The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, October 10, 1860, Image 1

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tions desired, will be continued till forbid and charged ac
warding to these terms.
Principle," 1 have marked at the lowest possible prices con
sistent with a reasonable profit, I would solicit a visit
from those in want of Furs for either ladies' or childreus'
wear. and an inspection of my selection of thos.. goods,
satisfied, as I am, of my ability to please in every desired
• Persons at a diAance, who may find it inconveni
ent to call personally, need only name the article they
wish, together with the price, and instructions for send
ing.uand forward the order to my address—money accom
panying—to insure a satisfatory compliance with their
August 22, 1.860.-sm.
The undersigned offers for sale, that fine and profitable
stand, in the borough of Huntingdon, fronting on Alle
gheny street, opposite the Broad Top Coal Depot, and
known as The Broad Top House."
The house is furnished with bedding, &c., all of which,
belonging to the undersigned, will be sold with the
This stand is one of the best in the county, and owing
to its favorable location, always has a largo run of custom.
Possession will be given on the Ist day of April next.—
Those wiping to purchase, will call upon Thomas P.
Campbell, Esq., who will make known the terms. &c.
Aug. 22, 1860.-3 m. A. MOEBUS.
Celebrated for superior quality of TONE and cleganceand
be,Luty of finish. These Pianos have always taken the
FIRST PREMIUM when placed in competition with oth
er makers. On kLLENGE ALL COMPETITION. A splendid as
sortment of T 0111 S XIV
. and plainer styles always on
hand. Also Second-hand Pianos and PRINCE'S 131-
PROVED MELODEONS from $45 to $350.
c Every Instrument warranted.
Piano and Melodeon Depot.
S. E. Cor. 7th & Arch Sts., Philadelphia.
July 25, 1860.—Gat.
• ,M 9 ;
Or ts r
MoaNiNG - Expasss, West, leaves New York at 1; A. M.,
arriving at Harrisburg at 12.45 noun, only CrIX hours be
tween the two cities.
MAIL LINE leaves New York at 1:160 noon, and arrives
at Harrisburg at 8.30 P. M.
MORNING MAIL LINE. East. leaves Harrisburg at 8.00 A
M., arriving at New York at 4.30 P. 51.
AFTERWOON EXPRESS LINE. East, leaves Harrisburg at
1.15 I'. at, arriving at New York at 0.00 I'.
Connections are made at Harrisburg at 1.00 P. M., with
the Passenger Trains ill each direction on the Pennsylva
nia, Cumberland Valley and Northern Central Railroad.
All Hants connect at Reading with trains for Pottsville
and Philadelphia, and at Allentown fur Munch Chunk,
Easton, &c.
No change of Passenger Cars or Baggage between New
ork and Harrisburg - , by the 6.00 A. M. Line from New
York or the the 1.15 P. M. from Harrisburg.
For beauty of scenery, add speed, comfort and accom
modation, this route presents superior inducements to the
traveling public.
Fare between New York and Harrisburg .five
For tickets and other information apply to
J. J. CLYDE, General Agent, Harrisburg.
July IS, 1860.
No. 110 North Wharves, Philadelphia,
SPormaceti, Patent Sperm, Ilydraulic, Adamantine, llotel,
Car and Tallow Candles.
Pure Sperm, Lard Bleached Whale, Sea Elephant, Strained
Whale, Tanners', Curriers', Palm, Mine, and Red Oils.
White, Yellow, Brown, Chemical Olive, Fancy, and other
Aug. 15, ISCO.-3m.
'ANCOCK', CAMP 3:.." CO.. Produce and General Com
mission Merchants, No. 47, North Water St., below Arch
St.. Philadelphia.
7 Agents for all Guano's Super Phosphates of Lime,
Poudrettes, and other kinds of Fertilizers.
All descriptions of 09untry Produce taken in ex
change or sold on Commission.
W Quick sales and immediate returns are guaranteed
upon all consignments.
WWe are the sole Agents for the best articles of Vin
egar made in this city and elsewhere.
