TERMS OF THE GLOBE. Per annum in advance Six months Three month, 50 A White to 'iotal. +1 discontinnAnce at the expnation of the term Sub ibed fol a ill he considered a new• engage ment. TERMS or ADVERTISING 1 int,. Cent. 2 to. 3 do. Four lines or tees $ 23... $ 373' $ to .hte square, (12 littes,) ...... .... 50 75 1(0 two equaree, 1 00 1 50 2 (0 three squares 1 50 2 ^5 3 00 Over three week and lees titan three !auntie., 25 cents pOe spier° tot each Insertion. 3 mo , ntlu.o month, 12 mouths. ....$1 00 *,'; 00 $5 00 3 00 500 7 00 !ix linos or lel', Jut IN Iture . 5 00 9 00 10 00 . 7 00. 10 00..........15 00 . 9 OU 11 00 00 .12 00 10 00.. .... ....24 00 20 00 10((0..........00 OO rwe emnarre,.. fltren I.lpar-es,. Four SitllareY,.. Mat a column, (3,,0 column. .. and 11114110,P colds not exceeding Four lilies, one erIT 03 00 Atlaiinistratot ituecotorn' Notices. $1 75 Ad verti;emen tq not marlunl oith the number or inqol Con. .lesh ed. tt ill be continn.l till Imbid and rbatgod or rJr.linr to the.. term, - Ely Cob c. HUNTINGDON, PA. Friday, December 5,1862. 0i ail? NOTICE. •We have not the time nor the ineli- Dation, to dun personally. a large nuni her of persons who have unsettled ac- counts upon our hook• of several years utAnding. We shall, therefore, from day to day, without respeet to persons, plane into the hands of a Juqice for ,collection, all accounts of over two years standing. All those who wish to save expense, will do well to give us a call §§§ § 'a k§ § ABritish View of Southern Slaves and Poor Whites. Mr. 'W. C. Baxter, M. P., who trav eled through this country a few years since, delivered an address at Dundee (Scotland), on. the sth of November, in which he denounced the rebellion, and gave his personal recollections of Southern life and character. We copy the following interesting passages : Hone leaves out of view the estab lishments of the more opulent owners of the soil, gentlemen of refinement and education, who have traveled, and appreciate the luxuries and °le gancies of life, the want of domestic comfort in the households of the South is most lamentably conspicuous. A way from the great streams of' travel you may wander along the bye-ways of the land for months without. once obtain ing a sleeping apartment either clean or provided with necessary furniture, a sufficiency of oats or maize for your horse, or any better food for yourself than the most indigestible kind of corn bread. Tea and sugar, carpels and chests of drawers, proper cookin g utensils, even private rooms and wash basins are not to be found in the lion ses, or rather hovels, of hundreds who own slaves and consider themselves to belong to the white aristocracy.— There are undoubtedly many wealthy - men living iu the enjoyment of every convenience both in their plantation and in large towns ; bat their number is quite insignificant in comparison with that of those who are destitute of MlC•llatf of those things which even a laborer in the _Northern States re gards as the necessaries of life. The colossal fortunes of the South have been wrung from the poor whites quite its much as from the slaves. Both suf . - fer'to render complete those establish ments which certain British visitors -extol. It is impossible to deny that the poorer 'Amite' s lit o very meanly— always on the coarsest fbod—often straitened enough for that—never pos sessed of money for the purchase of civilized comforts—frequently clacj,and housed in a manner sci miserable that those who have not seen such dwel lings with their own oyes could scarce ly be expected to credit a faithful de scription of them. Even in the man sions of those not ground down by poverty, ono finds wanting not a few of those things which modern ideas render necessary to a comfortable and .and refilled existence. These man sions themselves are few and far be• twee', thereat majority of the whites living in dilapidated cabins, where one would scarcely imagine that an Anglo Saxon in this nineteenth century would dwell. In support of this statement, Mr. Baxter here quoted an - extract Iron a letter, written by an Illinois farmer to Mr. Olmstead, whose admi rable book on Louitana and Texas was well weal:3- of the study of all who took an interest in the future of America or the welfare of the human race. He then adverted to the condi tion of what arecafied the " low whites" is still more deplorable. They live in the rudest sort of log cabins without furniture, raising a few potatoes and a little maise, and depending for the means of obtaining scanty clothing, t,ob,acco and drink nominally on lump ing and job work, but more commonly ,on illicit transactions and instigating the negroes to steal. In my own jour pal I find frequent allusions to the ;svretehedness and discomfort every where observable in the Southern States, such remarks as " the break fast was horrible," "the stage-coach was the dirtiest I ever saw," " nothing could exceed the badness of the inn;" occurring constantly. I will quote only one short sentence written in Al abama, which, is a faithful represen tation of my observations and fbelings at the time, and certainly further ex erience does not in the least incline metb'modify the description : " The consequences (of slavery) are every where apparent; cities not improving, houses ill built and going to ruin, fen ces out of repair, railroads compara tively few in number and badly man aged, impassable roadS;dear traveling, 'dirty hotels,' estates producing less and less every year, populatimi scarce ly increasing, in some places even on the decline, murders, drunken quar rels, outrages of every day occurrence —people by l their free votes refusing tccadopt an educational system, a dis regard of social ties, and a general laxity of principle, which' augurs but ill for the country's fliture," English and German 41manans for 1863, are for sale at Book 'store, MI WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor. VOL, XVIII, THE POSTMASTER GENERAL'S REPORT. The Report of the Postmaster Gen eral for this year exhibits a very heal ' thy financial condition of the Post-Oft lice Department, and shows it to be thoroughly impregnated with the spirit of improvement. The efficiency of the service has been maintained at the highest point, accompanied by a great diminution of expenditures. The gross revenue of the department for the fiscal year, including the stand ing Treasury eredit for free mail mat ter, and a small amount appropriated for the relief' of individuals, was $9,- 012,549. The expenditures fur the same year amounted to 811.125,364. The regular postal revenue for 1862 is only $19,-175 less than it was for the fiscal year 18(11, during a large part of which year revenue was paid in from all th 6 States of the Union. This fact shows a large increase in the corres pondence ot• the loyal States. While Om revenues have been so nearly sustained at the highest stand ard, the expenses have been largely reduced. For the preceding year the expenditure was 82,181394 greater than last year. The following com parison of figures is interesting : Expenditures for 1860, for• service in all the States, $14,874,772 Revenues for same year . 9,218,007 Deficiency, Expenditures fur Is6l, (ser \lee interrupted in 1861) $13,606,759 Gross revenue, . . 9,019,296 Defleien(7, Expenditures for 1862, . $11,225,364 Revenue, . . . 9,012,549 Deficiency, Reduction of expenditures compared with 1861, . 83,749,408 Reduction of expenditures compared with 1861, . $2,481,394 The department has not been for many years so nearly self-sustaining. The result is largely owing to the sus pension of postal expenditures in the south, which was greatly in excess of postal receipts there. But not alone to that. A revkion of all discretiona ry expen'ses has been made, and large reductions ordered. The pay of agents has been regraded and equalized; econ omy has been established in the larger oniec NN here w itht c ♦vita round-, ii tai peteney, wherever found in official po sition, has been removed ; and an ef fort made to adopt a standard of merit and of administrative efficiency in lieu of other and interior motives for ap pointment. The Postmaster General expresses his determination to adhere to this course. The number ofpostage stamps issued to postmasters during the year was 251,307,105; the number of stamped envelopes was 24,869,300. The value of those stamps was 57,078,118; the value of the letter envelopes, $734,255. The value of stamped newspaper wrappers, $...3.948. Increase of issue over 1861 is 1,1-1-1,838. The total value was $0,910,131. The increased demand on the part of the public for the stamped newspa per wrappers alto R that their intro duction has satisfied a public demand and promoted the convenience of cor respondents. In the first quarter of the current year (ending 30th September,) the n u tuber of stamps issued to postmasters was one hundred and four millions, their call, being for about two hundred millions, which would have been near ly sufficient to meet the usual demand for a year. This extraordinary de mand arose from the temporary use of these stamps •as a currency by the public in lieu of the smaller denomina tions of specie, and ceased with the in troduction of the so-called postal cur rency. The difference between the value of the stamps sold and stamps cancelled, in the fiscal year 18(12, shows $738,379 as the amount in the hands of purchasers on hhe Ist of July, 1892. The whole number of dead letters received and examined during the year is 2,282,018, which is 299,000 less than in the previousyear. The whole num ber of valuable letters sent out by the Dead Letter Office was 51,239. Many interesting details are given in the re port touching the operations of this office. Out of 21,493 cases where cause of non-delivery was ascertained, only 225 were attributed to the fault of the postmasters. Eight hundred and twenty-two had no address 'whatever. Congress, at its first session, passed an act authorizing the employment of twenty-five additional clerks, to facil itate the return of dead letters to their writers, with the expectation that the receipts of postages thereon would cover the appropriation of $20,000 made for their compensation. There. suit thus far shows that, an excess of revenue therefrom over the expenses has accrued to the amount of several thousand dollars. The whole number of post offices in the United States remaining establish ed on the 30th June, 1862, was 28,875, of which there were in loyal States and districtsl9,973 ; and in the insur rectionary States and districts there were 3,902. The nett increase in the established offices over last year was 121. ,The number of cases acted upon by the appointment office during the year was 7,785. The total postage accrued on United Suites and European mails during the yea': amount to $l,l-11,095, being a re duction froni the amount of the pre i ous year Or 5217,9-10: Of the total amount collected 'the excess eelldeted in the United States was $212,007, which com , titutes the balances paid to the veveval fort'ion departments, the cost of exchange being defrayed by the United States. The Postmaster General objects to this cost as inequi table, and proposes, if possible, to re lieve the Department from this burden. The Postmaster General has made special efforts to relieve the foreign correspondence of the country from its complexity, now embarrassing alike to correspondents mid to postal officers Separate negotiations have been fbund altogether inadequate to secure simple and satisfactory arrangements. Ile therefore opened a correspondence in August last, through the Department of State, with foreign Administrations. proposing a convention of postal rep resentatives at some convenient point, to consider the enumerated difficulties and the means of remedying them.— Several replies have been received from various Governments, and all are favorable and agree to the project.— This country, comprising immigrations from almost every civilized nation, is especially interested in the subjects proposed to be brought before this conference. It is a sphere of postal im provement requiring the establishment of greater uniformity and seine com mon principle of itrrangement, and is connected with our prosperous coin niercial intercourse with other coun tr•ies. The mail lettings which went into operation on the first of July last in the western division were effected on such favorable terms as, compared with the previous lettings, that a re duction of expenditure resulted to the amount of $331,000. At the same time the length of routes was increased by 6,159 miles, with an annual increase of transportation of 755,428 miles.— Notwithstanding this increase of ser vice the nett saving is over nine per cent. as compared with the previous term. $2,112,814 I The total annual cost of in- 65,656,705 $4,557,4G2 land service in operating on the 30th of June last, tray 55,853,834 • To which add the cost of the various agencies, lo cal, messenger, route, &c. 470,630 Arid the cost of service to that date is . . $6,314,464 Which includes $1,000,000 for the over land mail route not before charged up on the revenues of this Department.— The saving in the lettings of first July, 1862, is attributed to a strict adherence to the law of 1845, authorizing what is known as " star bids." The reyort renews the recommenda tion fol' - codifyilik - itll the postal and hopes it may be done at this ses sion. Among the improvements under the consideration by the Postmaster-Gene ral is that of embossing postal stamps on business and other envelopes sup plied for that purpose by persons desi ring to Inrnish their Own designs. It is believed that this will largely increase the use of stamped envelopes in lieu of stamps, which is an object of great im portance to the Department. He also discourages the use of the mails far Gansmitting money, and speaks favorably of a limited money order system, and of an amendment to the registry system, by which a return receipt shall be sent to the dispatching party, as evidence of the fact and date of delivery of his package. He also proposes to abolish many of the discriminating rates of postage now existing, approximating, as feu• as pos sible, to uniformity, and increasing the efficiency and extent of the delivery and collection of letters by carriers in cities. The public attention is called to the great importance of good postal officers for a successful administration of this department. If postmasters and their clerks are selected without chief refer ence to their efficiency and personal fitness, no amount of good legislation will secure public satisffiction. An en ergetic, faithful and efficient postmas ter, devoted to the interests of the ser vice, should be retained as long as lie illustrates those qualities in his admin istration of the office. He attributes the success of the English system largely to the permanent character of their officers and their familiarity with the laws and regulations, and regrets the extent to which other motives to appointments have prevailed in this country. Ile urges a return to the old standard of honesty, capability, and fi delity, and anticipates more public sat isfaction and administrative success from the adoption of such a principle than from any other single act of re form. He uses this language : "It is my intention to adhere firmly to my determination to displace incompeten cy and indifference wherever found in official position under my control, with out any discrimination in favor of ap pointments which I may myself have made under misinformation of facts." Cut off the Back Legs of your Chair. I will tell you a secret worth know ing. A thousand things not, worth Of as much have been pattented and elevated into a business. It is this:— If you cut off the hack legs of your chairs, so that the back part of the seat shall be two inches lower than the front part, it will greatly relieve the fatigue of sitting, and keep your spine in much better shape. The principal flitigne in sitting comes from your sli ding forward, and thus straining the ligaments and muscles in the small of the back. The epodidnt I have ad vised will obviate this tendency, and, as I have suggested, acid greatly to the comfort and healthfulness of the sitting posture. The frOnt edge of a chair should not be more than fifteen inches high for the average man, or more than fdurteen for the average \ Oman. ' The 'tiv.erage' chair is noW seventeen inches high for all, which no amount of slanting in the seat can make comfortable ---Letcis'Oyisnasboos. HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 10, 1862 -PERSEVERE.- Only the Ohore Boy, The other evening as I was waiting in our village store until the clerk could attend to some trifling affair of mine, my attention was attracted to the conversation passing between him and a lady standing by the counter behind me. Ile had just asked her if she " had any boys up to her house ?" She said she " had one." This was followed by a brisk rattling of pa per, and then I heard him say that was his treat,' and - he would send her boy some.' Oh,' replied the la dy, 'he's nothing but the chore boy, I shan't give hint any.' I felt the hot blood rush into my face and my' eyes flash; fur a Moment it required all my sell possession to keep quiet. I did, although I could not help the sharp pain in my heart, as I thought of the wishful look on the pale face of the chore boy,' as he would watch -the undoing of those brown paper parcels as their contents were being put away, and I seemed to hear the quiv ering sigh and the sadly uttered, how good that looks; I should like some.' Nothing but the chore boy. .No kind words for him ;no delicacies laid on his plate; no soft hands' to smooth the matted hair on his little aching head ; no gentle lips to kiss his, and murmur tender, loving words in his ear, until the world looked so bright and beauti ful; no kind father to take him on his knee and tell him long stories—such as lie loved so well to hear—filling his lap the while with toys and nuts, as lie slowly takes them, one by one, from the pockets of his coat; no little broth ers and sisters to frolic with over the green meadows and through the leafy woods, gathering gaily hued flowers as they roamed, or twining their dimple arms around his neck, and cheer him with their childish caresses; no dear mother to kneel by his low couch and with her soft, white hands, tuck the snowy coverlid around her darling, as she teaches him some evening prayer, and then, after sleep has closed his eyes in sweet slumber, to gaze with loving smiles upon the form of her darling boy, and after kissing Into again, steal softly out, pausing at the door to look back at the sweet face looking so like an angel's, with the long lashes oldie dosed eyes sweeping the pink cheeks, and the soft, curly hair shining in tho rays of the lamp like so many threads of fleecy gold ! Oh no I iVone of this for hint, he is only the chore boy ! With little, sorp feet, he - creeps trembling into bed, away up in the great dark garret, and grasping the - quilt in both hands, pulls it over his head; it is so dark and lonesome, and the rats and mice squeak - and ca per across the floor, until with grief, pain and fear, he sobs himself to sleep. The world, to Idin,•is so re T , eery ( lark and cold, it freezes his heart, and the unkind words that often greet his ear, has given to his face a gloomy look of fear, sad to behold. But just speak kindly to him, and see how quickly the great, dark eyes soften, and the pear ly- tears roll down the pale cheeks; the stern lines molt away from the com pressed lips, Which try in vain to smile, for their quivering. With a fltint, sickening feeling, he turns from thO coarse food set before him, and wistfully looks at the cans of sweetmeats and rows of pie and cake ranged on the shelves in the pantry; but they are kept for' company,' and anything is good enough tier the chore be v.' How many, that, lied they been kindly and lovingly treated, might have become noble minded men, orna ments to their country, under this system of slavery, (I can call it noth ing else) have lost all confidence in their fellow-men, and respect for all that is good and holy. Lost forever. lie is nothing but a chore boy; no mat ter about him! ------------ Hoar an Irish Patriot. " Let the politicians who hare been us ing us long enough, stay at home if they will, but let us go and tight the battles of the nation, and when we come home, a grateful nation will extend toys sufficient to meet our wants. I have always been a Democrat. I was going to say that I am still; but I will not allow any politics to inter? re with the discharge of my du ty. I take the KNOW _NOTHING BY TBE BAND AS A BROTHER if he carries the musket o• sword along side of me in this contest. Ido not care where the man comes from, o• what may be his shade of politics, whether he is a REP ÜBLIOAN, an ABOLITION IST, or something else—it is a perfect matter of indifference to me. I only want to say that I know no man but as he discha•ge.s his duty to that flag; and, as I said in Baltimore, men were ;liver called upon in this world to perform so sacred a duty as you are, my countrymen, not only for your own sake, hut for the whole country with its coming genera tions of men."—[Speech of General Corcoran at Philada. TILE TIME-TO SUBSCRIBE GODEY'S LADIES' I3OOK, and PETERSON'S LADIES' MAGAZINE For 1863. The January numbers will be issued early in December, and it is import ant that all who wish to become sub scribers to either of these interesting and valuable monthlies, should sub scribe soon. Subscribers to the Globe can secure either of these monthlies at club rates. Godey's Book for :32,00 or Peterson's nagazine for 61,25. PHOTOGRAPH A 1,13 U s—n cw and im proved styles—just received and for !ale at Ltnvis' Book Store .‘.. ' 4i.4i ',' 5 , NZ:e• : • -5 .: , ;1 '!)! ~ \ 'Ol , - ... ''' • ':, :1":: if . ~..:. : The President's Proclamation There is now in press, and will soon be published, a volume entitled " The Trial of the Constitution," by Sydney George Fishe - e. appended to the vol ume, is an essay in the form of a note, on the President's Emancipation Proc lamation, which is printed iu the North American, in advance. Had we the room at our command, we should be glad to print the entire Essay. As it is, we are obliged to be confined to a few extracts, which we are sure will be read with interest. The Proclamation issued by the President, September 22d, 1862, is the most memorable, and may prove the most, havortont event of the war. It draws a clear line bctwcon the past and the present, and marks the prog ress of opinion. 'When the war began, slaves escaping to our lines were re turned to their masters. afterwards, with hesitation, they were received and employed as ,laborers, but our generals, who proposed to invite them to escape; or to arm theta as soldiers in the cause, were disavowed and re buked. This forbearance, however, produced no effect on the southern people. Their vindictive hatred in creased, and the rebellion waxed in strength. With it grew the determination of the North. At first slowly, very , slow ly, men began to say, " Slavery was the cause of the war. Why should we protect slavery ? It gives strength to the rebels who aro endenvoring to destroy our country, who have filled our houses with mourning, who have imposed on us it heavy burthen of debt and losses, who have not hesitated to lay their hands on every dollar of Northern property they could find ; and to inflict on us every injury in their power. What is there in slave ry so sacred or so beautiful that it should be exempt from the laws or the fortunes of war ? Slavery is protect ed by the Constitution, indeed, but men who have cast off the Constitu tion, who defy it, who seek its over throw, cannot surely claim its protec tion. The Southern people have at tacked our Government; we are wag ing war against them, a just and ne cessary war, the object of which is, by means of the destruction and pain it causes, to conquer such a peace as may restore and secure our rights.— Why, then, should we not_avail_our,- selves of every in,nn. ? Tr.;r - 4 - itit-tl7l , the laws of war to weaken our cue ? Should slavery perish in the conflict the world will not mourn its loss, and the Southern people will have brought it on themselves.' Gradually, and with difficulty, the events of the war have brought north ern sentiment to this point, so kind were the ffielings of the people toward the South, so profound their reverence for the Constitution, and so deeply rooted the idea that as by it slavery was guaranteed, it should therefore be preserved. These opinions have been changed. al ad this proclamation is the result. 'The President himself has been the subject of a similar change, as his whole course abundantly proves.— A year ago, six months ago, he could not have proposed such a measure ; and had he done so, it would have been re ceived with general alarm and disap probation. New, it seems to most men a natural and inevitable result of what has gone before. IL is, indeed, a very grave and seri ous matter, and so is the war, and so will be all its consequences. We must prepare our minds to witness great events and great changes, for immense forces, of a character to cause both, have been set in motion. We should try to enlarge our vision so as to see the real dimensions of things around us, which dwarf all our past experi ence. Attorney logic and court -house law do not suit the times we live in. A President of the United States has issued a decree that all the slaves in any State in rebellion to the Govern ment on the first ofJanuary neat shall be " henceforth and forever free," and that he will do no act to suppress "any efforts they may make for their actual freedom." The remarks in the text on emanci pation as a war measure, to which this ' note refers, were written in May last. It mast be evident to every reader that the argument then used does not apply now, so greatly has the position of affairs changed in the interval.— Then we were in a tide of victory; since then we have suffered defeat.— Washington has been seriously endan gered, the 'Northern States invaded.— -The Smith has displayed so much strength that self defence urges us to adopt measures which before were con sidered unnecessary. Six months ago we still clung to the hope that a Uni on party existed in the South, and therefore that this war was really waged, as originally intended, not against the people, but against a usur ping faction, so that any measures de structive to the interests or injurious to the feelings of the whole people, would be at once unjust and impolitic. Now it appears that all classes in the South arc zealous and united in the support of the rebellion, The war, therefore, has changed its character.— It is no longer a contest between a rightful Government and a rebellious conspiracy, but has become necessari ly, in some respects, a foreign war be tween two contiguous nations. The management of the war mast therefore change. We are entitledto all the rights of belligerents ; else our hands are tied, while those of the enemy are free. The southern people treat it as a foreign war; they have declared their independenc'e; they' have formed a government; they are socking for eign alliances; they claim to he a nft- TERMS, $1,50 a year in advance time; if they succeed, they will be a nation. They surely, therefore, can not complain if we treat them accord ing to the position which they them solves assume, and employ against them every means justified by the law of nations. That those laws authorize the proc lamation, there can be no doubt. If wo have a right to wage the war at all, we have a right to do anything not contrary to the usages of civilized na tions, to weaken the enemy; to seize property, public raid private; to rav age and destroy towns and districts, { provided always that such extreme I measures be really necessary and not lexecuted in wanton cruelty or revenge. War is a stern and terrible remedy.— It operates by moans of destruction— destruction of life, of wealth, "of human happiness. The moral responsibility for the suffering it creates is upon those who unjustly wage it, and the burthen is heavy. If the negroes are to be regarded as property—property used by the ene my in their military operations—prop erty which gives them strength to car ry on the war, no argument is ocees sary to prove that we have a right to seize and appropriate it to our own use, as much as if it consisted of ar tillery or ammunition. If the nogroes arc to be considered as mon, as inhabi tants of the country invaded, favorable to our cause and willing to assist us, there can be as little doubt that we may invite their assistance and re , ward them for it, by pay and by free dom. Indeed, it would•be monstrous to accept their services and then re turn thorn to slavery. It would be fol ly not to accept their services; not to obtain their aid by every inducement we can offer. Hitherto - We have ab stained from this, and why ? Because we desired to protect slavery, which has, in fact, been living under our pro tection ever since the war hegan.— We wished to protect it, because we thought we were making war on a• conspiracy and not upon a people; be cause wo hoped to bring back that people to the Union with all their rights, and with as little injury to their interests as possible. But the whole people have been swept into the ranks of the rebellion, and have forced us to make a foreign war. Nay, they have proved strong enough to invade us— to plunder our farms and Villages.— Are we not, therefore, entitled to all the rights of belligerents? Shall we fight with foils while they use sharp ened swords? Negroes form the ilLrenytT—al_the - rebellion. They do much of the hard work and drudgery of war. By their labor on farms and plantations, they enable the South to send its whole white population to the field. The negroes aro our friends— would gladly be our allies. They think that we come as their friends, their liberators. Their masters have told them so, though hitherto we have not. On the contrary, we have told them that they had no interest in this war. " Not for your sakes is it waged," we said to them, " but for our own, and however it may terminate, you are to I be slaves as before." The Southern people Lave driven us out of this position. It has become absurd and ridiculous. Not until it became so did we abandon it, and then with reluctance. The southern people cannot expect us to treat them at the same time as friends and enemies; as fellow-citizens and as aliens. They have assumed the character of aliens and of enemies, and must accept all its consequences. They have confis cated every dollar of Northern prop erty they could find, Why should not we do the same thing with Southern property, more especially if it be con traband of war'? We are sending to the field thousands of the best and noblest of our youth. hy should we not employ, at least in the labors of the camp, those inhabi tants of the south who are willing to servo us ? Did there exist in the north a class of men who sympathized with the re4.)ellion, who were hostile to the government, and ready to rise in arms to join the ranks of an invading army, would the rebels hesitate about appeal ing to them and asking their aid ? Have they not used Indians in this war? Are they not endeavoring to gain the assistance of France and Eng land ? If we wish to succeed we must use thenegrocs. Our fathers did so in the war of Independence. The State of Now York, in 7781, gave freedom to all slaves who should serve in the American army, and in 1786 passed an act by which all slaves were set free, who had beconie public prop erty by attainder, or the confiscation of then• masters' estates. All the ncgroes we employ we must of course set free. If we wish to ob tain their services, wo must tell them they will be free, that they are free in the eye of the government, which will no longer recognize their slavery, or use any means to enforce it, provided their services shall be required. This is what the President says, and farther than this, as commander of the army and navy, be could not go. Even in going thus far, ho does not depart from the original design and plan of the war. He does not treat' tho South as a foreign nation except in a military sense. He offers peace, ho offers res titution of all rights. Como back, ho says, to the Union, and take your for mer place in it, with all its privileges and powers, even the power of again governing us, if you can send your representatives to Congress. If you do that before the let of January, this edict will be of no effect. When the President declared that after the first of January the slaves in States who had not then sent repro sentativcs to Congress should be free, he at Hui :same time declared itopliedly that he WOuld do nothing to keep them in slavery. He has thought fit to say THE JOB PRINTING OFFICE. riIIIE “G-LOBE JOB OFFICE" is the meet complete of any in the country, and pee: sesees the moat 4(riple facilities for promptly executing fa the but style; every variety of Job Printing', each no lIAND BILLS, CARDS, CIRCULARS, BALL TICKETS, LABELS, &C., &C., &C NO, 27, CALL AND EXAMINE SPSCI24SIO OY Icon; AT LEWIS' 1100 K, STATIONERY k MUSIC STORE. expressly, probahly because on a for mei. occasion ho avowed his determin ation to put down any attempt at in surrection. After the first of Sanhary he will leave that task to the southern people. Willingly he will leicve it to them, together with the task of resist inc,6 our armies, and if they should find tho former the more difficult bqsinesd ' of the two, so much the betterfor us. The President has been ebaried with an attempt to excite a Servile insur rection by this part of the Proclam4- tion.' The southern people are, of course, indignant at it, and the north ern party who favor the south are equally indignant. The policy execu ted by the proclamation has, indeed, been very generally opposed by the generous and:humane sentiment ofthn northern people, because they feared it might spread throughout the South the horrors of a servile war. The sen timent is a just one. We do not war on women and children, on the weak and defenceless. The massacres of St. Domingo are yet fresh in the world's memory. We have no wish to see them repeated at the south, and to let loose upon gentleness, beauty, inno cence and refinement, the untamed, brute ferocity of barbarians. Is such the design of the Prisident He does-not say so. His whole preq ous conduct proves the contrary. "Sla very is at the same time a source of weakness and of strength; of weakness, because in war there'ts alivays clanger of insurrectiou ;'Of strongtli, 'Bee:fuse so long as the - negroes are obedient they may be 'employed bOth in peaceful and Warlike labors. We have suffered from the vigor and efficiency which slavery has imparted to the southern armies. Confident in our own superil or power, hoping always for a display of loyal feeling among the southern people, we have been content to suffer rather than to run the risk of causing a desolation greater, even, than that of war among our countrymen and brothers. But events have changed our position in relation to this, as to other points, already mentioned. We . find it no easy task to conquer tho rebellion, now that it is sustained by the whole Southern population, white and black. When Mr. Lincoln under took it, he called for seventy-five thou sand men. He has now nearly a mil lion, yet ho has been scarcely able to defend Washington, and not able to de fend the Northern States ,from preda tory invasion. So much powerhasthe South derived chiefly from slavery; thal it has become evident that unleisq we can speedily put an and to the war; we may have a foreign war also' on our hands, for the nations of &rope; demanding cotton, demanding the res toration of the commerce to its old channels, cannot be expected to wait forever on our tardy operations. What, then, shall we do. Suffer ourselves to be conquered by slavery in war, as be fore we were in peace ? Or having felt the strength of slavery shall wo make the south feel its weakness ? By means of strength imparted bYslavely, the South wins battles and protract* the war. Clearly, then, we are justi; fled in destroying slavery if we can t. as a mere military measure, as much' as we are in destroying forts and navy- . yards. This is what Mr. Lincoln proposes to do. Ire has declared that after the first of January ho will recognise no such thing as slavery in the rebellious south ; that if the slaves rise to assert their freedom, ho will not help to put them down. Why should he? The laws of war do not require it of him ; no principles upon which it is possibld to conduct war require it'. ' Ho does not say ho will send emissaries among the ncgroes to instigate thorn to revolt; that he will arm them for the worst of lawless havoc, that he will stir then up to massacre and plunder. But he does say to the southern people," These, nogroos have been heretofore to you a source of strength by reason of my for-. bearanee. Naturally they aro a source, of weakness. I give you notice 1,14 at, henbeforward I will treat them not as slaves but as freemen ' that wherever. I can I will set them free and employ. them for my purposes as you have em ployed them for yours. If they at: tempt to gain their liberty, I shall not interfere to prevent it. That is your. business, not mine. If you dread thorn, call home your armies front Tonnes: see and the Potomac to guard them. Your troops will be employed in each duty more to my satisfaction than they, have been in threatening Washington or invading Pennsylvania." But the tendency of such a procla mation, it may be said, is to-incite in surrection. Of course it is. So is the tendency of the war. No State found ed on slavery can engage in war with 2. out the risk of a servile revolt. That is ono - of the evils of slavery.— But does it follow from this fact, that, when such a State is at war, its enemy is obliged to keep its slaves in subjec tion ? On,the contrary, May not thdt enemy justifiably give liherty''te the slaves, and leave to their masters the task of holding them in bondage, for the very reason that this duty will embarrass the military operations ,of those masters; diminish their forces; fill them with terror, and thus expose; them to defeat. - And should an 'mar-, ruction ensue, who is responsible?— Surely not the military chief who is sued the proclamation according to the laws of war, 'any more than ho is re sponsible for the misery and death tq the innocent, caused by the falling of botnh-shells into a city that refuses surrender. His duty is to 'taleo the city. The duty of the'fither side is to defend it or' give One of two things the southern people must do hereafter: Put an end to the war by) subinission to their lawful Govern- meta, or themselves keep their no groes.in subjection. I .l7liese, heretofore; PROGRAMMES, BLANKS, POSTERS, BILL lIBADO,
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