The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, December 10, 1862, Image 1

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Per annum in advance
Six months
Three month, 50
A White to 'iotal. +1 discontinnAnce at the expnation of
the term Sub ibed fol a ill he considered a new• engage
1 int,. Cent. 2 to. 3 do.
Four lines or tees $ 23... $ 373' $ to
.hte square, (12 littes,) ...... .... 50 75 1(0
two equaree, 1 00 1 50 2 (0
three squares 1 50 2 ^5 3 00
Over three week and lees titan three !auntie., 25 cents
pOe spier° tot each Insertion.
3 mo , ntlu.o month, 12 mouths.
....$1 00 *,'; 00 $5 00
3 00 500 7 00
!ix linos or lel',
Jut IN Iture
. 5 00 9 00 10 00
. 7 00. 10 00..........15 00
. 9 OU 11 00 00
.12 00 10 00.. .... ....24 00
20 00 10((0..........00 OO
rwe emnarre,..
fltren I.lpar-es,.
Four SitllareY,..
Mat a column,
(3,,0 column. ..
and 11114110,P colds not exceeding Four lilies,
one erIT 03 00
Atlaiinistratot ituecotorn' Notices. $1 75
Ad verti;emen tq not marlunl oith the number or inqol
Con. .lesh ed. tt ill be continn.l till Imbid and rbatgod or
rJr.linr to the.. term,
Ely Cob c.
Friday, December 5,1862.
0i ail?
•We have not the time nor the ineli-
Dation, to dun personally. a large nuni
her of persons who have unsettled ac-
counts upon our hook• of several years
utAnding. We shall, therefore, from
day to day, without respeet to persons,
plane into the hands of a Juqice for
,collection, all accounts of over two
years standing. All those who wish
to save expense, will do well to give
us a call
§§§ § 'a k§ §
ABritish View of Southern Slaves and
Poor Whites.
Mr. 'W. C. Baxter, M. P., who trav
eled through this country a few years
since, delivered an address at Dundee
(Scotland), on. the sth of November,
in which he denounced the rebellion,
and gave his personal recollections of
Southern life and character. We copy
the following interesting passages :
Hone leaves out of view the estab
lishments of the more opulent owners
of the soil, gentlemen of refinement
and education, who have traveled,
and appreciate the luxuries and °le
gancies of life, the want of domestic
comfort in the households of the South
is most lamentably conspicuous. A way
from the great streams of' travel you
may wander along the bye-ways of the
land for months without. once obtain
ing a sleeping apartment either clean
or provided with necessary furniture,
a sufficiency of oats or maize for your
horse, or any better food for yourself
than the most indigestible kind of
corn bread. Tea and sugar, carpels
and chests of drawers, proper cookin g
utensils, even private rooms and wash
basins are not to be found in the lion
ses, or rather hovels, of hundreds who
own slaves and consider themselves
to belong to the white aristocracy.—
There are undoubtedly many wealthy
- men living iu the enjoyment of every
convenience both in their plantation
and in large towns ; bat their number
is quite insignificant in comparison
with that of those who are destitute
of MlC•llatf of those things which even
a laborer in the _Northern States re
gards as the necessaries of life. The
colossal fortunes of the South have
been wrung
from the poor whites quite
its much as from the slaves. Both suf . -
fer'to render complete those establish
ments which certain British visitors
-extol. It is impossible to deny that
the poorer 'Amite' s lit o very meanly—
always on the coarsest fbod—often
straitened enough for that—never pos
sessed of money for the purchase of
civilized comforts—frequently clacj,and
housed in a manner sci miserable that
those who have not seen such dwel
lings with their own oyes could scarce
ly be expected to credit a faithful de
scription of them. Even in the man
sions of those not ground down by
poverty, ono finds wanting not a few
of those things which modern ideas
render necessary to a comfortable and
.and refilled existence. These man
sions themselves are few and far be•
twee', thereat majority of the whites
living in dilapidated cabins, where one
would scarcely imagine that an Anglo
Saxon in this nineteenth century would
dwell. In support of this statement,
Mr. Baxter here quoted an - extract
Iron a letter, written by an Illinois
farmer to Mr. Olmstead, whose admi
rable book on Louitana and Texas
was well weal:3- of the study of all
who took an interest in the future of
America or the welfare of the human
race. He then adverted to the condi
tion of what arecafied the " low whites"
is still more deplorable. They live in
the rudest sort of log cabins without
furniture, raising a few potatoes and
a little maise, and depending for the
means of obtaining scanty clothing,
t,ob,acco and drink nominally on lump
ing and job work, but more commonly
,on illicit transactions and instigating
the negroes to steal. In my own jour
pal I find frequent allusions to the
;svretehedness and discomfort every
where observable in the Southern
States, such remarks as " the break
fast was horrible," "the stage-coach
was the dirtiest I ever saw," " nothing
could exceed the badness of the inn;"
occurring constantly. I will quote
only one short sentence written in Al
abama, which, is a faithful represen
tation of my observations and fbelings
at the time, and certainly further ex
erience does not in the least incline
metb'modify the description : " The
consequences (of slavery) are every
where apparent; cities not improving,
houses ill built and going to ruin, fen
ces out of repair, railroads compara
tively few in number and badly man
aged, impassable roadS;dear traveling,
'dirty hotels,' estates producing less
and less every year, populatimi scarce
ly increasing, in some places even on
the decline, murders, drunken quar
rels, outrages of every day occurrence
—people by l their free votes refusing
tccadopt an educational system, a dis
regard of social ties, and a general
laxity of principle, which' augurs but
ill for the country's fliture,"
English and German 41manans
for 1863, are for sale at Book
WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor.
The Report of the Postmaster Gen
eral for this year exhibits a very heal
' thy financial condition of the Post-Oft
lice Department, and shows it to be
thoroughly impregnated with the spirit
of improvement. The efficiency of the
service has been maintained at the
highest point, accompanied by a great
diminution of expenditures.
The gross revenue of the department
for the fiscal year, including the stand
ing Treasury eredit for free mail mat
ter, and a small amount appropriated
for the relief' of individuals, was $9,-
012,549. The expenditures fur the
same year amounted to 811.125,364.
The regular postal revenue for 1862 is
only $19,-175 less than it was for the
fiscal year 18(11, during a large part of
which year revenue was paid in from
all th 6 States of the Union. This fact
shows a large increase in the corres
pondence ot• the loyal States.
While Om revenues have been so
nearly sustained at the highest stand
ard, the expenses have been largely
reduced. For the preceding year the
expenditure was 82,181394 greater
than last year. The following com
parison of figures is interesting :
Expenditures for 1860, for•
service in all the States, $14,874,772
Revenues for same year . 9,218,007
Expenditures fur Is6l, (ser
\lee interrupted in 1861) $13,606,759
Gross revenue, . . 9,019,296
Expenditures for 1862, . $11,225,364
Revenue, . . . 9,012,549
Reduction of expenditures
compared with 1861, . 83,749,408
Reduction of expenditures
compared with 1861, . $2,481,394
The department has not been for
many years so nearly self-sustaining.
The result is largely owing to the sus
pension of postal expenditures in the
south, which was greatly in excess of
postal receipts there. But not alone
to that. A revkion of all discretiona
ry expen'ses has been made, and large
reductions ordered. The pay of agents
has been regraded and equalized; econ
omy has been established in the larger
oniec NN here w itht c ♦vita round-, ii tai
peteney, wherever found in official po
sition, has been removed ; and an ef
fort made to adopt a standard of merit
and of administrative efficiency in lieu
of other and interior motives for ap
pointment. The Postmaster General
expresses his determination to adhere
to this course.
The number ofpostage stamps issued
to postmasters during the year was
251,307,105; the number of stamped
envelopes was 24,869,300. The value
of those stamps was 57,078,118; the
value of the letter envelopes, $734,255.
The value of stamped newspaper
wrappers, $...3.948. Increase of issue
over 1861 is 1,1-1-1,838. The total value
was $0,910,131.
The increased demand on the part
of the public for the stamped newspa
per wrappers alto R that their intro
duction has satisfied a public demand
and promoted the convenience of cor
In the first quarter of the current
year (ending 30th September,) the
n u tuber of stamps issued to postmasters
was one hundred and four millions,
their call, being for about two hundred
millions, which would have been near
ly sufficient to meet the usual demand
for a year. This extraordinary de
mand arose from the temporary use of
these stamps •as a currency by the
public in lieu of the smaller denomina
tions of specie, and ceased with the in
troduction of the so-called postal cur
rency. The difference between the
value of the stamps sold and stamps
cancelled, in the fiscal year 18(12, shows
$738,379 as the amount in the hands
of purchasers on hhe Ist of July, 1892.
The whole number of dead letters
received and examined during the year
is 2,282,018, which is 299,000 less than
in the previousyear. The whole num
ber of valuable letters sent out by the
Dead Letter Office was 51,239. Many
interesting details are given in the re
port touching the operations of this
office. Out of 21,493 cases where cause
of non-delivery was ascertained, only
225 were attributed to the fault of the
postmasters. Eight hundred and
twenty-two had no address 'whatever.
Congress, at its first session, passed
an act authorizing the employment of
twenty-five additional clerks, to facil
itate the return of dead letters to their
writers, with the expectation that the
receipts of postages thereon would
cover the appropriation of $20,000
made for their compensation. There.
suit thus far shows that, an excess of
revenue therefrom over the expenses
has accrued to the amount of several
thousand dollars.
The whole number of post offices in
the United States remaining establish
ed on the 30th June, 1862, was 28,875,
of which there were in loyal States
and districtsl9,973 ; and in the insur
rectionary States and districts there
were 3,902.
The nett increase in the established
offices over last year was 121.
,The number of cases acted upon by
the appointment office during the year
was 7,785.
The total postage accrued on United
Suites and European mails during the
yea': amount to $l,l-11,095, being a re
duction froni the amount of the pre i
ous year Or 5217,9-10: Of the total
amount collected 'the excess eelldeted
in the United States was $212,007,
which com , titutes the balances paid to
the veveval fort'ion departments, the
cost of exchange being defrayed by
the United States. The Postmaster
General objects to this cost as inequi
table, and proposes, if possible, to re
lieve the Department from this burden.
The Postmaster General has made
special efforts to relieve the foreign
correspondence of the country from its
complexity, now embarrassing alike to
correspondents mid to postal officers
Separate negotiations have been fbund
altogether inadequate to secure simple
and satisfactory arrangements. Ile
therefore opened a correspondence in
August last, through the Department
of State, with foreign Administrations.
proposing a convention of postal rep
resentatives at some convenient point,
to consider the enumerated difficulties
and the means of remedying them.—
Several replies have been received
from various Governments, and all are
favorable and agree to the project.—
This country, comprising immigrations
from almost every civilized nation, is
especially interested in the subjects
proposed to be brought before this
conference. It is a sphere of postal im
provement requiring the establishment
of greater uniformity and seine com
mon principle of itrrangement, and is
connected with our prosperous coin
niercial intercourse with other coun
The mail lettings which went into
operation on the first of July last in
the western division were effected on
such favorable terms as, compared
with the previous lettings, that a re
duction of expenditure resulted to the
amount of $331,000. At the same
time the length of routes was increased
by 6,159 miles, with an annual increase
of transportation of 755,428 miles.—
Notwithstanding this increase of ser
vice the nett saving is over nine per
cent. as compared with the previous
$2,112,814 I The total annual cost of in-
land service in operating
on the 30th of June last,
tray 55,853,834
To which add the cost of
the various agencies, lo
cal, messenger, route, &c. 470,630
Arid the cost of service to
that date is . . $6,314,464
Which includes $1,000,000 for the over
land mail route not before charged up
on the revenues of this Department.—
The saving in the lettings of first July,
1862, is attributed to a strict adherence
to the law of 1845, authorizing what
is known as " star bids."
The reyort renews the recommenda
tion fol' - codifyilik - itll the postal
and hopes it may be done at this ses
Among the improvements under the
consideration by the Postmaster-Gene
ral is that of embossing postal stamps
on business and other envelopes sup
plied for that purpose by persons desi
ring to Inrnish their Own designs. It
is believed that this will largely increase
the use of stamped envelopes in lieu of
stamps, which is an object of great im
portance to the Department.
He also discourages the use of the
mails far Gansmitting money, and
speaks favorably of a limited money
order system, and of an amendment to
the registry system, by which a return
receipt shall be sent to the dispatching
party, as evidence of the fact and date
of delivery of his package.
He also proposes to abolish many of
the discriminating rates of postage now
existing, approximating, as feu• as pos
sible, to uniformity, and increasing the
efficiency and extent of the delivery
and collection of letters by carriers in
The public attention is called to the
great importance of good postal officers
for a successful administration of this
department. If postmasters and their
clerks are selected without chief refer
ence to their efficiency and personal
fitness, no amount of good legislation
will secure public satisffiction. An en
ergetic, faithful and efficient postmas
ter, devoted to the interests of the ser
vice, should be retained as long as lie
illustrates those qualities in his admin
istration of the office. He attributes
the success of the English system
largely to the permanent character of
their officers and their familiarity with
the laws and regulations, and regrets
the extent to which other motives to
appointments have prevailed in this
country. Ile urges a return to the old
standard of honesty, capability, and fi
delity, and anticipates more public sat
isfaction and administrative success
from the adoption of such a principle
than from any other single act of re
form. He uses this language : "It is
my intention to adhere firmly to my
determination to displace incompeten
cy and indifference wherever found in
official position under my control, with
out any discrimination in favor of ap
pointments which I may myself have
made under misinformation of facts."
Cut off the Back Legs of your Chair.
I will tell you a secret worth know
ing. A thousand things not, worth
Of as much have been pattented and
elevated into a business. It is this:—
If you cut off the hack legs of your
so that the back part of the seat
shall be two inches lower than the
front part, it will greatly relieve the
fatigue of sitting, and keep your spine
in much better shape. The principal
flitigne in sitting comes from your sli
ding forward, and thus straining the
ligaments and muscles in the small of
the back. The epodidnt I have ad
vised will obviate this tendency, and,
as I have suggested, acid greatly to
the comfort and healthfulness of the
sitting posture. The frOnt edge of a
chair should not be more than fifteen
inches high for the average man, or
more than fdurteen for the average
\ Oman. ' The 'tiv.erage' chair is noW
seventeen inches high for all, which
no amount of slanting in the seat can
make comfortable ---Letcis'Oyisnasboos.
Only the Ohore Boy,
The other evening as I was waiting
in our village store until the clerk
could attend to some trifling affair of
mine, my attention was attracted to
the conversation passing between him
and a lady standing by the counter
behind me. Ile had just asked her if
she " had any boys up to her house ?"
She said she " had one." This was
followed by a brisk rattling of pa
per, and then I heard him say that
was his treat,' and - he would send
her boy some.' Oh,' replied the la
dy, 'he's nothing but the chore boy,
I shan't give hint any.' I felt the hot
blood rush into my face and my' eyes
flash; fur a Moment it required all my
sell possession to keep quiet. I did,
although I could not help the sharp
pain in my heart, as I thought of the
wishful look on the pale face of the
chore boy,' as he would watch -the
undoing of those brown paper parcels
as their contents were being put
away, and I seemed to hear the quiv
ering sigh and the sadly uttered, how
good that looks; I should like some.'
Nothing but the chore boy. .No kind
words for him ;no delicacies laid on his
plate; no soft hands' to smooth the
matted hair on his little aching head ;
no gentle lips to kiss his, and murmur
tender, loving words in his ear, until
the world looked so bright and beauti
ful; no kind father to take him on his
knee and tell him long stories—such
as lie loved so well to hear—filling his
lap the while with toys and nuts, as
lie slowly takes them, one by one, from
the pockets of his coat; no little broth
ers and sisters to frolic with over the
green meadows and through the leafy
woods, gathering gaily hued flowers as
they roamed, or twining their dimple
arms around his neck, and cheer him
with their childish caresses; no dear
mother to kneel by his low couch and
with her soft, white hands, tuck the
snowy coverlid around her darling, as
she teaches him some evening prayer,
and then, after sleep has closed his
eyes in sweet slumber, to gaze with
loving smiles upon the form of her
darling boy, and after kissing Into
again, steal softly out, pausing at the
door to look back at the sweet face
looking so like an angel's, with the
long lashes oldie dosed eyes sweeping
the pink cheeks, and the soft, curly
hair shining in tho rays of the lamp
like so many threads of fleecy gold !
Oh no I iVone of this for hint, he is
only the chore boy !
With little, sorp feet, he
- creeps trembling into bed, away up in
the great dark garret, and grasping
the - quilt in both hands, pulls it over
his head; it is so dark and lonesome,
and the rats and mice squeak - and ca
per across the floor, until with grief,
pain and fear, he sobs himself to sleep.
The world, to Idin,•is so re T , eery ( lark
and cold, it freezes his heart, and the
unkind words that often greet his ear,
has given to his face a gloomy look of
fear, sad to behold. But just speak
kindly to him, and see how quickly the
great, dark eyes soften, and the pear
ly- tears roll down the pale cheeks; the
stern lines molt away from the com
pressed lips, Which try in vain to smile,
for their quivering.
With a fltint, sickening feeling, he
turns from thO coarse food set before
him, and wistfully looks at the cans of
sweetmeats and rows of pie and cake
ranged on the shelves in the pantry;
but they are kept for' company,' and
anything is good enough tier the chore
be v.'
How many, that, lied they been
kindly and lovingly treated, might
have become noble minded men, orna
ments to their country, under this
system of slavery, (I can call it noth
ing else) have lost all confidence in
their fellow-men, and respect for all
that is good and holy. Lost forever.
lie is nothing but a chore boy; no mat
ter about him!
Hoar an Irish Patriot.
" Let the politicians who hare been us
ing us long enough, stay at home if they
will, but let us go and tight the battles of
the nation, and when we come home, a
grateful nation will extend toys sufficient
to meet our wants. I have always been
a Democrat. I was going to say that I
am still; but I will not allow any politics
to inter? re with the discharge of my du
ty. I take the KNOW _NOTHING
if he carries the musket o• sword along
side of me in this contest. Ido not care
where the man comes from, o• what may
be his shade of politics, whether he is a
IST, or something else—it is a perfect
matter of indifference to me. I only
want to say that I know no man but as
he discha•ge.s his duty to that flag; and,
as I said in Baltimore, men were ;liver
called upon in this world to perform so
sacred a duty as you are, my countrymen,
not only for your own sake, hut for the
whole country with its coming genera
tions of men."—[Speech of General
Corcoran at Philada.
For 1863.
The January numbers will be issued
early in December, and it is import
ant that all who wish to become sub
scribers to either of these interesting
and valuable monthlies, should sub
scribe soon. Subscribers to the Globe
can secure either of these monthlies at
club rates. Godey's Book for :32,00
or Peterson's nagazine for 61,25.
PHOTOGRAPH A 1,13 U s—n cw and im
proved styles—just received and for
!ale at Ltnvis' Book Store
4i.4i ','
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The President's Proclamation
There is now in press, and will soon
be published, a volume entitled " The
Trial of the Constitution," by Sydney
George Fishe - e. appended to the vol
ume, is an essay in the form of a note,
on the President's Emancipation Proc
lamation, which is printed iu the
North American, in advance.
Had we the room at our command,
we should be glad to print the entire
Essay. As it is, we are obliged to be
confined to a few extracts, which we
are sure will be read with interest.
The Proclamation issued by the
President, September 22d, 1862, is
the most memorable, and may prove
the most, havortont event of the war.
It draws a clear line bctwcon the past
and the present, and marks the prog
ress of opinion. 'When the war began,
slaves escaping to our lines were re
turned to their masters. afterwards,
with hesitation, they were received
and employed as ,laborers, but our
generals, who proposed to invite them
to escape; or to arm theta as soldiers
in the cause, were disavowed and re
buked. This forbearance, however,
produced no effect on the southern
people. Their vindictive hatred in
creased, and the rebellion waxed in
With it grew the determination of
the North. At first slowly, very , slow
ly, men began to say, " Slavery was
the cause of the war. Why should
we protect slavery ? It gives strength
to the rebels who aro endenvoring to
destroy our country, who have filled
our houses with mourning, who have
imposed on us it heavy burthen of debt
and losses, who have not hesitated to
lay their hands on every dollar of
Northern property they could find ;
and to inflict on us every injury in
their power. What is there in slave
ry so sacred or so beautiful that it
should be exempt from the laws or the
fortunes of war ? Slavery is protect
ed by the Constitution, indeed, but
men who have cast off the Constitu
tion, who defy it, who seek its over
throw, cannot surely claim its protec
tion. The Southern people have at
tacked our Government; we are wag
ing war against them, a just and ne
cessary war, the object of which is, by
means of the destruction and pain it
causes, to conquer such a peace as
may restore and secure our rights.—
Why, then, should we not_avail_our,-
selves of every in,nn. ? Tr.;r - 4 - itit-tl7l ,
the laws of war to weaken our cue
? Should slavery perish in the
conflict the world will not mourn its
loss, and the Southern people will have
brought it on themselves.'
Gradually, and with difficulty, the
events of the war have brought north
ern sentiment to this point, so kind
were the ffielings of the people toward
the South, so profound their reverence
for the Constitution, and so deeply
rooted the idea that as by it slavery
was guaranteed, it should therefore be
preserved. These opinions have been
changed. al ad this proclamation is the
result. 'The President himself has
been the subject of a similar change, as
his whole course abundantly proves.—
A year ago, six months ago, he could
not have proposed such a measure ; and
had he done so, it would have been re
ceived with general alarm and disap
probation. New, it seems to most
men a natural and inevitable result of
what has gone before.
IL is, indeed, a very grave and seri
ous matter, and so is the war, and so
will be all its consequences. We must
prepare our minds to witness great
events and great changes, for immense
forces, of a character to cause both,
have been set in motion. We should
try to enlarge our vision so as to see
the real dimensions of things around
us, which dwarf all our past experi
ence. Attorney logic and court -house
law do not suit the times we live in.
A President of the United States has
issued a decree that all the slaves in
any State in rebellion to the Govern
ment on the first ofJanuary neat shall
be " henceforth and forever free," and
that he will do no act to suppress "any
efforts they may make for their actual
The remarks in the text on emanci
pation as a war measure, to which this '
note refers, were written in May last.
It mast be evident to every reader
that the argument then used does not
apply now, so greatly has the position
of affairs changed in the interval.—
Then we were in a tide of victory;
since then we have suffered defeat.—
Washington has been seriously endan
gered, the 'Northern States invaded.—
-The Smith has displayed so much
strength that self defence urges us to
adopt measures which before were con
sidered unnecessary. Six months ago
we still clung to the hope that a Uni
on party existed in the South, and
therefore that this war was really
waged, as originally intended, not
against the people, but against a usur
ping faction, so that any measures de
structive to the interests or injurious
to the feelings of the whole people,
would be at once unjust and impolitic.
Now it appears that all classes in the
South arc zealous and united in the
support of the rebellion, The war,
therefore, has changed its character.—
It is no longer a contest between a
rightful Government and a rebellious
conspiracy, but has become necessari
ly, in some respects, a foreign war be
tween two contiguous nations. The
management of the war mast therefore
change. We are entitledto all the
rights of belligerents ; else our hands
are tied, while those of the enemy are
free. The southern people treat it as
a foreign war; they have declared
their independenc'e; they' have formed
a government; they are socking for
eign alliances; they claim to he a nft-
TERMS, $1,50 a year in advance
time; if they succeed, they will be a
nation. They surely, therefore, can
not complain if we treat them accord
ing to the position which they them
solves assume, and employ against
them every means justified by the law
of nations.
That those laws authorize the proc
lamation, there can be no doubt. If
wo have a right to wage the war at
all, we have a right to do anything not
contrary to the usages of civilized na
tions, to weaken the enemy; to seize
property, public raid private; to rav
age and destroy towns and districts,
{ provided always that such extreme
I measures be really necessary and not
lexecuted in wanton cruelty or revenge.
War is a stern and terrible remedy.—
It operates by moans of destruction—
destruction of life, of wealth, "of human
happiness. The moral responsibility
for the suffering it creates is upon those
who unjustly wage it, and the burthen
is heavy.
If the negroes are to be regarded as
property—property used by the ene
my in their military operations—prop
erty which gives them strength to car
ry on the war, no argument is ocees
sary to prove that we have a right to
seize and appropriate it to our own
use, as much as if it consisted of ar
tillery or ammunition. If the nogroes
arc to be considered as mon, as inhabi
tants of the country invaded, favorable
to our cause and willing to assist us,
there can be as little doubt that we
may invite their assistance and re
, ward them for it, by pay and by free
dom. Indeed, it would•be monstrous
to accept their services and then re
turn thorn to slavery. It would be fol
ly not to accept their services; not to
obtain their aid by every inducement
we can offer. Hitherto - We have ab
stained from this, and why ? Because
we desired to protect slavery, which
has, in fact, been living under our pro
tection ever since the war hegan.—
We wished to protect it, because we
thought we were making war on a•
conspiracy and not upon a people; be
cause wo hoped to bring back that
people to the Union with all their
rights, and with as little injury to their
interests as possible. But the whole
people have been swept into the ranks
of the rebellion, and have forced us to
make a foreign war. Nay, they have
proved strong enough to invade us—
to plunder our farms and Villages.—
Are we not, therefore, entitled to all
the rights of belligerents? Shall we
fight with foils while they use sharp
ened swords? Negroes form the
ilLrenytT—al_the - rebellion. They do
much of the hard work and drudgery
of war. By their labor on farms and
plantations, they enable the South to
send its whole white population to the
field. The negroes aro our friends—
would gladly be our allies. They think
that we come as their friends, their
liberators. Their masters have told
them so, though hitherto we have not.
On the contrary, we have told them
that they had no interest in this war.
" Not for your sakes is it waged," we
said to them, " but for our own, and
however it may terminate, you are to I
be slaves as before."
The Southern people Lave driven us
out of this position. It has become
absurd and ridiculous. Not until it
became so did we abandon it, and then
with reluctance. The southern people
cannot expect us to treat them at the
same time as friends and enemies; as
fellow-citizens and as aliens. They
have assumed the character of aliens
and of enemies, and must accept all
its consequences. They have confis
cated every dollar of Northern prop
erty they could find, Why should not
we do the same thing with Southern
property, more especially if it be con
traband of war'?
We are sending to the field thousands
of the best and noblest of our youth.
hy should we not employ, at least in
the labors of the camp, those inhabi
tants of the south who are willing to
servo us ? Did there exist in the north
a class of men who sympathized with
the re4.)ellion, who were hostile to the
government, and ready to rise in arms
to join the ranks of an invading army,
would the rebels hesitate about appeal
ing to them and asking their aid ?
Have they not used Indians in this
war? Are they not endeavoring to
gain the assistance of France and Eng
land ? If we wish to succeed we must
use thenegrocs. Our fathers did so
in the war of Independence. The
State of Now York, in 7781, gave
freedom to all slaves who should serve
in the American army, and in 1786
passed an act by which all slaves were
set free, who had beconie public prop
erty by attainder, or the confiscation
of then• masters' estates.
All the ncgroes we employ we must
of course set free. If we wish to ob
tain their services, wo must tell them
they will be free, that they are free in
the eye of the government, which will
no longer recognize their slavery, or
use any means to enforce it, provided
their services shall be required. This
is what the President says, and farther
than this, as commander of the army
and navy, be could not go. Even in
going thus far, ho does not depart from
the original design and plan of the
war. He does not treat' tho South as
a foreign nation except in a military
sense. He offers peace, ho offers res
titution of all rights. Como back, ho
says, to the Union, and take your for
mer place in it, with all its privileges
and powers, even the power of again
governing us, if you can send your
representatives to Congress. If you
do that before the let of January, this
edict will be of no effect.
When the President declared that
after the first of January the slaves in
States who had not then sent repro
sentativcs to Congress should be free,
he at Hui :same time declared itopliedly
that he WOuld do nothing to keep them
in slavery. He has thought fit to say
the meet complete of any in the country, and pee:
sesees the moat 4(riple facilities for promptly executing fa
the but style; every variety of Job Printing', each no
LABELS, &C., &C., &C
NO, 27,
expressly, probahly because on a for
mei. occasion ho avowed his determin
ation to put down any attempt at in
surrection. After the first of Sanhary
he will leave that task to the southern
people. Willingly he will leicve it to
them, together with the task of resist
inc,6 our armies, and if they should find
tho former the more difficult bqsinesd
' of the two, so much the betterfor us.
The President has been ebaried with
an attempt to excite a Servile insur
rection by this part of the Proclam4-
tion.' The southern people are, of
course, indignant at it, and the north
ern party who favor the south are
equally indignant. The policy execu
ted by the proclamation has, indeed,
been very generally opposed by the
generous and:humane sentiment ofthn
northern people, because they feared
it might spread throughout the South
the horrors of a servile war. The sen
timent is a just one. We do not war
on women and children, on the weak
and defenceless. The massacres of St.
Domingo are yet fresh in the world's
memory. We have no wish to see
them repeated at the south, and to let
loose upon gentleness, beauty, inno
cence and refinement, the untamed,
brute ferocity of barbarians.
Is such the design of the Prisident
He does-not say so. His whole preq
ous conduct proves the contrary. "Sla
very is at the same time a source of
weakness and of strength; of weakness,
because in war there'ts alivays clanger
of insurrectiou ;'Of strongtli, 'Bee:fuse so
long as the - negroes are obedient they
may be 'employed bOth in peaceful and
Warlike labors. We have suffered
from the vigor and efficiency which
slavery has imparted to the southern
armies. Confident in our own superil
or power, hoping always for a display
of loyal feeling among the southern
people, we have been content to suffer
rather than to run the risk of causing
a desolation greater, even, than that
of war among our countrymen and
But events have changed our position
in relation to this, as to other
points, already mentioned. We .
find it no easy task to conquer tho
rebellion, now that it is sustained by
the whole Southern population, white
and black. When Mr. Lincoln under
took it, he called for seventy-five thou
sand men. He has now nearly a mil
lion, yet ho has been scarcely able to
defend Washington, and not able to de
fend the Northern States ,from preda
tory invasion. So much powerhasthe
South derived chiefly from slavery;
thal it has become evident that unleisq
we can speedily put an and to the war;
we may have a foreign war also' on
our hands, for the nations of &rope;
demanding cotton, demanding the res
toration of the commerce to its old
channels, cannot be expected to wait
forever on our tardy operations. What,
then, shall we do. Suffer ourselves to
be conquered by slavery in war, as be
fore we were in peace ? Or having
felt the strength of slavery shall wo
make the south feel its weakness ? By
means of strength imparted bYslavely,
the South wins battles and protract*
the war. Clearly, then, we are justi;
fled in destroying slavery if we can t.
as a mere military measure, as much'
as we are in destroying forts and navy- .
This is what Mr. Lincoln proposes
to do. Ire has declared that after the
first of January ho will recognise no
such thing as slavery in the rebellious
south ; that if the slaves rise to assert
their freedom, ho will not help to put
them down. Why should he? The
laws of war do not require it of him ;
no principles upon which it is possibld
to conduct war require it'. ' Ho does
not say ho will send emissaries among
the ncgroes to instigate thorn to revolt;
that he will arm them for the worst of
lawless havoc, that he will stir then
up to massacre and plunder. But he
does say to the southern people," These,
nogroos have been heretofore to you a
source of strength by reason of my for-.
bearanee. Naturally they aro a source,
of weakness. I give you notice 1,14 at,
henbeforward I will treat them not as
slaves but as freemen '
that wherever.
I can I will set them free and employ.
them for my purposes as you have em
ployed them for yours. If they at:
tempt to gain their liberty, I shall not
interfere to prevent it. That is your.
business, not mine. If you dread thorn,
call home your armies front Tonnes:
see and the Potomac to guard them.
Your troops will be employed in each
duty more to my satisfaction than they,
have been in threatening Washington
or invading Pennsylvania."
But the tendency of such a procla
mation, it may be said, is to-incite in
surrection. Of course it is. So is the
tendency of the war. No State found
ed on slavery can engage in war with 2.
out the risk of a servile revolt.
That is ono - of the evils of slavery.—
But does it follow from this fact, that,
when such a State is at war, its enemy
is obliged to keep its slaves in subjec
tion ? On,the contrary, May not thdt
enemy justifiably give liherty''te the
slaves, and leave to their masters the
task of holding them in bondage, for
the very reason that this duty will
embarrass the military operations ,of
those masters; diminish their forces;
fill them with terror, and thus expose;
them to defeat. - And should an 'mar-,
ruction ensue, who is responsible?—
Surely not the military chief who is
sued the proclamation according to the
laws of war, 'any more than ho is re
sponsible for the misery and death tq
the innocent, caused by the falling of
botnh-shells into a city that refuses
surrender. His duty is to 'taleo the
city. The duty of the'fither side is to
defend it or' give One of two
things the southern people must do
hereafter: Put an end to the war by)
subinission to their lawful Govern-
meta, or themselves keep their no subjection. I .l7liese, heretofore;