in other words, that the assent of his judgment and conscience shall be actual ly given to any measure before he permits it to take effect ; unless,lndeed, it be passed against his objection by a two-thirds vote, The words of the Constitution are “if he approve lit shall - s, gn d, but, if he shall not approve, he shall re turn it with Itis objections .to the House in which it shall have originated.’! Words could not convoy a power, and prescribe a duly in a more clear and definite form. It is manifestly the intention of,the Constitution that the de’ib erate and conscientious approval of the Gover nor shall.be given to a bill before it becomes a law, in addition to the approval of the two Houses that_ previously passed it; unless the majorities afterwards given to it .upon re consid eration in each House, shall be decisive as to indicate the wisdom of the measure, it is true that upon things trivial or indifferent, where no great interests are involved, rior constitutionak principles in question, nor private rights assail ed, considerations of expediency may be taken into account by the Executive; but certainly no substantial objection, whether of policy or of principle, can be waived by him in view of his oath to support the Constitution. Ten days (Sundays excluded,) are allowed the Exe cutive to consider a bill,-and to approve or veto it. after which it will become a law without his signature, if not previously returned. The practice of my predecessors has been occasion ally to permit bills lo become laws by this lim ilation of time. They have taken effect in the entire absence of Executive action. But I be lieve this has only occurred where the Execu tiye has found it impossible to form a positive opinion,upon the measure—where, though not unobjectionable, it was trivial—or, where it was manifest that a veto would not cause its defeat. This Executive practice ought not to be extendedjand the, practice itself is open to' queston. For if the provision that bills neither signed nbrH-etunjed within ten days, shall be come. laws, was intended as ■ a guard against Executive abuse, in holding them an-undue pe riod. and not as a mode by which the Execu tive might cause them to take effect, without the responsibility of acting upon them, it would seem clear that the practice of holding them over for such purposes cannot be defeneded. But the Legislature by its adjournment with in ten days after the passage,of a bill, may de prive the Executive of due time for considering it, and hence it was provided that in such case it shall become a law unless sent hack within .three days aitcr the next meeting. In modern practice a largo number of bills are usually sent to the Governor within a few days of the ad journment of the Legislature, which it is im possible for him lo consider duly before the ad- ; journment takes place. In fact pinny are sent to him m the very closing hours of the session. But tt would seem plain that the Executive could reasonably ask in such case only tho full constitutional period of ten days for forming Ins opinion, and that ail bills ho believes it his ■ duty to approve shall be actually signed within that period. "By tho exercise of reasonable in dustry this can in all cases bo accomplished.— Then, such bills as he disapproves will bo held over to be returned to the proper branch of .the General Assembly within three days after their next meeting, according to their constitutional provision. This will- properly dispose of all bills in his hands at the adjournment, unless In deed it be allowable to hold over hills and per mit t'. om to become laws without his action. Tho propriety of signing bills by .the Gover nor between the sessions of tho Legislature has been questioned. It does not accord with tho old practice, and Is certainly liable to abuse Dnring my term it will bp strictly confined to the first ten days after an adjournment, and all hills not then approved, may hd considered-as awaiting tho next meeting of the General As sembly, to be returned with tho Executive dis approval. The Executive should not ho sub. jected for long periods of time to the solinita. lions of tbose-intcrosted in bills, nor should bo no subject lo the imputations of indecision, or favoritism almost unavoidably iti siich cases' ’ Nor is it right that ho gltbuld.havo in his hniirti the means of influence which, the holding ono of his decision upon bills dining a recess wouf? confer. .Besides a great wrong may bo done those interested in legal dion, by continuing them tor an undue period in uncertainly as i the fate of bills'in which their rights, their nr? porty, or tlioir business may be involved. TheaiV are evils which an Executive may obviate VS settling his policy firmly in tho outset of mini itrntion. It-woull bo well, also, for (j7' Logisla'uro to so shape its action ns to avoid tho necessity of sending many i nportant hilt to the Go/enter in the closing days or hours df a session. 1 Fellow Citizens .-—Although it , will not bo cxpcctel that I should at this, time discuss in detail tho particular questions which will prbb. ably come before the government during mv term. I desire briefly to give expression to the general views of public policy to which I hold in their application to practical issues now pending. Tho currency of the Stale is in suo|. a disordered condition,-that a general and wholesome public opinion demands its -reform and the establishment of effectual 1 barriers against future convulsions. 'This is; a subject which will test the intelligence, the flrmncsr and tho patriotism of the Representatives of tho people in the.. Legislative department, and may impose grave responsibilities upon the Ex ecutive. My views arc decidedly hostile to the' emission and circuia ion of small no.es os currency ; to the increase of Banking capital under present arrangements ; and to the issues' of bank paper upon securities inadequate for their redemption. The want of uniformity the legal provisions under which existing banks 1 , operate, is-objectionable. In the revision arid amendment of our banking system, the public interests in my opinion demand the extension, of the specie basis upon-which issues are trade; the suppression of the smaller denomination of notes heretofore allowed; through reports of the condition.and business of banks with their frequent publication,; additional security, (nth. er.than specie) to consist of the bonds of this State or of tho United States, for. the redemp. tion of cimilatmg notes, including in all cases proper individual liability of stockholders, and directors,-fitted for convenient, and actual'eh-.' forcement; with a supervisory and controlling power in some proper Officer or department of the Government to restrain or suspend the ac tion of banks in case of their violation or eva sion ot tho law'. When a specie currency shall, bo secured to the people by prohibiting the circulation ofbilla of a stnall denomination, it will be highly desi rable that the fiscal affairs of the State govern ment shall be wholly separated from those of the banks; fn other words, that the money transactions of the government both in its col lections a«4. disbursements shall be in the legal coin of the country. Whenever a practicable, convenient and efficient scheme for the opera tions of the Treasury upon such a basis can bo presented to me by the Representatives of the people, it-will meet with a cheerful approval. There are difficulties in the case, however, far greater than those, surmounted by the general government, in the establishment of its inde pendent Treasury system : but the object being one of tho first magnitude, and calculated (o' exercise a most salutary influence upon tlioac- 1 - tion pf the government, and upon the business of the banks and the people, it is well worthy of earnest consideration. In reforming the currency, S single State tan accomplish but a moderate amount of good, however sincere, intelligent and earnest it may be, without' the'Vb-operation ■of other .Slates, and especially Of those, which adjoin it. Bank notes are'not stopped in their flow by im aginary. State lines, nor does' it seem possible 1 for a State altogihcr to prevent foreign notes 1 from circulating -.within, her borders, even .by the moat stringent enactments. We must, therefore, invoke orir sister States to jobs with 1 us in the repression of small paper, and in such 1 other particulars of rclonn as require for com plete success their co-operatiort 1 . Meantime to the extent of our power lct Us exert ourselves KJ> furnish citizens with a safe and stable curren cy to prevent future financialconVUlhibn^yffti- 1 ' Mar to that.under which the community BSs lot' - some time been struggling ; and to relieve tlirf government in its fisfcal action front the danger of depreciated or wprthlehs paper, and; the em barrassments arising from dependence upon' corporations of her own creation. Th'o of Pennsylvania' by . the recent' adoption of an amendment to the Constitution on the subject of Public Indebtedness, have im posed an imperative obligation upon theij 'ser vants to practice economy, to limit expendi tures, and to" give their best efforts .to the grad ual but eventual extinguishment of the existing: public debt. After eight years of experience .under the sinking fund act of 1840. wo find our public indebtedness but slightly diminished.— The constitutional amendment just adopted de mands the establishment of an effective anting'. fund for its payment, and I shall consider it one of the leading duties of my'ndimb/straliou to see that that amendment is carried ont both in its letter and its spirit.' I fcauudCregard the reduction of the three mill tax ou property made at the last regular session of the otherwise than'ns, inopportune; and. donnllMS. existing financial embarrassments will for d lime reduce the amount derived from other sources of . revenue. Nor wifi, any very large .amount of the purchase money. of the main line of the public works be realized by the Treasury for a considerable period. It will, therefore, bo necessary for the State to husband her re sources, and to increase her revenues jus far as is possible, without oppression to any iuteiest, in order to meet her current and necessary out lays, the demands of her creditors, and the positive obligation of the constitutional amend ment. ■ • . There is a great lack of consistency find prin ciple in the laws passed during some years in relation to incorporations/ They have been created upon no settled, uniform plan : are ex cessive in number ; and many of them unneces sary ■to the accomplishment of - any legilimaU purpose. They have doubtless encouraged speculation, and in various ways contributed to the recent financial convulsor. Various and inconsistent provisions appear In acts establish ing or extending tho powers of corporate bo dies of the same class and general character.— The tax laws relating to them, arc in some con fusion, and consequently taxes paid by them unequal, it bile some wholly escape any shareof the public burdens. In brief, our system of incorporations has become so-fast, diversified and difficult of comprehension that no reasona ble industry can master the whole subject, and understand precisely where we are and whither wo are drifting. A thorough. revision of our laws on this subject, and the establishment ot general, uniform, regulations for each class of corporate bodies, with the avoidance, ns lar as possible, of special provisions,for particular corporations, are rclorms. imperiously demand ed by the public iritcrosls in" which I shall,hear tily co-operate. I hqvo no.hostility to expi ll * against incorporations for proper objects be yond the power of individual means and skill! nor gcnorally against 'legislative, facilities lot the application of labor and capital to tlio crea tion, of wealth, -where individual .unprompted action will not go. But no one can aasert fh“ we have limited outselvos to such, a policy, nor that our laws on this subject have been careful) consistent and just. But, notwithstanding all topics of regret of criticism in" our public career, (and which should boar their proper,fhiit In amcndinw' and reform,) wo may well be proud of •!>>• Pennsylvania of ours—of her people, her Inan* f u(ions and her laws. Slio baa become grcs'i prosperous and powerful ; rauhing among n* first of the States; and'her condition at ho® and character abroad bear great testimony ‘ her merits, and promise for her a distinguish* future. Besides her agricultural resource > which aro groat and first in importance, she capable of producing in untold quantities lb two articles of prime necessity and unirri use, Iron and Coal. Even in times of w spread financial calamity, when speculation a extravagance have done their w orst to crl V" 0 f the operations of capital; and slay the han“ , labor in its useful toil, the leading our State may bo counted among the first to vivo and to furnish a strong and reliable in' for the resumption of activity in all' tbe- v u ■
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