July 4 lB, 1860.-6 m.
James A. Brown sells the genuine " PORTLAND KERO
SENE," on COAL OIL, clear as water.
This is the only kind of oil that gives entire satisfaction
us an agent for light.
Beware of counterfeits and colored carbon oils. They
emit au offensive smell and smoke.
A large variety also of
Chimneys, Globes, Wicks, Burners, Shades, Szc., Sic., sold
at the very lowest prices, at the Hardware Store, limiting
don, Pa.
Huntingdon, July 25, 1860.
The citizens of the county, and strangers and travelers
generally, will find comfortable accommodations at this
house. Give us a trial. [April 4, 1860.1
CALL at D. P. GWIN'S if you want
'DARK Colored Palm Hoods, best qual
ity, only 50 cts. each. FISHER lz SON.
T HE best Tobacco in town, at
Splendid variety of Carpets, only
25 cts. per yard. FISILER & SON.
ARPET Sacks and Fancy Baskets at
3:)..r, CI WIN'S.
$1 50
_l2 00....
..16 00....
. 9 00
.12 00
718 Arch St., between
ith s Bth Sts.,
ate of 818 Market St.)
Manufacturer of and
tiler in all kinds of
Laving removed to my
Stf:Cro, 718 Arch St,
d being now engaged
tirely in the rnanufac
^e and sale of Fancy
ars, which, in accord
ance with the "One Price
.20 00
.24 00
of South Carolina.
WASHINGTON, Sept. 10, 1860.
flog. JAMES L. Ona—Ma Dear Sir : Your
letter of the 15th ult., reached Washington
while I was absent in the North.
Though I did not contemplate when I wrote
you on the 9th ult., anything beyond a limi
ted private correspondence, yet, having no
opinion on the portenteous condition of public
affairs which I have a motive to conceal, or
am ashamed to avow, I cheerfully comply
with your suggestions.
You quote from my former letter the decla
ration that " my mind is equally clear that
the South has long had a peaceful remedy
within her reach, and has it still, though im
paired by the recent conduct of some of her
sons," and you ask of me a full explanation
of my opinions on that point as well-as "the
remedy to be resorted to by us (the South)
should the Government in November pass
into the bands of a party whose declared pur
pose is to destroy our property, amounting in
value at - the present time to not less than
three billions one hundred and fifty millions
of dollars." You ask, " Can it be prudent,
safe or manly in the South submit to the
domination of a party.,whok declared pur
pose is to destroy such an, amount of property
and subvert our whole social and industrial
policy ?"
In a subsequent part of your letter you call
my attention to certain grievances endured
by the South, and conclude your commentary
thereon as follows, viz :
" Is it wise. if we do not intend to submit to such conse
quences, to allow a Black Republican President to be in
augurated, and put him in possession of the Army, the
Navy, the Treasury, the armories and arsenals, the public
property—in fact the whole machinery of the Government
with its appendants and appurtenances? If the South
should think upon this subject as . 1410, no Black Republi
can President should ever execute any law within her
borders unless at the point of the bayonet and over the
dead bodies of her slain sons."
I shudder at such sentiments coming from
one whose sincerity I cannot doubt. The
time was when 150,000 men tendered their
services to the President to aid him if neces
sary in executing the laws of the United
States ; the time will be when 200,000 men
will volunteer for a like purpose, should re
sistance be made to his legitimate authority,
no matter by what party he may be elected.
There seems to me to be in the course re
commended to the South, in the event of Mr.
Lincoln's election to the Presidency, a fatuity
little short of madness. Would you pull
th,wu the canopy of heaven because wrong
and crime exist beneath it ? Would you
break up the earth on which we tread be
cause earth-quakes sometimes heave it and
pestilence walks its surface ? This Union,
sir, is too precious to the people it protects,
North and South, East and West, to be brok
en up, even should a Black Republican be
elected President next November. Should
the attempt be made, an united North and
three-fourths of a divided South would spring
to the rescue. No, no, the remedy for the
evils orwhich you ;justly complain are to be
found within the Union, and not among its
bloody ruins.
I admit that the grievances which you enu
merate are hard to be borne; but a few South
ern men are not without responsibility for
their , existence. The general sentiment of
the country, North and South, at the close
of the Revolutionary war was Anti-Sla
very. It has changed in the South, but re
mains unchanged in the North. There; how
ever, it has been - roused to unwonted activity
by the preachings of fanatics and the denun
ciations of political demagogues, aided not a
little by the arts, the language and the vio
lence of Southeru•disunionists.
It is needless to give in detail all the caus
es which have brought the politics of the
country to their present deplorable condition.
Suffice it to say that you have long had in the
South a small party of able men whose aim
has been to destroy the Union ; that, as a
preliminary to their main design, they have
sought to break up the Democratic Party;
that their means for accomplishing this end
were to act with it, and force upon it every
possible issue obnoxious to the general senti
ment of the North ; that they have dragged
after them the true Union men of the South,
partly through their fears of being considered
laggard in their devOtion to Southern inter
ests, and partly through ambition for politi
cal distinction ; to make the Democratic Par
ty as odious as possible at the North, they
became, the advocates of Slavery on princi
ple, justified the African Slave-trade, and de
nounced the laws prohibiting it. By these
acts and frequent threats of disunion they
enabled the enemies of Democracy in the
North to denounce them as Pro-Slavery men,
and to all this they added occasional taunts
that they were no more to be relied upon for
the protection of Southern rights than their
opponents. By these means the Democratic
Party was reduced before the last Presiden
tial election to a minority in most of the North
ern States, and in the residue had the utmost
difficulty in maintaining their ascendency.—
In the meantime, the Union men in the South,
had measurably ceased to consider the Dem
ocratic Party as friendly to the Union ; and
the Union sentiment, particularly in the bor
der Slave States, whose interests in its pres
ervation is pre-eminent, sought expression
through the American Party. To such au
extent had the Democratic Party been weak
ened by the insidious policy of their Disunion
allies, that they had the utmost difficulty in
electing an old practical statesman over a
young man who had nothing to recommend
him beyond a few successful explorations of
our wilderness territory.
There were those who foresaw that longer
affiliation with Southern Disunionists would
inevitably destroy the ascendency of the Dem
ocratic Party, and a feeble and fruitless effort
was made to induce the President to lay the
foundations of his Administration on the rock
of the Union, and cut loose from those who
were seeking to destroy it. For reasons, no
doubt patriotic, but to me inexplicable, the
reverse of that policy was pursued. The sup
port of the Lecompton Constitution, which
the country generally believed to be a fraud,
was made the test of Democracy ; one leading
Democrat after another was proscribed be
-cause they would not submit to the test, and
as if to deprive Northern Democrats of the
last hope of successfully vindicating the rights
of the South, an act of Congress was passed
for the admission of Kansas into the Union
at once, provided she would consent to be
come a slave-holding State, but postponing
her admission indefinitely if she refused.
In your published letter you justly con
demn the seceders from the Charleston Con
vention, who, you think, ought to have re
mained, and prevented the nomination of a
candidate who is obnoxious to the South. Do
you not perceive, sir, that the secession. was
a part of the programnie for breaking up the
Democratic Party ? And is it not palpable
that after absolutely vacating their seats at
Charleston, they went to Baltimore for the
mere purpose of more effectually completing
the work of destruction by drawing off anoth
er detachment ? I, Sir, entertain no doubt
that the secession was the result most desired
by the disunionists ; that the object of the
new issue then gotten up was merely to form
a pretext for secession, and that - its adoption
was the last thing they desired or designed.
Glance a moment at a few facts : Alabama,
led by an open disunionist, went to Cincin
nati, in 1856, under instructions to secede
unless the equal rights of all the States in
the Territories should be conceded and in
corporated into the platform of the Demo
cratic Party. The concession was made, and
they had no opportunity to secede.
They came to Charleston under the same
leader, again instructed to secede unless the
Convention would put into the platform a
a new plank, the effect of which, if adopted,
would be further to disgust and alienate the
Northern Democracy. In this instance the
sine qua non was not complied with, and the
Disunionists floated off on the rejected plank
into an unknown sea, unfortunately carrying
with them a large number of good and true
Union men.
And what is this principle, the non-recog
nition of which has riven asunder the Demo
cratic Party and apparently threatens the
dissolution of the Union ? It is that, it is the
right and duty of Congress to legislate for the
protection of slave property in the Territories.
Now, I take it upon me to say that a more
latitudinarian and dangerous claim of power
in Congress never was advanced by Federal
ists of the Hamilton school. Look at it in a
constitutional and practical light : If Con
gress have the right to legislate for the pro
tection of slave property in the Territorie t s,
they have a right to legislate for the pro
tection of all other property ; and if they have
a right to legislate for the protection of prop
erty, they have a right to legislate for the
protection of persons. The assumption that
they can legislate for the protection of slave
property leads, logically and inevitably, to
the conclusion that they have power to leg
islate for the Territories in all cases whatso
ever. If you cari put your finger on the grant
of this power in the Constitution, please put
it also on its limitations, if any can be found.
Upon this principle, Congress may acquire
an empire outside of the organic States, over
which it may exercise unlimited power, gov
erning it as the Roman Senate did their con
quered provinces. And this under a Consti
tution which jealously restricts the exclusive
power of legislation by Congress to a few
spots of land purchased, with the consent of
the States, for specified objects, and grants
no power of general legislation over a Territo
ry whatsoever. -
To verify these positions we need only ad
vert to the Constitution. Among the grants
of power to Congress is the following viz :.
" To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatso
ever over such district (not exceeding ten miles square)
as may by cession of particular States, and the acceptance
of Congress, become the seat of Government of the United
States and to exercise like authority over all places pur
chased by the consent of the Legislature of the State in
which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, maga
zines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings."
Mark the jealousy with which this power
is restricted. For the protection of the Gov
ernment even it is limited to a Territory not
exceeding ten miles square, and it cannot be
exercised over the "forts, magazines, arsen
als, dockyards, and other needful buildings,"
situated within the States, unless the land on
which they may be located shall be first pur
chased with " the consent of the Legislatures"
of those States. Is it conceivable that the
wise men who restricted the exclusive power
of legislation in' Congress to a territory not
exceeding ten miles square, did, by any indi
rection, grant that power broadly enough to
cover the whole continent outside of the or
ganized States, should it be annexed by pur
chase or conquest ?
The following provision is the only one in
the Constitution which has been chiefly, if
not exclusively relied upon to sustain the po
sition that Congress has any power -whatso
ever to legislate over the Territories, viz :
"The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make
all needful rules and regulations respecting the Territory
or other property belonging to the United States."
The word "Territory" used in this provis
ion obviously means land and 'nothing else.
The United States, at the time when the
Constitution was adopted, owned an immense
amount of land north of the Ohio River, and
these lands Congress was authorized to "dis
pose of," That the word "Territory" means
property is conclusively shown by its connec
tion with the words "and other property."—
" Territory and other property." The terri
tory spoken of, therefore,. is property in
" Rules and regulations" are a grade of
legislation somewhat below the dignity of
laws; but admitting them in this case to have
the same effect, on what are they to operate ?
Simply on the property of the United States,
not on any other property, nor on persons,ex
cept so far as they may be connected with
the public property. To this extent, and no
further, is the power of Congress to legislate
over a Territory granted to Congress, and
whenever all the lands and other property are
disposed of, the " rules and regulations" be
come obsolete, and the power of legislation
granted in this clause, is theaseferth , in
Moreover, this grant of power extends as
well to property within a State as within a
Territory. In a State the general power of
legislation is in the State Legislature ; yet
the power of Congress to make " rules and
regulations" respecting the public property,
is the same in a State as in a Territory. The
scope of the grant can, of course, be no great
er in the Territory than in a State, and it
necessarily follows that this clause of the
Constitution confers on Congress no general
power of legislation, either within Slates or
It is not a satisfactory reply to this argu
ment to say that such a power has, to some
extent, been exercised, Is it better to acqui
esce in and extend the usurpation than to
put a stop to it, as in the case of the United
States Bank, by bringing the Government
back to the constitutional test? Which is
safest for the South, the constitutional prin
ciple that Congress shall not legislate for the
Territories at all, or the adoption of a prin
ciple unknown to the Constitution, which, in
its general application, would not only de
feat the object it is advanced to promote, but
would enable the Free State majority to sur
round the Slaveholding States and encircle
the Union with an empire outside the organ
ized States, over which that majority should
exercise the power of unlimited and exclusive
legislation ? If such an idea be chimerical,
the apprehension is not chimerical that the
Black Republicans, should they acquire the
control of all branches of the Government,
will use the claim now set up . for Congres
sional legislation over one species of proper
ty in the Territories, as an apology for assum
ing the power of general legislation, involv
ing the power to destroy as well as to protect.
The Constitution of the United States was
not made for Territories but for States, as its
name implies.. It has, by strict rules of con
struction, nothing to do with the Territories
outside of the States united, beyond the pro
tection and disposition of the common proper
ty therein. It seems to conteniplate that the
Territories shall be left to themselves until
they have a population adequate to the for
mation of a respectable community, when
their independence should be acknowledged
and their admission into the Union granted
on the sole condition that they adopt a Re
publican Government.
But if there be a doubt as to the power of
Congress to legislate for the Territories, is it
not safer, and, far more consistent with Dem
ocratic principles to deny the power than to
assume it ? Some of the original States
when admitted in to the Union, had not the
population of a third-rate city of the present
dell, and no harm would likely to arise by
leaving the Territories to themselves until
they double the population of Delaware or
Rhode Island in 1789. But would it not be
incomparably better to admit them into the
Union as States, with a much less popula
tion than to leave them to be a bone of con
tention among demagogues and disunionists,
disturbing every essential interest of the
country and jeopardizing the union of the
existing States ?
Let - us briefly consider the practical work
ings of the remedy for Southern wrongs,
which you suggest, in case a Black Republi
can is elected to the Presidency. You ask,
"is it wise, if we do not intend to submit to
such consequences, to allow a Black Repub
lican President to be inaugurated," &c., and
you say, " if the South should think upon
this subject as I do, no Black Republican
President should ever execute any law with
in her borders unless at the point of the bay
onet and over the dead bodies of her slain
I know there are men in the South who
would sacrifice their lives and endanger the
communities in which they live, upon a point
of honor,and that such men often fire up with
unwonted fierceness if reminded of the prob
able consequences of their own rashness.—
But the time has come when consequences
should be looked in the face, not for purposes
of defiance, but that we may consider wheth
er the policy which would lead to them is
required by Southern interests or honor.
How do propose to prevent the inaugura
tion of a Black Republican President should
such an one be unfortunately elected ? Will
you come to this city with an armed force,
and attempt to prevent an inauguration by
violence ? In that event, force would be met
by force, and there would be instant civil
war, in which the country and the world
would declare the Soutti to be the aggres
He would be inaugarated here or elsewhere
in spite of you. Well, suppose you then at
tempt to secede from the Union and resist the
execution of the laws ? Every lawyer in the
South knows that every citizen of every State
is as much bound by the laws of the United
States constitutionally enacted as by the laws
of his own State, and that it is as impossible
for the State to relieve its citizens from alle
giance to the United States as it is for the
latter to relieve them from allegiance to their
own State. And it is the sworn duty of the
President to take care that the laws of the U.
States shall be faithfully executed upon every
citizen of every State, and as long as we
have a faithful President, they will be exe
cuted if the Courts, the Marshals; the Army
and the Navy remain faithful to their re
spective trusts.
I know that much has been said in the
South about reserved rights of nullification,
secession, and not coercing a sovereign State,
&c.; when in fact the Conventions represent
ing the people of the several States which
adopted the Constitution, made no such res
ervations, but bound their constituents, one
and all, to allegiance to the Constitution of
the United States, as firmly as similar Con
ventions bound them to the State Constitu
tions. And although the General Govern
ment cannot technically, coerce a State, it
can rightfully coerce all the citizens of a
State into robedience to its constitutional
laws. The pretended reserved rights of nul
lification and secession, therefore are in . ef
fect, nothing more nor less than an outspoken
right of rebellion when wrong and oppres
sion become intolerable. But when the cri
sis comes, there are two parties who must
necessarily decide, each for it itself, whether
circumstances justify the act—the seceders
and the Government of the United States.—
And do you conceive that the mere election
of a President entertaining obnoxious opin
ions, or even entertaining hostile designs
against the institutions of the Son th,checked,
as he must necessarily be, by a Senate and
Judiciary, if not a House of Representatives,
without one overt act, can justify any por
tion of the South even to their of n cerhiei
ences in an act of rebellion?
There is one notable feature in the attitude
of the South. The cry of disunion comes—
not from those who suffer most from North
ern outrage, but from those Who Buffer least.
It comes from South Carolina, and Georgia,
and Alabama, and Mississippi, whose slave
property is rendered comparatively secure by
the intervention of other Slaveholding States
between them and the Free States, and not
from Delaware, and Maryland, and Virginia,
and Kentucky, and Tennessee, and Missouri,
which lose a hundred slaves by Abolition
thieves were the first-named States lose one.
Why are not the States that suffer most loud
est in their cry for disunion ? It is because
their position enables them to see more dis
tinctly than you do at a distance, the fatal
and instant effects of such a step. As imper
fect as the protection which the Constitution
and laws give to their property undoubtedly
is, it is better than none. They do not think
it wise to place themselves in a position to
have the John Browns of the North let loose
upon them with no other restraints than the
laws of war between independent nations con
strued by reckless fanatics. They prefer to
fight the Abolitionists, if fight they must,
within the Union, 'where their adversaries are
somewhat restrained by constitutional and le
gal obligations. No, Sir ; Delaware, Mary
land and Virginia do not. intend to become
the theatre of desolating wars between the
North and South ; Kentucky, Tennessee and
Missouri do not intend that there peaceful
channels of commerce shall become rivers of
blood to gratify the ambition of South Caroli
na and Alabama, who at a remote distance
from present danger cry out disunion.
I have said that the South has all along
had a peaceful remedy and has it still. The
Union sentiment is overwhelming in all the
Middle and Western States, constituting two
thirds of the Republic. Pennsylvania,-Ohio,
Indiana and Illinois are as little inclined to
become frontier States as Maryland, Virgin
ia, Kentucky. Had the present Administra
tion cut loose from the disunionists, instead
of virtually ministering to their designs, and
planted itself firmly on Union ground, the se
cessions at Charleston and Baltimore would
never have occurred, and the "Constitutional
Union Party" . would have 'been an impossi
bility, the Democracy would have recovered
its ascendancy in the North, and an united
party, embracing two-thirds of the North and
of the South, would now have been marching
to certain victory next November. 'What
ought to have been the preventive, must now
be the remedy. Should Lincoln in Novem
ber next secure a majority of the Electors,
patriotic men, North and South, without wait
ing for his inauguration, irrespective of party
lines, and throwing aside all minor consider
ations, must band together for the triple pur
pose of
. preventing any attempt to break up
the Union, iheckins. the Republican party
while in the ascendant and expelling them
from power at the next election. Let the
toast of Gen. Jackson, "The Federal Union
--It must be preserved," become the motto of
the party, while strict construction of the
Constitution and a jealous regard for the
rights of the State shall be its distinguishing
principle and unwavering practice. Let the
constitutional principle be adopted of no leg
islation by Congress over the Territories, or
throw aside altogether the mischievous issues
in relation to them, of no practical utility,
gotten up by demagogues and disunionists,
as means of accomplishing their own selfish
ends. Let them inflexibly refuse to support,
for any Federal or State officers, any man
who talks of disunion on the one hand or "ir
repressible conflict between Freedom and Sla
very" on the other. Throw aside all party
leaders except such as "keep step to the music
of the Union" and are prepared to battle for
State rights under its banner.
Be this your "platform :" let the South ral
ly upon it as one man, and I would pledge all
but my life, that at least one-half of the North
will join you in driving from power the reck
less assailants of your rights and institutions.
But whether the united South come up to the
rescue or not, I forsee that in the natural pro
gress of events, the central States from the
.tlantic to the far West, will band together
on this ground, leaving the Abolitionists of
New-England and the Disunionists of the
South to the harmless pastime of belching
fire and fury at each other at a safe distance,
protected by the patriotism and good sense of
nine-tenths of their countrymen, against the
evils they would bring on themselves.
Can you doubt the success of such a re
union ? Not an advocate of disunion under
any probable circumstances can be found
among the candidates for the Presidency and
The supporters of Bell to a man, the sup
porters of Douglas to a man, and more than
three-fourths of the supporters of Breckin
ridge, are staunch friends of the Union, and
staunch adversaries to Northern interference
with Southern institutions. 'When, convin
ced of the folly and madness of their warfare
on each other as they will be after the' elec
tion if not before, they band together in a
common cause, and that cause the preserva
tion of our glorious Union and its invaluable
Constitution with their attendant blessings,
will they not be irresistable ?
How much more hopeful and cheering is a
prospect like this than the contemplation of
standing armies, grinding taxes, ruined ag
riculture, prostrate commerce, bloody bat
tles, ravaged countries and sacked cities.—
This Continent like Eastern world, is destin
ed to have its " Northern hive s" Shall its
swarms be repressed by the strong hand of
the States united, or are they, by a dissolu
tion of the Union,
to be let loose upon' the
South, like the Goths and Vandals ripen
Southern Europe? True, their blood might,
in that event, fertilize your desolated fields,
but your . institutions, like those of the Roman
Empire, would sink to rise no more.
Editor and Proprietor.
NO. 16.
These are the, thoughts of an old man willows
only political aspirations are, that when IA
dies he may leave his country' united, happy
and free. With sincerb regard.
Germans and Irish, Read, Pause and
John M. Wilson, the Mather of the follow
ing, a Lincoln Elector in Massachtisetts,some
time ago addressed a Republican ;. , ineeting,
in a speech of Considerable length, from
which wo make the folloWing extracts. The
German or Irishman, Who Can read this and
then vote for Lincoln, has very little self
"In the heart of the foreigner beats net
one single noble impulse—not one single
throb of patriotigm. He is so brutish and
degraded that he has no sympathy for any
thing but cabbage and lager beer, potatoed
and buttermilk, or some other abominable
ontlandigh dish; only fit for hogs of the street
or pen.
" Some tell you that many foreigners arc;
intelligent; yes,• intelligent. How in the
name of Almighty God can they say it ?
Look at the pot-gutted Dutchman smoking
his pipe, and if you can see a ray of intelli
gence in that dirty; idiatia4boking face of
his, show it to me? Look at the drunken;
bloated, Irishman, with his rot-gut whiskey
bottle in pocket, and he drunk and swearing
and reeling, and shows not in that polluted
face one spark of morality, intellect or edu
catio i. The idea is absurd—it is . perposter
"We must change the laVi's of the land;
and prevent these ignorant,degraded paupers
here froth voting arid holding office. They
are a set of unprincipled villians and ruffi
ans; vilio congregate in and around our large
cities and Village:B; and live by steeing froth
the Arne:ride:lag.
" Would you have the American to stand
back, and let a bloated Irishman vote in
stead of yourself? Beil the wretch as he
approaches—his knees knocking and the
slobber of tobacco running down his jaws,
and as be comes, yod liedr hini hUrrah for
Dimocracy,' and here he Comes fresh froth
the bogs, just one year ago, and wants to vote
—and because the boys cry ' move him,' and
he gets knocked down for his impatience, a
great cry is made about it by old line dema
gogues. I say it is right; let them stand
" Again: you see a lop-eared, Widelthonth
ed, mullet-headed Dutchman, coming up just
from some hut in the land of Krout, witli
the foam of beer still sticking to his horse
tail whiskers, and his breath smelling of
garlic and onions enough to kill a white man
three hundred yards, and before he can say
anything in the world but Dimocrat' he
must vote, and that vote counts as much as
yours or mine. This is outrageous and
abominable. These4foreigners that have
carried elections for old liners, will have td
learn their places. They have no more right
to vote than the brutes of the field, and have
not half the sense of a good Newfoundland
dog ; and God knows, were I a candidate fi*
any office, I would tell these -paupers and
vagabonds, these vile, dirty, filthy, degraded,
idiotic foreigners, I did not want their vote's;
and if I ever am a candidate, I hope to God
I never will get them.
Mx-President Fillthcrre and Douglas
The Buffalo correspondent of the AlbanY
(N. Y.) Argus and Atlas, in giving an ac-:
count of the Douglas demonstration in that
city, says :
"One of the most gratifying, incidnnts . of
Mr. Douglas' visits to Buffalo was his' inter
view with Ex-President Fillmore. That gen
tlemen has retired from public life, and
takes no part in politics ; but he was one of
the first; after the excitement of the recep
tion and the speaking was crier, to pay Judge
Douglas a visit at the Clarendon Hotel; and
welcome him to the city. The interview was'
on both sides marked by most cordial feel
ings, and Mr. Fillmore expressed himself
deeply gratified at the magnificent recep
tion that had been tendered to Mr.. Douglas
by the citizens of Buffalo, and at the trium
phant success that had marked his progress
through so many of the States of the
Breckinridge Novi and There;
At Frankfort, Ky., Dec. 1859, he sad :
I perceive a sensible losS of that spirit of
brotherhood—that feeling of love fur a corn;
mon country—that flavor of loyalty which
are at last the surest comment of the Union ;
so that in the present unhappy state of affairs
I am almost tempted to exclaim that ice are
dissolving week by Week and month by month,
the threads are gradually fretting themselves
asunder; and a stranger visiting Washington
might imagine that the Executive . of the .
United States was the President of hostile
Republics. *
The Representatives from South Carolina,
Georgia, Alabama, Missouri, not to mention
other Southern States, say they represent
their constituents—nay, that they scarcely go'
as far as their constituents—and most of them!
declare that they are ready dt tidy moment for
a separate Confederation. Some of the South
ern Legislatures have passed resolves of this
character—and we may safely assume that it
is the true feeling of the people.
At Lexington, Ky., Sept., 1860; he said;
forced to take the other tack by Douglas' Nor
folk speech :
I have no doubt a great many gentlemen:
in the Southern States of the Union think
that their constitutional rights will never be
recognized. A few are perltaps, per se Dis
unionists, though I doubt if there are fifty
such in the Union.
UNION IN NEW YORK. - The Committee,
appointed by the monster Union meeting
held in New York, last week,to form a Union
Electoral Ticket, for the - support of all par-',
ties in the State opposed to the election of
Lincoln, have completed their labors. They
present a ticket composed of 1 1 8 Erouglas men ;
10 Bell men, and 7 Breckinridge . ,men.---=
Should this ticket be accepted by the State
Committees of the parties interested, its elee:
tion will be sure, and Lincoln's chances for
the Presidency ended.
Dotiglds irr Kentubk*.
Lou - my - IL-LE, Sept: 29.—The booming dean- -
non shortly after noon to-day,. announced the
of Douglas': He was received by_ a
large multitude, and escorted . to the Louis- -
ville Hotel.
This afternoon he addressed an audience
of some thirty thousand people at Preston's
woods: He charged that Buchanan and
Breckinridge would be responsible if Lincoln
was elected, as they were working to that
end. Breckinridge had sacrificed Itim'solf ta r
the bolters, who would not vote for him whft
in tho regular Convention: