i !<" t joUn;*M* , ' 1,,t '•■•.- ' .■' ■ TEKMSi : ■ ;•■ • ■' ' 'jin™ ,n,,liar nnd’Firtj-Cents, Dbll.iMil paid,within,tho pa il nSd Twa Dollars and Fidy Conta, if not year, Aod-iwu- Thesq .terms will bo rig- °o J ln- every:instance.' No, nuk * «tHnnlc6a'ftt (he option, ol the jidilor*. P feilaTisE«a»T3TTAccoropani(;d by the turn, «nd not exceeding one square, will bo inserted three limes for One Dollar, and Inenly-fl vo cents ISt each Additional Insertion. Those ofagrent- nand.bllls.Postlng bllls, Pamphlets, Blanks,' Labels, &0., &0., exo rnlnd wlllt,accnrn!;y and at the ahortest notice. |foliiirnl. a.»i»ke s s TO THE PEOPLE OF PENNSYLVANIA. t-Ktiow-CmsCns: , . , , .. The Central Committee, appointed by the hontocratie State Convention, have thought K°rlo addreis yon on the questions wh cl. Veil mast decide at the next election. In dmng it, WO shall be candid nank and (air. Apart frrnn ttio'princlplo which should bind all man to ll.r, truth in political discussions, and In every ilitns clho, we are woll awaro, that any altoin])t Vo mialoftd you;wo«l(i Injure our cause.. It is u n » nivulr three months before the election,and fhoro is no reason to holiovo (hat (lie public hiind will not use the Intermediate time In cnlm \v considering the groat iasuo before it. Wo ore perfectly willing that whatever wo may say, Which is not Justified by. fact mid reason, shall bo set down ns so much against us, against our birly. and Against our candidates. 1 Tho time has-p'assod for'tho discussion of Bank and Tariff questions. Wo hear no propo sals to enact a B inkrupt law—no word of oppo. alHon to the Independent Treasury. All these nitostions are settled agreeably to the Democra tic opinions upon them.' Tho rise, tho prospo rlty, and tho fall of tho groat Whig party, nro theme* for tho’ historian, and full of Instruc tive lessons} but wo will not dwell upon them now. It I* tho prospnl duty of the Democratic par. tv to stand over thd Constitution, and “shield it and 'save it, or perish there, too.” It is our (ask In this campaign to beat Its enemies,- sepa rate or combined, just an they choose to meet «i. to conquer them with an overthrow which grill bo ft warning to them for many n year.— And It must bo done, or, clao this Union Is not safe for a day* ■Wo know very well how easy it Is to sneer at nny Suggestion of danger to tho Union.* But wo know also that the federal relations of this Government are so‘delicately constructed, that (hey may bo ruptured at any tlmo by a serious error of tho pooplo In choosing a Chief Magis trate. Tho States of thu-Unlon nro not held together by physical forculike the dependencies of a Kingdom, nor oven-by political power,like different ports of the same State. They-nro in dependent sovereignties, united by (ho gentler law of mutual attraction. This.law, operating on their own free' will, mado tho Union ; and when It ceases to operate the Union will bo un made. Lot a President of tho United States bo olectcd exclusively by tiro votes of one section/ and on a principle of avowed hostility to the inon, tho measures, tho domestic Institutions, (ho feelings, apd the interests, real or supposed, of the other section, mid what must he (lie con. sequenco? Wodonotaaythiilt would certainly or necessarily dissolve (he.Unlon; Perhaps tho good genius of tho Republic, which has brought ur through bo many perils, might save us again. Bat that nun must bo intellectually blind who does not see that It would put us in fearful dan* ger. For lids roas >u the election ol a sectional candidate must bo regarded ns in itself ft groat public misfortune. Thu party that avows op position and hatred towards a certain class of tUo State* ns Us motive mid rule of action, In . entitled to no ftld or comfort from any man who ■ tores to-UotfaUbful tops : government. • - ' ’ _ ; The greatest, the wheat and the best men this country ever produced, liavo warned us that tho Union could not last under tho control of a geo graphical party. Need wo refer you to Wash ington’* Farewell Address ? Need wo remind you ol the admonitions which Jefferson and Jackson hire given? Iftliosolemn rolceswhlch iconic from the tomb nt Mount Vernon, from (ho ■sepulchre at Montlcollo. and from the grave at (ho Hermitage, havtreeased to ho regarded, then wc nro lost Indeed. The mod Illustrious statesmen of later lime* felt tho Rime foots for tho Union, mid assigned, for those fear*, tho Rime reason. Clay and Web ster, and their groat compatriots, overlooked all other considerations.ln the cfliifl* they made to nvert this one portentous calamity, Even Mr. FlUmore,t|io Know-Nothing (but Antl-abolUlou) candidate, ha*, not hesitated to say that the Union cannot stand In c.iso nn Abolition Presi dent, llko-Fremont, bo choson; and helots It ba very plainly understood (hat, In such a caso, ho would think a dissolution of it perfectly justifiable. When you ennaidorthese things In connection with tho fact (hat tho ulmi-Aholl tl nlsta, most of whom are acting with tho so. called Republican partv, oponiy profess their desire to break up tho Union and to trample ou tho Constitution, how can you doubt that Fro luont’i election, or even the resting of a consul, erable vote for him, would prove to be a fatal mistake I wo nro no alarmists. trust confl ' ' ’•stilly in tho perpetuity of our present Govern, tnent, But thnt confidence Is baaed in the con viction first tho people will take tho advice of Washington, and. frown indignantly on tho fresh dawning*. Tho safety of this Union must depend on the triumph of hclfcr principles than those Gld ■dfngs ami Sumner, and Garrison’, mid Halo, and Seward* and upon tlfn election of-.ft Roller Pro. aldont than John C. Fremont. . . >. r Thcao men .attempt to justify tho miserable crusade .which , t hoy are preaching against a portion of their fullow-cltlrons; by asserting that .the Smith have encroached on the rights of the North. , They have pertinaciously declared that ‘ In all controversies on the subject of Slavery w« of the North have been overcome by the “nperloronergynnd boldness of those who favor thstlristllutioni “ThcSlavoocracy,” “tho limb of the. Slave drivers,” «the 1 aggressions of the RUvo power/’—these are tho phrases with which ‘ they describe tho Influence of the South in our National Councils. Northern men who do not join them In IboTrclamorous abuse of tho South, *ra chanced. wl(h , cowardice and , habitually , d/rifod ‘“Doughfaces,” . This has h’con repeated ■o continually and so impudently that many Sorsona have at length boon .impressed by it.— hero‘are chon among' us who actually think HhsUtho North ’huH'beou.'tho victim of grievous •wrongs, to which wq have been submltllngwlth % disgraceful tameness of spirit. This Is an artful nppqal too point of honor on which all •men are sensitive, and it is not wonderful, that those who aro weak enough to ho deceived by It •should also be weak enough to break out into i.'ldtupclstlon of Iho South, ns a cheap and safe Tray of showlpg lhclr Courage. ’ ‘Candor requires, us to say that if (hero is truth In this tho Derpocraoy ought to bo defeat ed* . If thnt party has Over counselled submis sion to wrong; oppression, mid Injury, U Is pot , •worthy' of yoiir confidence mid support. IrWo liavo oVor yielded to our Southern brethren a right tljo Constitution,, In Its letter or spirit, 1 did not give thorn—if w 6 hqiyo made nny •concessions to (horn in Iho wiiy of compromise; ■which was net .requlrqd by a fair and manly . *onso o t jusllftb—then wo admit that Abolition* ( Ism has (he right side of this argunuSnl. r ' Bqt wo totally deny the truth of this Impu •Qent'siccnsatlop. 'llla.’fhlao In tho aggregate and fklae (n detail i false in tho sum total, and fat*? Ip .every opo of |ts items, Wopronouhoo ill A Hbql'on boll) sections of tho Union. .It tiould be'invented only In ft’spirit ol shear raqn daclly | U can bo bollovod only by gross Ignor 'aneoorch.lldlsh credulity, . . - . •Tho fact that,iho Democratic parly,ln tho North hM,behaved with honorable magnanimity • fhlrnoi" to the weaker «octlon-—lhnlrbrolh ♦mip tho ls onr crimor'thls Is the ythWh wo and our falhbra have boon ’heaping on our .own hoods for‘throe quarlore of . lids Isdho oOojco which tho Abo* BY JOHN B, BRATTON. VOL 43. Htlonlsts would punish by bringing our Govern ment to a violent end, and by' covering our whole country with shame and ruin. Before tho formation ol the Constitution it was feared tint the interests, opinions and feel ings of the different States, \yero so various and so much opposed, that no goneial government could possibly be established. Such was the view of the subject taken by 'Washington him self. But tile effort was made. It owes its success simply to the fact that the right of each Slate to manugo its own domestic concerns, in its own way, was fully conceded. It was easily iorescen that great difference of opinion and feeling would exist between tho people of the several Suites, in regard to (he treatment that ought to bo bestowed'on tho block race, who were among ur, but n t of us— who were on our soil, and yet not a part of tho people, nor qualified in any way to be our equals. This race,was then held in slavery, or involun tary servitude, by the laws of all the States ex cept one. But in tho North their numbers wore few, and the climate unsuited to them, while In tho South it was just tho reverse. It was utter ly out of tho question to expect unanimity on a subject like this. It could be managed in one way only) and that was by agreeing that each State should determine the'whole mailorder it self, and oh Its own responsibility. It was (hen solemnly agreed that tho Federal Government should not interfere with Slavery, and that no State should interfere with it in any other State, cither directly or Indirectly. And all tho peo ple said nmtn I If the solemn assurances ol mutual forbearance then given, and sworn to so often since, have been belied and violated, it has not been done with tie consent of the Democracy. Tlio question of involuntary servitude Imd * engaged the earnest attention of tho sagos of the “revolution'. There can be no doubt that if they ’ could have provided for its amelioration and 1 gradual cnmiicipafion, they would have done 1 so. They found It, however, incorporated in 1 the social system of nil the States but one, and ' tliey dealt with it according to the exigencies ] of the times in which they lived. U r o nil know i that even at that early day it was a subject of ] mutual irritation and excitement { and although i flic wonderful uses to which tho cotton plnbt has ' been applied, on account of the subsequent dis- ; covorics In the manufacture of machinery, wore ( then scarcely anticipated, it is cnonphto say ; that the republican fathers could not dispose of , this slavery question until they agreed upon the , basis which led to the formation of tho Const!- , tution } the recognition of the domestic inslitu- ; (ions of tho South, in tlieratioof rcprcßcnlnliqn, nnfl in'the provision for tho restitution of lug!. : fives from lalior. Twelve of the thirteen States that formed tho Constitution, held slaves at tho 1 time that instrument was adopted, and by the ! quiet operation of their popular exclusive sov ereignty six of these States have since become : free. Throughout all the action of the framers of tho fedora! Constitution, tho Idea which pro vailed was that which regarded the hcgrO ns in- . ferior ti tho white, and until Abolitionism is ahlo to convince the present gencmtiou-lhat this idea is illogical and untruo,(and to do this they must ngreoto tho doctrine of ft perfect equality hetweeh tho races,) «U permanent legislation on tho subject of tho negro race must and will ho controlled hv tho same sentiment. In tho free States, at tlio present day, tho negro Is subject to n moral, and In many respects to ft physical servitude, qnito ns Injurious to ids condition ns tho moat fabulous pictures of Southern slavery represent Ids .brother’s condition In tho South io ho. Wo do not cp.II the Northern negro a slave, hut in what free Sfato is he tho equal of tho white 7 In some States he is prevented from vo ting, in others'lio vofos upon a.property qualifi cation ; even in Massachusetts certain dlsquall tlcations are thrown in Ida way by those Ufopl. an philosophers,'.who'con-stdully pr.do of tho equality of tho races; In others still he }s met by'n statute that excludes him altogether from entrance upon their soil, and woicAcre Is lie rec ognized on tho same level with the, white. The white who intermarries with tho black Is every where regarded as o degraded being; and In schools and churches there Is almost n universal bar between thq two races, so that tho rules of society and tho laws ol .tho States, even in the communities of tho non slaveholding region, aro Inexorably opposed to tho negro. Why i» It that Abolitionism does not begin at homo and reform tlieso, tilings 7 But again, there is no power which can pro. vent ony State from passing whatever laws It may plcaao under tho Federal Constitution, for its own comfort and protection, mid tho very same theory which Induces ns to respect and to rocognlzo tho groat doctrine of State rights in tho South, under which It holds Its own slaves, compels ns also to recognise those laws to which wo have referred In tho North, In regard to tho free blacks.. Tho North regulates Its colored population as U pleases, ami is protected In do ing so by tho Constitution of tho United,States. All tho negroes of tho North aro represented In tt-e ratio of federal representation,and vet near lv all aro disfranchised and alienated by tho laws of tho North. Tho South docs as It pleas es with its colored population, slave and fVcc, and is protected under tho Federal Constitution, but Its slaves aro only represcnfed.ln the ratio of thrco-flnhs In the federal representation. Tn ft moral point of .view, it. seems at least inconsistent that these Abolitionists, who arc entirely silent in reference to (ho condition of tho negroes in tlio free States, should he so ex tremely vituperative when thty-conic to treat of the condition of the negroes of tho slave States.' Both belong to Cbo Same inferior class, both aro so regarded In all tho States/' The South found a legacy In slavery, transmitted to it by its English ancestors, and the Consti tution respected tbo institution ns it existed when that instrument was framed. The north, while U has rid itself of slavery, (so fur ns tbo name is concerned.) still retains the right to protect itself against contact with a race which is stamped as inferior by all classes of whites, where or they ore found. ) The Northern Slates, in the exercise of their undoubted constitutional right, consulted what they deemed their own true interest, and one aflcritho other, in their own time and their own way, abolished slavery. Against these pro ceedings. in tho .North the South uttered not n word of coinplaint. But tho views and opin ions ol tho Southern Stales wore wholly averse to abolition. Tliey believed it to ho utterly Impossible, \vlth6nt tlio greatest danger, not to their prosperity only hut to their very existence. This was an opinion to which they had ns good a right qs tho North had to tho opposite one. But they were not shflorcd to enjoy and to act upon It in quietness and pence. At the very rtrpt Congress after tho government was organ ized, a petition from the North was presented, praying for the abolition of slavery by Congress. Treacherous attempts to deprive the of her undoubted rights to manage her own aliajrs, h»vo been constantly made. Tho framers of the Constitution declared in its preamble, that one of their great objects In 'adopting it was “to insure-domestic t^onntu^ity. , * But the “domestic tranquility” of the South has been , constantly and cruelly assailed '.by Northern Abolitionists, who knew very well that they had no business whatever with the matter. f A majority of tlio old Stales mado, tho ne groes free without opposition from ahrind.— That it was wise for tlio North to do so all are agreed: that, it was just and proper in tho South to moito no complaint Is cquarly truc.-r- Npw Ictus (kxriwhcther tho South has gained nny advantages or committed any aggressions with reference to tho new States. • • Maine and Vermont were admit ted as free Statpa, and nobody asked them to pyt slavery "ran ootJNTnr—jur it alwats ni| iioiii— bct main on whoso,' oini ootiNinr.” into their constitutions. r This was a matter of course, and so treated aU’roand. But with reference to. the Western stales, their exemption from slavery was not n matter of course. The South might have prevented it If she had seen proper. The whole of the ter* ritory north and west of Ohio. and.cast of. the Mississippi, belonged to the Stale of Virginia. She owned the land, and had power to control tho setllemcnt of evcry acre. What did she do? She magnanimously gave up not only her political jurisdiction, but also her proprietary right to the. Federal Govcrnpiont, allowing the voters of the North to settle it’s destiny, and all its proceeds to go into the general - coflers.—• Connecticut had a spurious claim to a part of it—a claim precisely like"that which she sot up to a part of Pennsylvania, and which was de cided against her. But her claim to tho West ern Reserve, was conceded to her—she kept it, sold it, and put tho proceeds own treasury, Virginia did not protest even when the Ordinance of 1787 was passed, abolishing Slavery within tho. territory, tfhich she had thus generously given away. Was there any aggression in nil this?, ,If there was “encroach ment” on either side, who committed it ? If there was unwi&c concession, from whom did.it come? The territory of Louisiana, including what is now Arkansas. Missouri, lowa, Nebraska, Kansas, and the unoccupied wilderness beyond, was purchased from Franco in 1803. It was all slave territory... We took it with a French law upon it legalizing slavery. It could not he made free without repealing that law. Mis; sonri had been settled long before by persons yvho owned slaves and who had held them there upon the faith of (he law. Tliey were not dis turbed during her whole existence"ns an organ ized territory. When she proposed to come in to the Union os a State, her people, in ' the ex ercise of as plain a right as any people ever possessed, made a Constitution for themselves, in which, with almost entire unanimity, they recognized the rights ol the slaveholders to re tain the property required under previous laws. Then arose the wildest yells of fanatacism.— Lnrgojpasscs of people in the North, and espe- New England, led on and excited by the inflammatory appeals of their lenders, grew almost frantic with rage. The sole cause of this outcry was that the people of Missouri hod made their own Constitution to suit their own views, and,bad not permitted it to bo made for them by anti-slavery men, residing m the Northern States. This was the head and front of their offending. Nothing disc was charged against them; Yet cvciy Southern member of Congress who expressed the opinion that Mis souri had a right to make heroWn constitution was called an aggressor, a slave driver, and a tyrant, while every Northern, man who assent ed to the same simple proposition was denoun ced and abused as a coward, a doughface aoda recreant to the rights of his own section. So fiercely did this storm of calumny blow that the whole government rocked and reeled to it. There seemed no way left to avoid a civil war hut to compromise. And such a compromise ! It consisted.in an agreement that Missouri might exercise her undoubted right, and have tor own constitution if Congress would abolish the law legalizing slavery in all of the territory outside of (hat Suite and lying north of a cer tain line. That Congress find any power to do this is now almost universally’doubted, nndby n large majority of the people it is totally de nied that slavery can be forced, either in or out of a Territory, t>y the legislation of the General Government'. Thus by mere clamor nndabu.se the North got an unconstitutional advantage, in return for yielding to a Southern Stale a privi lege which no fair man can deny was plainly her own. But even this did not satisfy the Abolitionists. They continued to insult the South for not giving up everything, and ven ted their abusive and slanderous epithets as vigorously ns ever upon the North because it had not insisted on more.- Was this North ern or Southern aggression. In IKSO, this cry of Southern aggression on Northern rights again rose to a pitch which seemed to put the Union in extreme danger.— Again the trouble was allayed by a compro mise. The nature, character and terms of the compromise will show how much aggression had been committed then. There was five mea sures included in it. 1. The admission of California ns ft free Stale. 2. The territori al organization of New Mexico on the principle of non-intervention, which it was known would exclude slavery. 3. The purchase of a large portion of. Texas, taking it away from the ju risdiction of a slim State. 4. The abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia. 5. The fugitive slave law. The first four of these measures were anti-slavery, and were demand ed by the North. The fifth one (the fugitive slavelaWlwasaconccssion, not to the South,but to llio Constitution. It was required by its plain and unequivocal* mandate; find hud been admitted by every President and every Con gress from the foundation of the Government, to be nn imperative constitutional obligation. For this, the same infamous assaults were again mado on the eminent men who supported it. The only measure which the South got was opposed nnd resisted, even after, its enact ment, and in many places its execution was wholly prevented. We demand, again, where was Inc aggression ?- It is on these facts wo base the assertion, that in every contest where the rights of the North have been entrusted to Democratic pro tection. they have been guarded faithfully and well. We have not resisted any just claim which tlie South ever made; we have meant to treat them fairly, and to carry out in good faith the obligations imposed on us by the Constitution. But if- there has been any in stance in which the South has got more than its due, tho history of the transaction Ims es caped our notice. On the contrary, wo submit to yon, fellow-citizens, whether tho South has not got the scantiest measure of justice that could possibly be dealt out to hei*. Has not the North had all tho preponderance? . Has not our section had tho advantage of all the im portant concessions that were ever mode I The Slates of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Micnl-. gan and Wisconsin, were slave territory. Incy were presented to ns hy Virginia ns a gracious .gift, and wo excluded slavery. Iho Mate of lowa, the Territories of Minnesota and Nebras ka, were slave territory under the laws of Louisiana. Wo took them because wo were strong, and we made them Free Soil, olavcry once covered the whole Union. Its represen tatives hi the National Go/eminent are now In a minority. Could anything but the grossest malice, the most stupid folly, or tho most un mitigated knavery,'havp’suggested tho idea that slavery was encroaching upon us while these things were going on ? ■ Our limited' space .will not permit ns to re count tho many Unjustifiable injuries winch tho Abolillouls have perpetrated and attempted to perpetrate upon the people of the South, up-* on those in tho North who do not unite with them, and upon all tho Institutions of the country. They have sought every occasion, end” taken advantage of every, event which could give them an excuse for pouring out their venomous , danders upon tho .fathers of the Constitution, upon 1 tho Constitution itaellV and unon.all who support it. . ' This agitation begtty {p JSnglanu pqipng per- CARLISLE, M.,-THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 11, 1856. sona whose gross ignorancoiof America was the only excuse for to our Union. They sent-ovor to thin country one Thompson, n .member of the Brilish Parlia ment, a man of ability! but reckless like his employers, Under Ins influence nnd direction, societies, modlcd nflcr the old English form, were established in New England. The avow, cd object of these societies was to excite insur rection among the Southern negroes. For this purpose they distributed among, the negroes, by every means in their power, pictures repre senting the scenes of, violence, murder and ar son, through which'the slaves, if they would adopt them, might be free. These Hungs were accompanied by promises of. aid and support from British and American lenders. Long sub sequent to the lime wp speak of, Joshua R. Chilling, member. of Congress, and now the leadin'*’ friend of 'Col.' Frcmnnti admitted Ihe accomplishment of this object (a servile insur rection led by British officers) to be the dearest wish of his heart.,’ No doubt be spoke the gen eral sentiments of his party. Think. fvllotV-citlzcns, of fho situation in which this must have placed the Southern peo ple. They found the Institution of negro-sla very fastened upon -them without liny fault of their own. Many b( them believed it to be an evil, but they could not help it. They had the wolf b” the ears and they could neither hold on with comfort nor let go with safety. A general emnncipntiort wonld have been a virtual surrender of the whidh Southern country to the black race, probably'the extinction of the whiles in their .own' blood. Tim fate of St. Domingo nnd the British West Indies for bade snob tt thought; It was in this condition Hint they were assailed by every means which malice nnd cunning could devise, in order to in crease the danger nnd difficulty of their situa tion. Have they not'n.good right to complain bitterly of a party, winch was doing nil they could to murder them, their wives nnd their children ? ’ ■ ;■ • , . They did complaifl. - But their complaints were littered in vain.’- General. Jackson called the attention of Congress to the subject, nnd a bill was brought in lo prohibit Ihe transmiss ion of incendinary documents through the mail, but the South was in the minority and the hill was lost. It,was not only lost, but the propo sition to prevent the United States mail from being prostituted to the purpose of assassina tion and murder, was made the occasion for a new cry of Southern aggression, nnd every Nor thern mnn who favortif it'wns again called a doughface, coward and'traitor. In Hie present canvass, the Abolition parly has n strength which Ifricvcr had before. The dissolution of tho'Whig parly left many men without political connections, nnd some of them hnvc n causeless feeling ngninst the Democracy which ronkes them embrace any doctrine, nnd risk disunion itself, rather than join ns. Many of the adhering Know-Nothings were led over hndilv. with their eyes shut, into Ihe pitfall of Abolitionism. They have, out uf these male rials, formed n party .which they dare lo call Republican. Yes. a com bin Minn of men, ac ting under the inflnejico of opinions formed and developed in Enginn^—propagated by British emissaries—advocated by Hie British press, nnd aiming a direct blow' at Hie only strong repub lic on earth—such nptrtyndds to its other sins Hie base liypocricyxif cslling-ilsclf- by the sa cred name of Republican. Their only battle cry at this'moment, and: for some Hmo'pasC, bW bcc.'j Kaunas J Kansas! Kansas.' Mr. Tldohnmiu T'b bo eteclcd Prenf- Ident, nnd this Xahsaq question, with all ils(n cidenlnls. will pas, away nrtiong the things that were. When that happens. Hie people of this country will look- back with wonder at the scenes now enacting, and think with amaze ment of the nlorm winch a few fanatics and irailors could raise on a question so simple nnd I so easily adjusted. The territorial government of Kansas was or ganized on a principle which permitted the men who might inhabit the new Slate lo determine what should be its laws nnd institutions. Thus it expressly declared: -‘lt being Hie true Intent and meaning of this not KOI to legislate slavery into any State or Territory, nor to ex clude it therefrom, hut to leave the people there of perfectly free to form and regulate their do mestic institutions in.their own way. subject oniv to the Constitution of the United States." -That, too. wns thovcry.principle oflho Com promise trills of 1860, with reference loCnlifor nin nnd New Mexico, and advocated by Clay, Cass nnd , Webster. Let Whigs, Democrats nnd Americans—all men who lovo the Union listen to Hie language of the patriot Clay, in his celebrated report introducing the Compromise ! bills : “It is high time Hint the wounds which it [ffic Wthnot Proviso] has inflicted should be healed up ami closed, and that to avoid, in all future lime, Hie agitations which most he pro duced by Hie conflict of opinion on Hie slavery question— existing, ns tills institution does, in some of the Slstcs, nnd prohibited, ns it is, in others—Hie true principle which ought to regu- Into the action of Congress in forming territori al governments for each newly acquired do main, it lo refrain from nil legislation on the subject in the territory acquired, so long ns it rctiiins the territorial form of government— leaving it to the people of such Territory, when they have attained loncondition which entitles them to admission ns n Slate, to decide for themselves the question of the allowance or proliibtion of domeslio slavery. I .’—(See Con gressional aiobe. May 10. 1850. page 916.) Certainly no man of ordinary foresight could have believed Hint honest men in the North, nf lcr contending for this doctrine flveor six years ago, would turn around nnd repudiate it now. But these hypocritical pretenders complsin of Hie repeal of the law known ns Hie Missouri Compromise, by which Congress legislated sla very out of territory north of 30 deg. 30 min., ami permitted it lo exist in all territory sooth 1 of that lino: nnd yet, In Hie platform which they have made for their candidate nnd party, I they solemnly raolre. -"tkot m deny the au thority of Congress, of a Ternloral Lem lature of any individual or association, of null* vi duals, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of Hie United States, wliilo the pres cat Constitution shall ho maintained.” [Res’. 2d. Republican Platform, 1850.1, • Tims (ho very Compromise, which the Abo litionist ot ono moment pretend should not hnvc ■ been repealed,’ because, as they allege, U was a binding law ami compact, they m the next sol emnly resolve was no law—po compact: nay, more Hint it was beyond the power of Congress, or of any human power, to make such a law, while the Constitution shall last! - But wo pass from tills to another topic. ■ . Some disorders have occurred m I ho contest of opinion which lias been going on In Kansas for two'or three years; between the p-cslavery men nnd the Abolitionists.' Whatever they amounted 10, it is fit that those who commit, ted these disorders should lake choresponMlnli • ty and hear tho consequences. But no one can fall to sec Hint abolitionism lias oxnmraled - and perverted every incident connected with them in tho way which In their,opinion was best calculated to create prcdjnd Ico and lint red against tho Sooth. Their own share-in Provo ’ king these quarrels they have tried all they could to conceal. Instead of proposing porno mode of settling tho disputes in Kansas amica bly and peacefully, fftoy have prtfully fanned the flame, and shown by their whole conduct, that they would willingly spread civil war from Kansas oil over the Union. Even an assault and battery committed at Washington city has been used os a means of stirring up the bitter wallers ofscctionol strife. When riots have been raised in the North to prevent the exccutionof the fugitive slave law, a law approved by Washington, voted for by Clay and Webster, and, signed by President Fillmore, and murders committed for the same .purpose like those at Carlisle and Christiana, These same abolitionists clapped their hands in exultation; and cried well, done! When the South complained, that her bcst.cilizens had been, thus slaughtered for no offence but deman* ding their-lawful rights, the Abolitionists an swered with insult and ribaldry. But now, when ft .northern Senator is caned by the Rep resentative of a slave-holding State, the whole abolition party is thrown into a wild commo tion of excitement. We do not-jnstifv or ex cuse Mr. Brooks, but wc think that those men who bad no sympathy for Kennedy and Gor* such might os well be .quiet about Sumner. In conclusion, wo will , briefly refer to one important, fact, -which ought to consign the lenders of the so-called Republican' party to their political graves. You arc all aware that the Senate of the United Stales is largely Democratic. .That body, some time ago, passed a bill for the pac ification of Kansas, so just and so equitable that no fair objection can bo made against it. It provides for the admission of Kansas as a State, with such a Constitution os the people j themselves shall choose to have; and that the vote upon it may be taken fairly, the most stringent regulations arts made to prevent any mnn from putting in a ballot who is not a resi dent; It provides that any one who has loft the Territory on account of the previous troub les. may return and vote as if he had not gone away. It abrogates all the laws passed by the Territorial Legislature complained of by the Abolitionists. No man can deny fund so far as we know it never has been denied] that this bill, if passed by the other house of Congress, would at once settle the whole difficulty in a manncr.pcrfeclly fair. Even one of the Aboli tion Schalors.Mr. Hale, admitted this, fof'upon the introduction of the bill he said, in the Sen ate : ' “But, sir, I do nut want to dwell on that sub ject, but to sneak a very few words in reference to tliis bill which has been Introduced by the Senator from Georgia. I take this occasion to say that the bill, as a whole, docs great credit to the magnanimity, to the patriotism, and to the sense ot justice of the honorable Senator whofintroduccd it: It is a much fairer bill than I expected from that lalitudc. I say so because I am always willing and determined, when I have occasion to to do ample justice. I think the bill is almost unexception able.” Yet the Republican loaders, in and outof Con gress, are doing their best to prevent the pas sage of this bill. They do not want the ques tion settled. They prefer civil war, disunion, and all their frightful consequences. We sol emnly trust that these heartless demagogues will receive such a lesson at the nest election from the people, especially from the people' of Pennsylvania, as .will settle:thcm and the Kan sas question both together. . By order'of ihe State Central Committee. JOHN W. FORNEY, Chairman*, From the Cincinnati Enquirer* Col. Fftmonl'j iniectdenli—Jlli Blmilual from the inn/. U is not eight years since the Black Republi can candidate (or the Presidency wav, on ac count of the grossest misconduct, cashiered and dismissed from the United Slates Army.— 110 was tried by the following gentlemen, com prising a court martial of the best officers Id the army. Hero aro their names : Brevet Brig. Gen, G. M. Brooks, 001. Fifth Infantry. Col. S. Churchill, Inspector General. Col. A. B. Crane, First Artillery. Brevet Col. M. M. Payne, Fourth Artillery. Brevet 001. S. 11. Long, Corps Topographical Engineers. Lieut. Col. J. P. Taylor, Subsistence Depart ment. Lieut. Col. R. E. Dußuscy, Corps Ordnance Department. Major J. L. Graham, Cotps Topographical Engineers. Major R. Delcflold, Corps of Engineers. Brevet Major G. A. M’Onll, Assistant Adju tant General. Major E. IF. Morgan,'Eleventh Infantry. Cnpt. John F. Loo, Judge Advocate. After a fair and impartial trial, the Qourt come to the following conclusion .• <( charge I—Mutiny. And guilty of (ho charge. , . . " Charge 2—Disobedience of orders. And guiltv of Hie charge. , . , , « Charge B—Conduct prejudicial to good or der and military discipline. Ami guilty of the charge.” . , ~ , It will be seen that tlio gronnds upon which mich a respectable court of his brother officers dismissed Fremont from the,service were that ho had been guilty of “mutiny,'’’“disobedience of orders,” “ ami conduct prejudicial to’good order and military discipline. Certainly those afforded excellent reasons why ho should ho dis missed from the army, and ought to tell strong ly against him since he aspires, by virtue of the office-of President, to the chief command In the very service where ho was adjudged unworthy to hold a subordinate position. In passing sen tence the Court took occasion to say i “Sentence.— And the Court does therefore sentence the said Lieutenant Colonel John-0. Fremont, of the regiment of mounted riflemen, United Stales Army; to bo dismissed from (bo service. , ... it The Court rjeoms it proper, in view of the ma«s of evidence on record, to remark that the Court has been unwilling to confine the accused to a strict legal defbneo, which appeared to bo within narrow limits. “Considering the gravity of the charges, the Court has allowed the defence the fullest possi ble scope In its power, to develop the instruc tion of the Government, and nil circumstances relating to the alleged misconduct, ns well as to impeach (ho loading witness for the prosecution. The Court has oven Indulged the accused in ft course unusual, and without approbation in the final defence, of using indiscriminately matter which had booh rejected or admitted In evidence. “ With all this latitude of evidence, and the broader latitude of defence, the Court has found nothing conflicting in the orders and Instructions of the Government, nothing Impeaching the testimony on the part of the prosecution, noth ing, in flno, to qualify, in a legal sense, the,re. sistnneo to authority, of which the accused afandH convicted; “The attempt (6 assail the leading witness for the prosocutioh, has involved points not In issuQ, and to which the prosecution has brought no evidence. In the judgment of fhoCourthis honor and character aro unimponchod. <> The whole proceedings of the general court martial in tlio foregoing case, have been laid before the President of (tin United States.” President Polk approved of the finding of the Court j biit political fnllucpco being brought to bear, and ft majority of ono In the Court recom mending him to mercy, ho'remitted-the penalty of dismissal frdtn (ho sendee. / But Fremont, with the stigma of the verdict resting upon him, soon resigned h-a'commisslOQ. AT 82,00 PER ANNUM. NO. 14. ftodlral. TDE CHILD AND TDE SUNBEAM. I saw a youthful mother. Once on a summer’s day, Sot down her smiling infant To watch its frolic play; It gamboled on the flowers That decked the carpet o’er, And seemed with childish wonder Elch object to explore. As something on the instant Its glad career arrests; And earnestly It gazes where A golden sunbeam rests; While on the new found glory It fixed its wondering eyes, And trustfully reached forth its bands, To seize the glittering prize. And now its tiny fingers clasp The treasure rich and rare. Which In its baby innocence It surely thought was there ; But ah I that hand uncloses. And to its earnest gaze Reveals no gem of beauty— No bright imprisoned rays. And then (ho first of many tears Fell on that cherub face— The first sad disappointment .In life’s uncertain race! And thus it hath been with ns all, Who Its dark game hath played— Wo'vo sought to grasp the sunshine, And only found the shade I « DOE OUT TOIIB BOW.” Ono lazy day a farmer’s boy Was hoeing out tho corn And moodily had listened long To hear (ho dinner horn. The welcome blast was heard at last, And down ho dropped his hoe; But (ho good man shouted in Ids car, My boy, “boo out your row V* Although a hard one was tho row, To use a plowman’s phrase. And tho lad, ns sailor’s have it, Beginning well to “haze” — “ I can,” said ho, and manfully Ho seized again bis hoe; And Ihc good man smiled to sco Tho boy hoe out his row. Tho lad the text remembered. And proved tho moral well, That perseverance to tho end At last will nobly toll. Tako courage man! resolve you can. And striko a vigorous blow; In Ufo’s great field of varied toil Always hoo out your row. Rtellantons. THE HOTDEELEBS. “ God pity her, for sho is motherless.” II never look upon those little ones, whom God has so sorely stricken, without feeling a yearning desire to fold them to ray heart; and pour out some of the tenderness which the sight of their Innocent tacos never falls to Inspire, and by loving words strive to shed sunshine and Joy upon their dcaola/o pathway. God pffy the motherless/ ITo rriocf them often to our path, and always with the thought that for them the shy should be brighter and the sunshine wanner than for tho rest of earth’s IHtlo ones. We meet them often, with shy, wistful glances upraised from eyes that were onco dear as Ufa to some worshipping heart, but the grave closed over It, and tho smitten ones have to learn, day by day, through their life pilgrimage, how much was burled there.— Ah, yes I somewhere there Is a green grave, and underneath it palo hands are peacefully folded that would have joyfully toiled lor that littloono; and a heart lies still and cold now, whoso pulsation was for the helpless ones alio loft behind. But It was not always thus. A little farther back, and that child’s history was likoasanny picture; tho bright homo, where pleasant words and soft tones mado sweet mu. sio; whore loving glances followed the little footsteps, and a dear hand smoothed tho shin ning hair, and warm lips pressed tho fervent good night kiss, and framed the simple good night prayer, while tho patient, gentle mother bore with childhood's caprices as no ono will over boar again; all these sunbeams have glad dened tho child's existence. But a shadow fell upon that homo, there came an unbidden visit, ant within its pcaccAil walls, and low and fear flilly wore whispered tho wools, that tho mother must die. ' It was a strange, undefinablo fear, when she moved no longer among tho little group; when (ho beloved faco grow paler nnd thinner to tho gaze that would not bo w holly shut out of “ma ma’s room;” but It wits tho great, strong grief w hich childhood so keenly feels for a moment, hut which, blessed bo God I Is ol brief dura tion, when tho llttlo band were kissed for tho last time, with that passionate earnestness which nono hut God can fully understand. They are taken fVom tho,clasp;, it tightens around that young one; It was tho owo lamb of the flock, and while Hip film gathers over tho mild cyo, tho last prayer Is breathed from that breaking heart, tho last words went up from those white lips—“ God take caro of my llttlo children 1” Then tho household band was severed ; some went forth to dwell at strangers' bunrths, to learn, by palnfbl contrast, bow precious a thing must bo a mother’s lovo; and some, God bo thanked 1 have meted out, from worm and hen tho golden,measure of true and holy loro, ' ' • Gcnllo words and blrfdly smiles do not cost much—give thorn to the littlq one over whoso mother’s heart tho grass grows green to-day; to that bright-eyed boy, who has untried fhluro before him, and no mother’s prayers to follow him in the strife; to that slender girl, who has a world’s temptations to meet, unaided and alone—so shall blessings return to your own hearthstone an hundred fold. Horan Oiunrrr.—Joseph 11., Kmperor of Germany, who died in the year 1700, was n most benevolent and muniilccnt sovereign, llardlya day passed without his doing some pet of kind ness and charity. On ono occasion ho was ofl costed in tho street by a ragged little boy, wiw seoniod to bo iu great distress. “Give mo twenty pence, sire, to get my mother a physi cian. She Is dying, and we have no money. I never bogged boloro, but 1 cannot boar to lose my dear mother. Oh sire,pray give mo twenty ponce.” Tho Emperor gave tho boy tho mon ey, and Inquired where his mother lived.— >Thon tho child wasgono, ho put on ft cloak to fconconl his dress, and went to the poor woman’s henna as a physician. Ho felt her pulse, and wrote her ft recipe, which ho said would euro her. Ho then spoko kindly to her, nnd took Ids loftvo. Immediately oftor his departure, tho real docto* arrived, accompanied by tho little hoy. Tho poor woman, surprised at this second visit, said that sho had alrcadyaphyslclan.who had proscribed for hor, and loft hw n jroclpo.— Tho doctor looked at tho pap®* 1 , sbd found to his surprise, that tt wap no proscription, but • note for a pension. of fl/ty duetts, siguod witn , jhe Emperorip njuno. . Bfr,qoloilynos>rf*ig««; ©realty fcoflibsqoyolejiqo tolls* * . •"Hfltond Woiitei or No.Wltm*” Tears Ago wo read tbis lmo eomcwhcre And' have never forgotten itr and bettor know tho meaning noW,tbaii<we did then.; , J Tis wonder to. us that, ony.sensiblo maa < should, marry 'a woman whose wajet lbpkff as if Some, of Nature’s apprentices built it, and; blunder, put all the ribs On “bottom We could never aco much bcauty in tne black-' wasp style of waist; but then Wdo jioft make our tostca standard for others. i-Some Jyomcn dress as if they never dreamed that; sessed ft pair of Innga, which needed room for expansion; and that a full and a free circulation of the pure air of heaven through them, wM essential to pure blood and good health. - -W£ laugh at tho Chinese for pinching the feet of their females, and thus making' them genteel cripples, while.we, who claim to bo their bu- . periors in knowledge and progress, pinch tho vital parts of our children and youth, and thus raise up a generation of crooked-spined, dys. peptic, and, in many instances, half, idiotic valids, whose iniquities shall bo visited upon the fourth and fifth generations, mentally oa well os physically. We do' not consider that" crippled lect aro so likely tobecome hereditary as crippled -lungs. Hence oiir folly and “Wick - , edness is greater than theirs. Tis astonishing that sensible womcii should become so deluded by this monstrous fashion, so duped by it, os to commit suicide by inches! Stays arc again in fashion, and; fashionable misses “will all fair to pieces without theta!” Wril, then, Ut them ••burstup,” wo want BO such sham material fonthe mothers of'Coming' generations. Their loss would be a great gain in a physiological point of view. If we have any women in the country made “uponhonOeV • -‘-women who have moral courage enough to appropriate to tbeir lungs as much of the free air of heaven as they need —give us such wdr men for wives. Young men had better lead to the hymeneal alter a living, breathing bride, clad in an Indian blanket, than one of these modern, puffing, fainting, waspish ladies, in straight Jacket. Anecdote of Felton, A gentleman who was acquainted with Ful ton, recently told us the following anecdote, which was related to him by Fulton himself:- When Fulton was in Xkigtand," fie Fid a scheme forapply ing steam machinery to the pur pose of naval warcfarc; and obtained ah audi ence with Win. Pitt, the Prime Minister, to communicate it to him, and to any- man of li enee whom ho might choose,, in .confidence. Soon after his arrival. Pitt; with his friend en tered the room, and received Fulton politely. They seated tnerasclves at the table: and Fulton was invited to explain his plans. When he had got into the application of steam os a propcll ftfg agent, Pitt whispered with his friend lor a moment. They both immediately rose, and walked away without a word to the visionary inventor. The servant soon made his appear ance, wailing for something ; perhaps for pul ton's commands, perhaps for him to go, - Ho went; and it is well known that he went to France, and offered WS Invention tp the gov-; eminent of that country i He proposed WpJan for transporting the French army .across, tho, channal by steam vessels. Bonaparte, who was , at that lime Consul, referred tho -proposiUon to engineers, who reported against it. ! - - - ;* Years after it was colled to the recollection of Bonaparte. When ho was on board the Northumberland, on his way to St.. Xlelcna, ,ho saw a smoky vessel, going at a good -speed 'for that time, when there was very little wind, lie asked tho cause of her speed, and was told ; that she was propelled’by steam. .Ho said ’ nothing further, but we may Imagine that he felt like a railway director, When the stock of his concern has Just been sold for one mill per share, and he sees an • invention, in tisc r which he had long before turned hia back upon, and which might have saved him.—The Invention* Broom* and Broom-Nun* One firm in New York sells annuaßy-ftbontf' 40,000 dozen brooms manufactured in tady, and 10.000 dozen from towns hr Massa chusetts. Most of the brooms manufactured, in Massachusetts find a market In Boston.- There half a dozen houses in, New York dialing largely in brooms; they ore principally .in ful-. ton street. The ordinary brooms of which we Speak have sold, recently as high os SI7 a bundnx). — * This is tho Schenectady manufacture. In the Massachusetts moijufaclure, the corn Is fasten ed upon tho handle with a small wire,' Instead of stout twimv'nnd the article 'consequently is not considered so valuable. .A few years since brooms which now bring the above price could be bought at from $8 to $l2 per hundred.— Latterly, brooms have been sold by weight at from Bto 11 cents per pound. Tho average weight is one pound and a half. Tho broom-corn used in this manufacture is raised principally in the valleys of the Mohawk and the Connecticut. The soil in the bottoms along those rivers possesses'certain character istics highly favorable; to the .growth of this agricultural product. Although, the labor at tending its cultivation Is great, it is considered a valuable crop, being more 1 hardy than maiz<S and less liable to injury, from frosts*.. % ... . Killing Dogs at the New York DoG Pound. —At first all dogs-received at Che pound, unless redeemed by their owners with in a given time, were killed, the plan being to knock them upon the bead. . This was done by a negro employed for the purpose. At every sunset ho made a tour through the sheds, when one by one the unfortunate animals fell beneath the well-directed blow frob an iron-tipped cldl> in his hands. This was deemed cruel,-wlwn the present system wos adopted, which is-a* follows: The condemned dogs arc put in a tank, about ten feet square, and os soon as tho tank is full water is let in. A rack fastened down about ono foot from the top of-the-vessel keeps them beneath the surface until they oro fiullocatcd. Any dog exhibiting aignft of hy. drophobia is knocked on tho head at onca The carcases are then taken to the foot Of For ty Fifth street, Fast Blvcr, and conveyed away in the oflal-boals. • Between forty and fifty per sons make a regular business of catching dogs and conveyingthcm to the pound. Ono man, named Daniel Sullivan, as appears by tho books kept at the office, is engaged in tho trade, nnd hop a largo'mimber of boys in Ins employ. The boys scour the streets, and Wko every dog they aro fortunoto enough to get hold of to Sullivans Depot, nnd thence .the animats oro taken in carts to the Pound. It Is said that Sullivan averages from $lO to $l6 a day. and in one week has drawn as high aa $B5 bounty. Only a few boys engaged in the trade vcccive their money at the city Hall, as.some half dozcn'Rtrcct brokers hold “change” tn tho vicinity and cash the fifty cent order, deducting ono shilling for the accommodation of lhe juve nile dog-trappers, most of whom live in the up per part of the city. A paper entitled .‘‘Daniel ‘Webster's So cial Uourfl,” Is published in Harper's Magazine, from which .we copy tho following}—“Cui/k, of Texas," raid Mr. Webster, shout the time he made his gnat speech on the compromise. “I consider tho strongest man in the United States Senate on tho democratic side; He la no spoulcr, but he artj; and upon what ho saya you can rely. Ho' will Bland without Using lied, and you can attend to your matters and And him when you return on .like same spot where you left him. lie has lull of Achilles haired of double-dealing : ' •He who can think ono thingand another tell. My soul detests him as the gales of hell. His indifference to fame makes him »"£“• or ho would asanmo (ho position in tho »"? 1 ® nnd in tho country to which Ids abilities entitle Inin , It is tinned Mr. Webster) “Ibrnto to fMI dho kMt scerbily lownids such men its Kurk, toss. Foote snd Dickinson. We have stood by each other in * time of greatest moment to tnykoil so well ao of dancer to the union of those Button ahoulder to oboutder. loan nercr forget orm. fuso to acknowledge thei, important vtlM aid.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers