AMERICAN VOLUNTEER € PUBLISHED BVEBT XUUHBDAT UOBHUTO BY joftn B. Bratton. ■ teems SoDSoniPTiOK.— Ona Dollar and Fifty Cents, paid in mlviinco} .Two Dolfars II paid within tbo yoarj and Two Dollars'and Fifty Cents, if not paid within the year. Those terms will bo rig idly adhered to in every instance. No sub scription discontinued until uill arrearages are paid unless at the option of tbo Editor. • AnvKRTiseuKNTs —Accompanied by thooAsir, and not exceeding one square, will bo inserted throe times for One Dollar, and twenty-five cents lor bach additional insertion. Those of agreat ter length In proportion. Jon-PniNTiNQ—Such ns Jland-biils, Posting* bills/ Pamphlets, Blanks, Labels, &0., &c., oxo* entod with accuracy and at the shortest notice. political. SPEECH 'Senator bigler At Clarion, on the Blli Inst., tn reply io the Address of the Hon. David Wi tttor, delivered at ike 2.lth nJ After giving a brief history of the Democratic iparty. showing how omlnontly wise and suc cessful its policy had bten in the past, and how it had uniformly, in all exigencies, in war or fccaco, stood by the true interests of the coun try, and had advanced its growth and prosperi ty, and elevated the dignity and prowess of tho halioh, claiming for that party a higher degree bf purity, wisdom and patriotism than were fcwsscsscd by any similar association of men in modern times: and having also paid a hand home compliment to the character and qualifi cations of Gen. Packer and his associations on iho Democratic ticket, ho proceeded as follows: Judge Wilmot, tho Republican candidate, has evinced his entire willingness to make his views known to the people, and seems quite un- JiAppy that tho State Committee would not agree that tho Democratic candidate should waste his time with him in pcrsonal controvcr sy. and still more displeased that the Commit tec should hare suggested that the discussion of the slavery question is not essential in a Gu bernatorial contest. Failing to secure the at tractions of Gen. Packer to get up large meet ings and excitement for him, he has bravely dashed into tho field alone. lam in possession <Jf a copy of his first address delivered at Phil adelphia on tho 241 h ultimo, and published in \ho 41 Evening Bulletin," to tire leading fea tures of which I shall ask your attention be fore I .take my seat. I find no fault with M-.. Wilmot for appearing before the public to make known his views. I think a candidate for any j office may properly do so. I see no want of' dignity or propriety In the practice, if pursued in the proper spirit. In doing this no candi date properly appreciating his position will so licit votes ; he will simply declare his views on pending questions, foreshadowing as best ho can the policy he will maintain if elected, so that the intelligent clocior may vole for or against him, as may seem proper. But I have searched in vain for any such foreshadowing in the laicspecch of .Mr. Wilmot. It jg devoted ex clusively 10 the subject of Slavcrv, except only a brief reference to his letter on Americanism. State afhurs seem .to have had no attractions for him. It is an almost incredible fact that in a long speech occupying columns of tho Bulk (»u, he should not have alluded to dny otfc of the many interests which would como undef his flharge, were ho elected, Governor, nor dis cussed a single question connected with theda tics of the office for which he is a candidate, or over which the political authority of tho State l Government could in any way bo exerted— | beginning to end helms talked outside of the true pnrnoso of hia appearing before tho phone, and fins failed, therefore, to give the people tho means 'to decide whether ho would i make a good.Oovernor or not. Ho has talked about Slavery, and questions Incidental and co lateral ; but not a word about Slate aDairs.— lie should certainly have given us his views on the question of more Banks and paper currency. Many of the people would be glad to know whether he intends to maintain tho policy of the present incumbent, his political friend, on these vital questions. ’ What docs he thirtk of the policy of giving away tho largest share of the Public Works for an inadequate compensa tion, payable to the next generation; and if elected, will he favor a disposition of tho re mainder on tho samo conditions ? Whv not give the people his views on these State ques tions, as also on the subject of paying tho pub lic debt, maintaining and extending our system of free schools; on granting of special privil eges to facilitate Iho ends of private gain, and : especially on the pending amendments to the 1 Constitution, embracing questions, of grave concern for tho people. All these subjects, vitally important, ana within tho range of the legitimate duties of the Executive, seem to have been lost sight of in the smoke and dust of a kind of Quixotic onslaught upon Slavery and the Slave power. But another fact, equally singular, is, that ».|ythough his address abounds with graphic de scriptions oft tho evils of Slavery, and coarse imputations upon tho motives of its advocates, it does not contain a single practical suggestion as to a remedy for the evils it laments. Mr. W. declares it to bo “a question of vital practical importance which lies at tho foundation of eve* 1 fylhlng valuable to ns as freemen,” and yet ho has not attempted to show tho people of Penn eylvania in what way they can apply tho rem edy. Not only this, but I ahull prove to you that, according to his own allowing, tho people of a free Siafc have no Constutional right to in terfere for or against the evils he affects to do plnro, whether in a State or Territory. If Mr. »" Hmot found It necessary to make his address on national Issues entirely foreign to the Execu tive duties, it is to be regretted that ho did not devote a portion of his limo to Ins onco favorite topic, (he tariff. Tho old friends of “protec tion for tlio sake of protection,” whom he ex necta to rally under his flog, would doublles be delighted to hear from the man whom the? dsfd to designate as tho advocate of “British free trade, the “successful betrayer of Penn sylvania's best interests;” and aa a “vilo trailer of the Slate of his birth.♦» Possibly ho C ou?d have convinced tho manufacturers of iron in Ularlon and elsewhere, that they are specially Ins debtors, apd permitting the dead past to bury Us dead, they should come to hia rescue In Oils Ids hour of need, Perhaps there were Amongst his auditors at Philadelphia, those ,\vl»9 ln\d assisted to give Mr. Dallas to the /lames in effigy, for following tho Wilmot lead on the Tarifi, in 1840, and ho could have in duced them to repent that great wrong on Mr, Dallas, as also their oft repeated imputations U|)on his own motives and conduct. Ho cer tainly could have shown those who abused my cclf and others, last spring, for agreeing to a modl/lcalion»of tho tarilfwlicn wo had no pow er left to resist it, that they were unreasonable m that complaint, or ore now mistaken in their support of (ho distinguished advocate of “ British free trade.” ■ • But let that pass; wo wll leave tho distinguished advocate of freo tradp In the embrace of tho protectionists, and the protectionists under the leadership of tho distinguished free-trader, Tho now alliance only furnishes another verification of the ijomoly adage, that political necessity makes strange bed-fellows. But to tho speech, and I will givo yon Us best sentiment first, so that his friends may not oomplaln. It rends ns follows : it V * that under tho Constitution of tho United States wo have no right to meddle di tcojly with tho question of Slavery in tho Slates Whore It already exists ; itis.a Slate institution, »«„??> on,y I* 0 by State laws, and vo of l cnusylvauia have uo more right to leg- inwriflm BY JOHN B. BRATTON. VOL. 44. ■ f! nte r °l Virginia upon the subject of Slavery, limn Virginia has the right lo legislate l for Pennsylvania on tho subject of our Public Schools. But in iho Territories the question is different. Tho Territories are the common, property of tho Union, and wc have tho com mon right to control them.” Then again, speaking of slavery, ho says: “ The question is no mere abstraction, nor is it simply a question of. right and wrong, a question of morals; it is. a .question of vital, practical importance, which lies at the'founda tion of everything valuable to us os free men.” Touching* tho Dred Scott decision, ho re marks : And as I am on this point, I wish, to say that I bow to-the Dred Scott decision as a mat ter of law. t raise no arm against the law, and I would never adviso anyone.to do so; but there is ho law on earth which can bind my reason or my conscience. I can, and will think, and vole for what I believe right.” Now let us consider tho doctrines of these quotations for a few minutes. In tho first ho says wo have “no right lo meddle wiih Slavery in the Statu where it already exists,” but that ft re the common property of the Union, and wo have the common right lo control them.” In the second ho presents the effects of Slavery ns “vital practical questions, involving everything valuable to us cs free men. And in the third he informs us that ho “bows to the Dred Scott decision as matter of law.” Of course I ngrco that we have no right to interfere with Slavery in the States, but “ bow ing to the Drcd Scott decision,” how docs Mr. Wilmot propose to reach the institution in the territories ? What becomes of “the common right” of the States to control its existence ? How can that right bo brqught to bear ? That decision defines the Constitution to mean that Congress has no right to legislate on the sub ject for the Territories; that a congressional interdiction against its extension is unconstitu tional. and Mr. Wilmot agrees that that deci sion is law; then what of his common right to control it in the Territories, and of the “vital practical (jucstiona” he has presented for our consideration. Now this is the point to which I wish your special attention. Though acknowledging in his own peculiar phrase the binding eilccts of the decision of the Supreme Court, Mr. Wilmot is very careful to conceal the influence of that decision upon his position and arguments; he has not told the people frankly that, by virtue of the decision* ho so reluctantly recognizes ■as binding, Slavery in a territory is almost 08 completely out of the reach of the people or tho Government of a free State, at it is in tho State of Virginia. Ho dare not be explicit on this point; for ho would thereby illustrate the ut- I ter impracticability of his doctrines on the sub ject. Indeed hia whole theory go*s to pieces at this point, and ho must necessarily conceal as much as possible, the eflccts of this decision, or tho deceptive clmraclcrof his speeches would betfome so transparent that ho would bo obliged to abandon the discussion entirely. Bowing to the Drcd Scott decision as matter of law, it will riot do to say tfniy that “Penn sylvania has no more rifeht to legislate fpr Vir ginia, on tho subject oT’SlftVcry, than Virginia has lo lcgislatc for Pennsylvania on the subject of Public Schools.” Mr. Wifmot cannot stop at this point; lie must, and docs virtually! agreo by that “boiy” that neither Pennsylvania nor Virginia has any right to legislate for Kan sas or Nebraska, on cither subject, and they have no power to interfere for or against the in stitutions of the Territories directly or indirect ly. The citizens of each may go to Kansas, and when bone fide' residents, they can give ef fect to their wifi. He or I can do this ; but as citizens of this State wo cannot influence the question in cither Kansas or Virginia. Prior to the Drcd Scott decision, the Republican par- I tv contended, for the power of Congress over the subject in the Tern lories ; but that decis | lon has settled the question against them, ami | has closed tho last channel through which the free States could reach tho question. It has swept away the entire stock in trade of tho Re publican agitators; the Missouri line, the Wil mot proviso, and every other scheme of Con gressional interference. They have no occasion longer to seek even tho election of onll-Slavery men to Congress, for that body cannot touch the question. Their long cherished business of agitation is therefore gone—gone forever. Wherein, then, is ihc fitness of Mr. Wilmot’s inflammatory addresses about Slavery, to tho exclusion of every other topic. Having no power over tho subject, it cannot bo of vital practical importance in Pennsylvania, unless, indeed, Mr. W. in his feverish sensitiveness,has allowed himself to conclude that some “dough faced Democrat” in obedience to “tho slave powers” is about to propose to ro-eslablrsh the Institution in this Stale. Until this bodonolho question cannot bo so practical ha ho alleges. But is it not singular that Mr. Wilmot should seek to agitato the public mind in behalf of measures which have been declared unconstitu tional and to which decision ho agrees ? What can ho accomplish by such effort? Though ho could convince a majority of tho people that the measures would work practical good to tho country, tho constitution, until changed, is an insurmountable barrier to Ihclr adoption.- Would it not bo wiser to accept the philosophy of the trite saying, that “it is useless to cry over spilt milk.” When tho election Is over lie will need tho benefit of some such reflection, for I think hi* chances are better to become tho successor of Judge Dullock, than of Governor Pollock. I do not mean to say that tho candidates for Governor may not properly alludo to tho sub ject of slavery; but Mr. Wihnot insists that measures which have been declared unconstitu tional shall bo recognized issues in the Guber natorial contest, and continues to discuss these fIH thou 8 h could bo made avail- JhouM CoL,ntry .\ and Insists that tho people mould lake ono eido or tho other. 110 savs i7nr^wi' 10 i 0 . nly q "f lirJn involved.-nnd hna so for declined to openk on Suio qucaliona nl . Ho saya that Virginia lias the same right i 0 interfere with our public schools; that Pennsyl vania has with Slavery in Virginia; and tlfnt is true; but did it notoeou* to hla mlnd.attho samo lime, that it would bo a most singular if not ludicrous spectacle, to Witness a candidate for Governor in Virginio, resting his claims to popular favor solely on his views about public schools in Pennsylvania, and confining his dis missions to that topic alone ? Why the people of the Old Dominion would get a straight jack et for any man who might attempt to play such a trick before high Heaven. And what would Pennsylvanians think of such impudent inter ference They would most certainly invito the Virginia aspirant to tako euro of Ins slaves and leave the public schools to them. Mr. W. would bo sure to do this, end yet ho talked for hours about Virginia negroes, and said not one word about Pennsylvania Schools; so deter mined does ho seem to rest his claims on ques. lions belonging to other Stales, and over which his has no conlrol. Perhaps his friends can explain all this, but I think I can safely assure them of ono thing, if he docs not get more votes in States where his address would 1 bo appropriate, than in his. own, ho will bo badly bcatcu. Ho will bo almost convinced i that ho has not only been speaking for other States, but running for Governor Somewhere else than at home. Mr.Wilmot’s prompt recognition of the bind* i* mg effect of the Dred Scott decision has ccr ■ tainly surprised and disappointed some of his fanatical adherents. But they should notice that he daro not raise his voice against the i Constitution, when asking to bo permitted to, - take an oath to support it. That he has yield ed reluctantly, and with exceeding bad grace, is evident from the low terms in which ho im pugns the motives of the Court. lie says “it is easy enough for the Executive, to find cor rupt Judges to carryout corrupt designs"— fhis is coarse, exceedingly coarse, scarcely al lowable in a common place politician, and ut terly inadmissible in a candidate for Governor. Very many who intend to vote for the author of the base allegation, will despise his foul as persions. Even they will not agree that It is bo coming in David Wilmot to warn the country against the corruptions of James Buchanan and Roger B. Taney. But in his anger at courts, ho has gone out of his way still further to make an onslaught upon the integrity of the Supremo Court of his own Slate, and broadly alleges that its decisions are often contradictory, and it is Common talk among the bar, that & decis ion must be revived every five years to have binding dlect. The Courts should take warn ing. for failing to be Governor, os this gentle man certainly will, ho may still retain the of fice of Judicial Censorial!. Fearing to repudiate tho decision of the Su premo Court in express terras, many of Mr. Wilmot’s school of politicians are Industriously engaged in efforts ro destroy the confidence of the public in its integrity. As a means of do ing this, they are in tho habit of expatiating on the extraordinary circumstance that tho Ordi nance of 1787 should have been declared uncon stitutional at tho end of sixty years after its adoption, arid tho Missouri Compromise so de clared after having stood for nearly forty years. They certainly know that the Ordinance of 1787 did not derive its authority from tho present Constitution—that it was tho work of the Con gress of-the old Confederation, and was agreed to by the Stales, and was merely perpetuated under the present Constitution, as a measure which tho Stoles had agreed to. This item of history they prefer to suppress, so that the ao* tion of the Court may seem the more straqgo.— They know, too, that tho Missouri Compromise was on arbitrary arrangement between tho North and tho South, forced by an exigency that endangered the peace of the'tountry, and that its Constitutional authority, though con stantly denied by many •wise statesmen, had not been directly tested prior to the late decis ion Tbo history of the renowned Proviso is re written in this ’speech, and Mr. W. has mani fested special delight In exhibiting what hecon aiders the Inconsistencies of the Democratic parly on this subject, and more especially those of Gen. Gass, lion. Richard Brodhead j and myself, Ho alleges in substances, that If j .the General had voted before -he reflected, he! would have gone for the Proviso, and that Mr. Brodhead had said ho would vote for It if otter ed to the proper bill, and that I had been very careful to record my name in the affirmative, .Whema similar sentiment passed, the State Leg islature. -The course of Gen. Cass and Air, Brodhead needs no explanation or defence at ray hands. Their sentiments are • too well known to the cotmtry to be successfully mis represented. And. indeed, admitting all that Mr.' IV. alleges, I do not see that he makes put any man’s destruction. The wisest men in the nation have often been wrong in their first impressions ns to the expediency of suddenly proposed measures, and to bo mistaken on a con slitutional question, is no uncommon thing among able lawyers. As to the Pennsylvania resolution, it certainly did not receive that con sideration to which it was entitled. I do noi believe it was under consideration in the Senate, exceeding one half hour before it passed finally. Fop myself T knew but lilllo about it until'it 1 carao from the House of Representatives, the day I it passed the Senate, and had only thought of I it as an abstract sentiment against the acqulal- I tlon of.territory, with the view to the extension [ of Slavery and ns effecting thequestion of pence | with Mexico. As a proposition involving the I rights of the States, and ttio powcrsofCongrcss, II had, at that lime given It no thought. Reflcc* tibn Upon these things soon after, and long be- I foro I knew that Mr. Wilraot intended to press the principle os admissible when applied to Ter ritory which had been long previously acquired by tho common, blood and treasure of all the Slates, without any such original condition, convinced my mind that its'practical operation would do injustice to the slavo-holding States, and I discarded its doctrines entirely. Four years after tbo advent of the proviso, when the Democratic nominee for Governor, I certainly was not charged with a want of sympathy for tho Soutli’. Thb'rcverso was tho constant allc- gallon of iny political enemies. The execution or the fugitive Slave law and the doctrine of non-intervention wore topics In that-.contest, and I advocated tho affirmative of both on ali occasions. Mr. Wilmot Irimijclf publicly dis sented from my views on these points, at a meeting in his own town, where wo stood foco to face. But it is of little moment Whether I have been consistent or not. i tri|St I mhy al ways bo more ambitious to bo right, and never vain enough to pretend to great wisdom or fore sight. If I did not mistake tho meaning of the proviso, when first proposed, I cbtainly misun derstood its author, for I him-a Dem ocrat, and ho has'turned out to be anything else. But has Mr. W. relieved his position by what he has said on this point ? If it even bo truo that certain democrats inclined to favor tho proviso before they had discovered 1 tho wrong, ho was not thereby warranted in sus taining it when the injustice of it? practical workings had become apparent by discussion, and especially since it has been shown to be un constitutional. Dill,thia candidate and Ins partv arogrcatou consistency. They arb in the habit of arraign ing Mr. Buchanan, Judge Dougins, and' other* Democratic Statesmen, onrthc charge of incon sistency, because at one time they sustained the policy of settling the slave controversy by a geographical division, and have since embraced i P?l |0 y referring the question to the peo ple of tho territories, to' bo settled os they may deem beat. There is very littlo sense and loss patriotism in such criticisms. Tho wholo history of tho subject shows that tho cbntrovcr soy, nt tho different • periods when tho excite* ment attained to a dangerous hight, was treat ed as a subject of compromise, implying at onoo tho concession of principle and peculiar views. Statesmen and patriots felt required to yield much in tho way of opinion, to secure tho peace of the country: Mr. Buchanan favored the Missouri lino so long os the policy of settling tho question In* territorial division* was main tained ; and Mr. Douglas, In 1848, proposed to extend the parallell of that line to tho Pacific Ocean as a final adjustment of tho dangerous feud. But tho very men who now, and since 1 1854. have not ceased lo bewail tho abandon- mcnt of this policy, were united in their oppo sition to its extension and perpetuity on that occasion. They repudiated it, scouted and re viled it.. Another mode of settlement booamo absolutely necessary to save Iho country froim ‘‘Ottß COUNTRY MAY IT, ALWAYS BE 1110*31—BUT BIGHT OB WRONG, OUB COUNTRY.” CARLISLE, PA,, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER S!, 1857. civil war, and that. of*iori-in(crvcntion as now found in the Kansas law,, was wisely adopt ed in 1850; and is maintained. by the states* I men I have .named. .Whtit Inconsistency Is there in such action ?. And what is to be said for the sincerity of those .who continued to dc-1 nounco the Missouri line lipito the time of its repeal. That party who ln ; r Connccticut burnt James Lanraan; in effigy forfvoting for it, and Isaac Toboy near for voting to repeal it. and who,’ labored to; reject the princi ple in 1848. .They arp not'in a condition to talk about consistency.’ Having so conspired against this modo of adjustment, and secured its overthrow, thoy now have Mr. Wilmot en gaged in a clumsy Imitation |>r Mark Anthony, with the dead body of Cfcsftr by toting thclife lesa remains of. this unconstitutional measure from place to place over the State, giving utter* anco to his deep griefin pathetic appeals to the passions and prejudices of tlic< people, to draw down their vengeance on thqdestroyeraof this once favorite schemd. ':q - On Kansas affairs Mr. Wilmot becomes quite belligerent,' and hurls • vindictive asperalions upon the Notional 'Administration, lie talks as though that ho did not Mow that the odi ous lest laws enacted by tho’.first Legislature had been repealed by the -lag'j:,; that his party friends in Kansas are.daily availing themselves of these bogus laws ; that Mr. Robinson, the Topeka Governor, had petitioned Mr. Stanton, when acting Governor, to cojifcr the appoint ment of Commissioner to deeds on his friend, by virtue of; tljo territorial lows, lie seems determined; to/givAlbc; version of af fairs that will best suitnisfhiurpose. Having presented a startling piclurp'jjf;’ the wrongs and outrages which, acpordmg'.W' his story, have been wantonly inllictcdupoti Jho free State .par ty of that unhappy TbWit&yi.ho makes th 6 following sweeping declpi^f&i.:' “ I affirm that the Admioircralioh knows all abopt and y6't|h6y uphold them. They sustom the Missourwl usurpation* and they daro not be just, bodiqsq they oro the slaves of the slave power whoOcyeilud them and upholds them." , ,V t '' v. • * <>,. This is terrific indeed, corning from a canjj* dato for Governor, but Mr.' WHmbt’s language* is tamo and-fecble the sparkling rhetoric of Col. Kcitt, of Soatu Carolina, on the other side of the question;'' The Cofo'nel, in hjs letter dated at White-SulpUpt'Springs. imputes to tho Administration altogether different ac tion and purpose. He allcgcs.lhat its first act was to appoint a Governor to Kansas fronvdllegiance to the South and deliver her in to tsi hands of Free Soil fanatics anil that “to say that the cause of the South was tost in Kansas prior to the appointment of Walker, is to palliate fraud by falsehood,!'/ Here is a wide difference between big doctors/ But the South erner seems to have the.' best” Of the contest.— Indeed tho best attempts of Wilmot and bis school of orators, to show the ,'subscrvicnoy of tho Aministralion to the slave power, fall far below the most ordinary efforts of Col. Kcitt. the Charleston Mercury, and tho New Orleans Della, to demonstrate its Free/Soil tendencies and its treachery to tho South. With such fires in front and rear who will/ say that Col. Keilt may not reasonably imagine the fantas tics to be hereafter played by'; Qabi nets’* and •/pohrulsivu AdmimslrniSona;”-*... I , Then again, Mr. Wilmotanfrfais harty'fiecm to bo In great tribulation lest tho slave power ; should deprive sbnio of llm’fcltfzcDS of Kansas of tho opportunity of raising their voices against the institutifln at the ballot box ; lest some be deprived of that high and sacred prerogative, life right of suffrage. Thoy descant eloquently on the sacrcdncss of this right, and hurl de structive anathemas upon the heads of nil who shall attempt to restrict or psum this proud function of American freemen. The people and tho whole people must be heard. Now this is all very well, and thoy cannot go further on this point than will tho Democracy j bqt docs not this sickly concern for tUo rights of the people comu with exceeding bad gracefromMr. Wilmot and his party ; who in tho Convention that nominated Col. Fremont, laid It dotfifis a principle, that not only a portion, but qll -the citizens of Kansas should bo deprived; bfl lho right ofaaying whether they would have slavery or not They claimed that right for Congress, and virtually held that though nino-tinthg 1 of tho people might deslro slavery, thp‘inlwlip-1 tionof Congress should bo conclusive. It was no half-way business with them. It Is part of their faith to deprive all tho people of tfic sacred opportunity which they falsely allege ’tho Dc mocracy arc attempting to take from 'some.—• They execrate tho interference of Missouri In the settlement of the.slavcry question in Kan sas, and yet according to their own doctrine not only Missouri but Massachusetts, and all the North and South ato invited to Interfere through their representatives in Congress. Tho practical effect of their doctrine being that tho power to decide tho question for Kansas ia to I I bofoundcvcrywherc else in tho United States ex-1 1 <kpt in that and the other lomtorics—llmt tho! I people of tho Stales, who do not go to Kansas! shall havo a voice on tho subject, but those who I j do, shall not. How nluurd, then, thcircffectcd , distress, lest by design or accident some citizen 1 j of Kansas may be deprived of tho opportunity I I of. giving effect to his will on the subject,— | | Why even now Mr. Wilmot and his parly will i not. say that they will ho content with tho de-| cislon of tho people, and admit Kansas as a I State, unless that decision be against slavery. i They will agree to lako her into the Union' when she obeys their dictation and not till then. 1 It was-ln this connection, In the contest of last I Fall, that wo ridTculcd* their pretensions to ex clusive friendship for freedom in Kansas, whilst 1 holding that tho pcoplo should not be free to so-1 loot their own institutions. Wo claimed that i the Democracy were more the friends of “Free i Kansas.” because they wished to havo her poo-1 plo pcrivclly free’to'select all their domestic In-1 stitutions. They holding that Kansas should | not como into the Union unless she adopted I their views, and tho Dcmbbriicy mWntarmfng* 1 1 that sho 6110111(1 comb in.no matter hoW she 1 might d’ecido as to Slavery. Tho question in thi lPrcsidonlial issue was not whether sho should bo tree or slave, but simply whether her own bona fide citizens should bo permitted to dccldo (or themselves. That question was affirmed by the pcoplo nt the polls, and Mr. Buclmhan and Ms advised, in my judgment, aro honestly endeavoring to carry out that decision, in good faith, regardless ofdcnunoiatlon from the North or South, and so performing their whole duty to the country. Ur. WUmot talks very positively about what ia going on in tlio territory. Of course bo knows ] but I spout aomo weeks llioro (bis sum- mer and found it (lilllcult to obtain accurate In formation. That wrongs have boon committed on both sides is clears but the idea of Mr. W. that ids peculiar order have boon uniformly right on nil tlio Issues Hint bnvu disturbed the quiet of tho territory, is absurd. No unbiassed mind will como to such a conclusion. over, my puiposo to go into a history of Kansas uflhirs, or give my views at length as to the pol icy of tho administration at tills time j butl can assure Mr. WUmot that tlio only Impracticable politicians I mot In the territory wore of his own school i the loaders of tho Topeka rebellion.- They seemed determined to rule or min. It was no uncommon thing to'bonr them say that if tho convention, to moot In this month, should W■ H. 1 a. a■£ Jk. jk #]> <vj S'' Bj Ej B'3,r m,;,' I' H 1 .• g a . i-, ■m' ■ wjf IB adopt tlio Topeka Constitution, word for word, they who made U, originally, would reject it at tho polls. But I hope and boliovo that, through , the agency of that present able and patriotic [ Executive of, tho Territory, Mr. Walker, tho bitter feuds dividing tho people of that torrito ! ry, will bo happily settled, and Kansas bo brought iuto tho Union on principles perfectly consistent with the' organic act. In this effort Governor Walker will bo sustained by tho great mass- of tho people, whom I found to bo moderate, proc ttcablo and patriotic in thoir views. For my self, I have believed that the spirit of (ho Com promises of 1860, os In the organic lawot Kan sas contemplated tho decision of tho question ol Slavery, in tho Territory, by some direct action of the people, prior to application for admission os a State ;•otherwise tho question will cbmo back to Congress in (he-same shape in which it was when referred to tho people 5 unaccompan ied by any expression of popular will. That .expression should, and, I have no doubt, will ho had without any official intcrforcnco as to what it should bo; and when so had, deciding tho question of Slavery os tho people wish, I shall for one, assist to throw wide open tho portals of tho Union, and welcome Kansas as a Stato, Sla very or no Slavery. But I shall not veto to ad | mit her on tho Topeka Constitution, because 1 (ho movement was not of tho people, hut of a party; was not by authority of law, but in vio lation of tho law, and therefore revolutionary. Nor am lat ail Inclined to Indulge the rebel lions spirit of those In tho Territory who seem determined to sot tho Jaws atdeflanco. If (hoy will not actsavo In thoir own way, and Kansas becomes a Slave Statu by the voice of thoso who do act, tho responsibility masircst upon them. f But I have been wondering from my text, and neglecting tho Republican candidate for Gover nor. I wish to make one more extract .from his speech and then I shall have done. It is one of his best gems, and reads as follows r “With respect to tho labor question, IMs al leged by tho Democracy that wo have 1 no sym pathy for tree white labor j and that our tears are exhausted on tho black man. Now 1 leave tho chivalry of the South to tho noble office of kickingnegna. God bas laid a heavy hand on thorn, and I seek not to press tho curse harder upon them. .The chivalry may have all the g/o -ry of horse-whipping teamen andselling their 6a* bics. Democracy may trample their rights un der foot, if they please, but I fell you that tho Interests of all humanity are one. God has so ordered it, that no man can do, {loUherato.,-and systematic wrong to other men} no man coin be a tyrant or a despot without staining, )i!a. own soul, and without becoming a beast and a ‘de mon.” How idle, if not unmanly, if U for a man who uses language of this character', on d question entirely beyond tho reach of Ihoso to whom It Is addressed, to become Indignant and denounce ”10 Democratic press os '‘debased,”' “venal/* <conupt,” and “In tho pay br tho Slave power, because it has designated him as an “Abolition* Ist,” a “wild, Impracticable theorist.” What else could ho expect 7 What else could a truth telling press say / Docs not tho whole tenor of j his address justify this conclusion? Is It not) “wild thcorlsra” to cxcllo tho minds of tho poo- 1 day after day, about great evils without telling them how a remedy can bo applied, and whilst confessing that they have no right to interfere for or against such evils In tho States, and • ac knowledging tho binding effects of a definition of the Constitution, whlcUvahowfl that they cannot bo reached Irrflio Territories I Is Itnot Aboli tionism fo doscrlbo tho lnafi(ution.ofnogfo Sltt*' 1 ! very na soiodfoua tlmfctf shonidnof bofoloratcd J In onycfviJlzodcoun(ry-~nalnvolvlngfhatinoas»/ ura of tyranny ami oppression, that no man can praclco it “without staining his cta» soul,” with- J out" becoming a beast gnd a demon t** Is It not vile dcmagoguclsm, thus to Inflame (ho pass ions and prejudices of the pcoploof one section of our country against tho Institutions of anoth er to subserve tho ends of party? Mr. Wilraot must not cc ncludo that his sickly recognition of tho rights of tho States, and his ungracious bow to tho decision of tho Supremo Court, will protect him In the use of such offensive language as the foregoing. Thousoofsuch foul osper tlon can in noway improve tho morals or poli tics of the country, its institutions or Its cust oms { can do no good to North or South : to white or black race. It Is not my habit to deal harshly with, tho character or actions of public men, bud should do Injustice to my feelings wore I not to say that much of Mr. Wllmot'sad* dross, whether considered a* n declaration of principles eras a specimen of logic or Htoratnro falls fUr below what his friends had reason 1 fo expect. It can rank but little nbovo common phfco ontl-Slavory rant, as wanting In method, and useful suggestion as In tho ordinary graces of ovon partizan discussion. Is it possible that ho Republican party cannot maintain fholrprb ciplos without resorting to such clangorous in cendiarisms? Uncharitable crimination of the South seems to bo tbolr only source of partisan capital. Assuming the respect for the const!-: tutlonal rights of the slaveho)dfng States, they! are sure to discourse inVuchi,ifayas to lead the I fanatical abolitionist to bblloroUmt in some way I or other, at no distant tbolr agon-1 cy, the Institution Is to to uprooted everywhere, j It was by such means ityWhO -last, Presidential election that they gaihfiibpvor to Fremont, Gar rison, Parker,Beecher* and all that school off fanatics. UnablpibdOvlso'auracticnblosclionio I to Iniptovtf of tho black riian, they | persist In the,\fdrk : W* agitation as their most rruitful mean]! of jtJdiOcal power. They know 1 that thoy cortld 1 do'hu't little to itnprovo thocon-1 dition of tho black man, though tfto whole sub- Joclwas under their unrestrained conlVil. Sup pose all legal difficulties to be removed, and tho subject placed within tbolr reach, by emancipa tion on the part of (ho South, conditioned that tho negroes bo properly cared for j what (hen 7 To wiiat country could they remove tho slaves so that thoy might escape’tWeftoaded •‘kicks,” and bo where none would “hortewhtp the women and tell their habitat” How coaid thoy bo cloth ed and fed, and how elevated in tho scale of moral being 1 Would thoy bo brought north to compete with ourproaont laboring population 7 I am sure (hat tho free States would nororngree to (lint. But supposdlhoy should, would that rtisiird on Improvement in (hqphyslcal and men tal condition oftho slave'? With'Vhatpcwpoli tical and social dignities vlorita tIW hluck rilun. Vo clothed, bo that they might live easier ami floppier, amf attain to a higher decree of civili zation and Christianity 7 Whow'lll tltadil for equality (or thorn in the north 7 Lot us have thoso questions answered, and have, a practical fl'dhoWo’ for the elevation' of the negro", or loss of 1 tho agltaftoh, The continuance ol thoso crimi nations between tho North and South may read ily disturb 1 flfo pcado of thirty tnHlions of white people but no way can it relievo whatever of hardship there may bo in tho condition of of tlio throe or four millions of slaves now In our country. Nor is it Just or patriotic to allego national sin against our country, because of the condition of the African, when tho authors of such aspersions cannot point the, spot on otutb or name tho period in history, in which tho con dition of tho curly haired negro was bettor than at present in the United States—when ami where lie enjoyed greater physical comforts, or attain ed a higher degree of mental cultivation, or em braced bolter ideas of Christianity. Ills own country Is “one of slaves and masters,” and tho ancestors of those wo have wore slaves of tho lowest cjnsa when taken fVom Iholr own coun ty- reB toro those now In tho United Slates to that original condition, woro such a thing possible, would bo an outrage upon humanity* ami civilization. If then, tho condition’of tho black man has boon really Improved by oven bis lowest,estate among us, whafoln consists tho national sin that so constantly besots (bo con sciences of thwo political doctors r It Is not, bow* iT $2,60 PER ANNUM, A Thousand Milts Id a Thousand Honrs. At24o’clok this rooming, James Lambert accomplished his (ask, walking 1000 miles in 1000 consecutive hours at Boylestown Hall, and thereby completed one of the most remark* able feats in pcdestrianisiu upon record. Such i a contempt for the demands of nature os he has ■ evinced during this trial* taxing his energies to j the utmost fn the endeavor to perform a deed I which all reasonable people would justly con sider impossible, has excited more than usual interest for bis undertaking. He commenced at ten A. M. on Tuesday July 28, and as stated, retired, sine die from the ring this rooming shortly after 2 o’clock, having walked one mile in every hour for nearly forty-two days. His fatigue two weeks since was so great that, even his friends abandoned all hope of his success; but ho wos "on the muscle.” and, ns he affirm ed, "would walk until ho fell upon the track within the last few days that weariness and stupor lias greatly increased 1 ; hhd m walking his mile, nfjcr being aroused from slumber, only by great exertion, he would stagger and exhib it other signs of extreme lassitude. He was in this state upon the completion of the last mile. The number of spectators through' the day 1 yesterday was very large, and at even the late (or early) hopr to which the completion of the nflair was brought this morning there Were crowds in attendance. He made nis flrst.mUe in about ten minutes antf Ids last in overdoub o that time. At the signal which signified the termination of tbo 1000th mile, the pedestrian was warmly cheered and the company followed his example by retiring lo their various places of rest. It is said that Lambert will receive obout 82000 as the result of this affair. The I parties betting against him are New Yorkers, nnd they have had present here two representa tives who alternated in "seeing fair play.” • As. Lambert will now have an opportunity of powering (ho requirements of his exhausted condition, it will be necessary to use the great est precaution ini regard tohim, forfearhesbould 1 sleep forever. His physician prescribes a thor-1 oogh waking and, exercise after every three 1 hours* rest, and by a strict adherence, to this 1 treatment it is hoped that bo may regain his former strengt h.'. Since he commenced walking he has lost fourteen pounds of flesh, and now weighs liut 113 lbs.— Boston Post, Sept, 8, Prevalence of Crime. It is truly-astonishing Iho amount of crlruo which is daily brought underournotfco. None of our Journals aro free fVom tho record 01-sorae horriblo event. All of them cry out for some measure of reform, and lament over tho condi tion of tho public morals. TVo boast loudly of thu ‘.excellence of our laws, but wo never ask ourselves, aro they fully carried out. If wo did iwo would discover that they were not. TV? would And that judges wore lenient where (hey should bo harsh, and harsh vhoro they .should bo lenient—thus giving an example which tempts many to violate tho laws with Impunity. It would bo found, too that ohr jtirors, as. a class, have a peculiar manner in discriminating be. tween right and wrong—money having Its Intiu-. cnco in law as well asln many other things. In fine, (hen, If mOYa attention wore paid to carry ing out bhrjtvwa I fhfafc (ye woiald spon disc6V ot a decided Alcdhbl oreo lends Its helping bond to fill ouf ppqr.housM and jails.— That trufhc could'bo’cl'oscd tVlth.bo’nehl ({film j would pay nioro attention to I tho education of therr £ibnd 1 MWuJcL-tJnd, f that tho public mofalstVonld bo much advanced, I for It'ls-sclf-orldcnt that tho bumon heart iq i moulded .by drdumstarided. “Asyort bend a twig so tho tree Inclfnca.Tfo are becoming so aco.ustomcd to crime (lia( (ho diqsf atroclfiils ones are glanced over, excite.onr mind for fl short time, and ore forgotten 1 ; and It is sad to think our oblivion Increases day after day. It is timo for us to reform. Xol us shrink froih, our Impending ruin, and become a wiser and happier nation* Virtue stands like tho sun, and all which rolls around drinks life and light and £lOry iVom her aspect.” Teeming with Lire.— Tho Viicd (N. To Htrald of tho 10lb, Id spooking of tko flood tboro. says: Tho water in the Mohawk early yesterday morning, presented a most novel appearance.— Nearly. (ho entire surface of tho current was covered with small black grasshoppers, wblCh had beonswept away ftom tho hoy Holds above. Particles of wood, grass, and other floating sub stances, were literally covered with (ho Insects, and occasionally a rat might bo soon floating down upon aslab, opjoylngo comfortable break, fast upon tho grasshopper .Community, wblcji Irnd sought the driftwood for protection. • ■ There were thousands, If nit millions of vari ous creeping things, floating down.(bo current. Cattcrplllars, gray beards, cHckcts, gifasshCp-* pors, Infant frogs and toads, anti an IpOnlVo defy of flold and bam Inhabitant; Milch had been suddenly swept away from (heir resorts hy tho flood, speeding on to some waterfall of de struction, or awaiting tho maw of some raven ous finny monster. How OrfiTERS Grow.—tfhc process by which | Oysters make their Shells is ono of the most . singular phenomena in natural science. A London Oyatcnhnn can (eIF Ihd agd 6f hh ftddk to a nicety. Tho age of this bivalve iS nil t 6 bo found out by looking into its mouth. It bears its years upon its back. Everybody who has handled an oyster shell must have observed that h Seamed os if composed of successive lay ers of pldtbs, ov'cflftpping each other. These nrb technically called - “shoots,* 1 and each of them makes a years growth, sd that, by coun ting.thcm, tho year when tJioefcaturQ came in to thd world, can atoned bo dtlcrmi'iVbd'. Up to the time of its maturity, the shoots nrb reg ular and successive, but after that time they become irregular, and are piled ono over tho other, so that (he shell becomes more thickened and bulky. Judging from (lie grbat thickness to which* dMtbr Shells have attained, (his moll lino is capable, if left to its natural changes un moldatcd, of attaining a patriarchal longevity.* 1 A Bank of England Nolo hos Romo pecu liar and mtcrcatingcharootcristicn of manufnc paPc,r distinguished by Us color, which hf peculiar white, Such as neither sold in phops, nor used for any other purpose; by its thinness end transparency, qualities which pre vent any of tho printed part of the note Wing washed out by terpentine, or removed ,by the knifo,,unlca3aholeis made in tho place thus practiced on: by its characteristic feel, a pccu liar crispness and toughness,.which those accus tomed to handle it distinguish the tfud notes distantly ; the wird or water mark, whfch is produced on tho paper when In the stale of pulp, and which; is easily distinguished from a mark stamped on after tho paper is completed : tho three “deckle'* edges—the mould contains two notes placed lengthwise, which aroseparated by k nife at a future slogo of the process, this deck le or wooden frame of tho paper mould produo. ing the peculiar effect seen on edges of uncut paper,and this edging being caused when tbo pa* per Is in a slate of pulp, prvclndes'auy success ful imitation after tho paper is riiado : also by tliastrcngtli of tho paper, which Is rondo from new linen and cotton. In its water leaf or un sized condition, a hank note wilt support thir ty-six pounds : and when one grain of size lias beciidi/luscd through It, it will lift half a hun dred weight. i ' ,Pdlimsio 58Wro^ *, The Kcpublfcans of fhls'Stato ftro Ih Awbrso posKloh, if possible; (hop thpdo of They have not however, ,nofa£cJlps to the ignomlnousrgsprt of selling out to the «scat tpred t orphants;of ft powerlqss parly,V pa with us, but they rest for success on ah equally <« broken racd,’’defimct, «bleod(DgKpnVflB,” been so completely dtifbn to tbcwolkfth [the ty rannous usurpation of tliolr lost year’s Legisla ture, that they have almost ceased to foaKo d decent show of defence upon Jhiit question ouq ® 0 (laro open’obi 3of£rtnlneu battle m their support. They hpvd. virtually yielded the Acid on that subject, anti, have (amt with despairing hearts to a revival of slavery agitation as,the only hope In {hefrdjro distress* All this state of .(lungs is the result of- but ono year’s .lease of power to that party! That or ganization, which swept tho Stale almost l|kq an avalanche, upon the wave of & popular and unthinking excitement, npwjies dishonored Ana crushed -under tho weight of tlio tnlariiy practi ced by those who have boonsclcctcd, and doubt less with- propriety, as its representatives.-^ " 01oJhcd[ with a little brief authority,**of which they proved thcrrts'clvos Utterly unworthy, they sought, by and wrung, to.work.put (ho purposes of their perty, ; by v aa effort at (fiesub jugation of tho Democracy of ficwxJork'City. 1 Most .fearfully ha? this design recoiled upon thorn! sNo’t .merely (hpso whom t.hoy sought mo cruelly to wrong, but fho whole Indignant peo ple of the State demand tho overthrow of.oft ! organization, which could thus, at tho outset of I Its career, prostitute tho powcrcphfldcd id | That people will sweep this party ftsplacp |?f Po>» c F. a ud, onco mo.ro entrust (IjciriJgmS, m ,(ho hands of those, who nlono havo* proved themselves trustworthy.— Pittsburg Union . NO. is. A Million more of Ohio Money Lost, Tho Cleveland Plalndcalcr of Thursday,' Affc furnishes tho following Iteto In regafd (6’ffro State finances: • • •- ' • Intelligence, direct and reliable, ffom Colum bus, assures that over a million of tho ftVoncf obtained on a loan of Inst winter, authorized by (he Legislature, to fnkU up Sfafpbonds, dim January last, and deposited wlllith'e Olii’o'-XlCj’ and Trust, New fork,forthatpurpose hasgorm tho way of all motioya and securities left jrlln that soulless and sunken concern. ’ There weip $2,600,000 61'thoStoto bonds due Jan., 1,f86/.' To redeem these bonds a law was passed adthbr- •, izing (ho Commissioners to horroVv tboaibounf/ which they did by selling a now issu'd .oi- Stata stocks. Tho question, then arose;.who take care of the money and attend to tho'hqsl ness redeeming said stock's. Tho fusion lala soon decided thy question by Sorc6'flngtJjq N. York Agency of thu Ohio Life and; Trust Company, without taking one dollar of security for tho $2,600*,000 thus deposited, although'(ho Democrats ofthd Legislature Urgent thero.to do sd. As near as can bo ascertained* about' 200,000 only had boon presented for redemption up to tho timo of (ho fulhiro of said Trirtfr Cft The balance is n6n tit tnreA/UsV . ■■ The Decline in Scoin.—Consumers gener ally will not regret to learn that the pridb of stf gar is still on tho decline; Tho Bost6b (ratCf lor says: . i . (‘Tho decline fTom tho highest point lauotf over 8 cent* a pound, and there Is-a strong probability that bottom is not jet half reach ed. When the decline had reached only obA half tho present Amobot, a few weeks since, (fio Now York Independent estimated that on ifitf stock of 86,000 tpns of sugar, and fbu? ihilimfi gallons of molasses', held in that port alone,’.(h6 loss was (hen fully throe and a liaif milliondolU ars. Of course it must bo double that noW,jm& and if this loss is mqdo on that stored ib York alone, what must if bo 6n (ho Vast quanti ty. nfToaf, in store In Eordpo nbd In tho United Slatetf, andj the s'tocki on hand In tbo sugar expoftibg totintfies. II cannot bo less fif ty millions of dollars already, and mi tho, lei denoy Is sioadily downward. It will bfobab)£ reach' n hundred raUUons before tho dealers will bo able to touch tho next crop.” The Riont op Errat ei ati o sTh'o Attorney Gonerrfl, Id a recent official 6plnion, fhtii rfo’wn'tho law oa (o the right of a dtlzdn'df tW United Slates to ofpalrJatd hy.fcnihnd* ibg his allegiance to our government. The Ai» tbrnoy Goncral says : y . *ThV?o Js“ otUor r Un» 6f.iho.irm'*, ted Sfat&fivhlpn prevents any.imfuAliiod-dltf- Iten ft'dra Severing .Jiltf political connection xrltCi I this 'government if lie idci proper to do so, td littiO of peace and for a purpose not directly hu* ljurlous to the Interests'oj tho country. Tlier o' Is no niodb oI renunciation p^cacnb’ca 1 ; In ti? opinion, if ho emigrates, carries his family nnrf effects with him, manifests a jUalft intention not to return, fakes \Vp ; lira’ abode aW-oad, afftf a#. - sumes tho ohllgufion ot’d Object’ to a lorolgii* government, this n’dtlld imply.o dissolution oft all hla previous relations With thbUniJodStafoai and I do not think wo could ortfonldaftofoartf dlalm.from hlfn any of th'o dutfea of dcll&eii.— At air events, tho fact of -renunciation Is (o-bd cstaldlshod like 6<hor facts foV which there Is-ntf, nreJerlbed forAi of,pro6t by evidence whidH will 6onvlndo tho < Jad■gttlon^ , * , TnoDnnra ltiko on tjib SANp.—Advcrpitiy brings* t 6 Kght many £-hidden beauty. It irf. like a handsome leg MVotlcd for the Ural fiftfr «on.a,showery dav. . ' The -charms that fashion lends t6‘ TftnriWf would bo considered positive defects ,if nature Imdgircn them. - ■ . _ .’Wo dro never ifetonlfl’Tied' d't I tliat drops'inld our lap. for wo.always fancy wu are deserving of it; but if any piece 6f. iff. hluck falls down dpdn iitf, wd can not nMfcnitf I whdt we have done to deserve ft. ?»■ - ; Wo fancy we arc becoming wiser. nS w 6 grM. older, when it to simply to c6rt nut the same folli&f od \Vh‘eh wo wer* yMtig. . ... Envy lashes principally the fortunate, ft is’ like the rncamuffinrfiiV the street, Who erV '! whm behind •” dirWirv they eCd 6be 61 thrir comrades who’has got a lift. To appreciate a free country, you mtis*l trav el m a despotic Stale. It is like comiftcf iblo the open-aw after visiting t£ prisdlr,-. Oy~ A Boston correspondent font a man thereabout lias Invented a scanMrdW, so utterly tcrrJflicand hideous, that (ho cron’# orw all busily crigngod In bringing batik fbo 4on* which they stole two years ago. OyOno of tbo newspapers InqntVctf wltU much seeming Innocence, If It is any harm for moling ladlerf to «lt in the laps Ol uges. SomoJ nklv answers that U probably depends on tho kind of ages selocled~(hoso trom eighteen to twontydlvo being ratWtf har.nrdoua'. ' tET" An old bachelor, on Booing (lU won!* “ramllloa supplied” ovor tho do6V dfan oyster saloon, stepped In, and said ho would Ilko' fa have a wife and two children. i It la stated “by authority,” (m a no* ru „ 8 '| l0 " l« ft hout to bo Introdudutt bV the Indies oflJufluto-rnn loss, It) Ikdt!, thud dM immense co • losb, which Js to bo to tJxl faints of tho dear creatures, to bo raised andlowdAhl ntploa iubo, like tho top.ot a bllggy. Buffalo papers frantically ask, f‘lVllnt next I!', CTT* Tho “I'cdrod Physician whdio sands of IHo arc nearly fun,” hdhl* out well! In onco to Ids mclancho’y notice, wo expected him to »*nog oiil” somo tlmo ago—hot it appear* that ho Is bound to' tako a lUVorablo benefit bo fdro lio goos. 07" In tho museum In Hifalutlri, Isoflenskfn; containing seven misers’souls, seven rich men’s consciences, tho Imnclplus of seven loading pol iticians, f-ovontoon old bachelors hearts, anti all tho remaining- sribefrioss of seventy old maids. 07“ A girl of (wolvo yearn, residing In De troit, put (ho figure M fuller boots the other day, and (hen going to thojnstlco’s office to go( married, swore she was over that Ago. , A rent puss ip boots, and alsyboots.—Dw/, Pott. ■" R 7" Kltohon glils nro now termed “Young Lndlos of (ho lower parlor.” People wbo go about grinding knives, scissors;, and raaors, are termed gonUomon ot the .revolution. , Polka loro * K C amS ftf ° tcrrav< * V r< >fo«»d luveadga-
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers