TERMS OF THE , GLOBE. Per anntim in advance Six months Three months A failure to notify a discontinuance at the expiration of the term subscribed for will be considered a new engage ment. TERYS OF ADVERTISING. 1 insertion. 2 do. 3 do. Four lines or less, $ 25... ...... $ 3712...,..$ 50 One square, (12 lines,) ...... .... 50 75 -1 00 Two squares, 1 00 1 50 2 00 Three squares, 1 50 2 25 3 00 Over three week and less than three months, 25 cents per square for each insertion. 3 months. 6 months. 12 months. $l. 50 ';:3 00 $5 00 3 00 5 00 7 00 5 00 8 00 10 00 7 00 10 00 15 00 Six lines or less, One square, Two squares,.... Three squares, Four squares,. Half a colunm, One column, 20 00 30 00.... ...... 50 . 00 Professional and Business Cards not exceeding four lines, one year $3 00 Administrators' and Executors' Notices, $1 75 Advertisements not marked with the number of inser tions desired, will be continued till forbid and charged ac warding to these terms. TJ ADIES' ONE PRICE PANC Y FIJR STORE! Principle," 1 have marked at the lowest possible prices con sistent with a reasonable profit, I would solicit a visit from those in want of Furs for either ladies' or childreus' wear. and an inspection of my selection of thos.. goods, satisfied, as I am, of my ability to please in every desired essential. • Persons at a diAance, who may find it inconveni ent to call personally, need only name the article they wish, together with the price, and instructions for send ing.uand forward the order to my address—money accom panying—to insure a satisfatory compliance with their wishes. August 22, 1.860.-sm. VALUABLE TAVERN STAND FOB SALE. The undersigned offers for sale, that fine and profitable stand, in the borough of Huntingdon, fronting on Alle gheny street, opposite the Broad Top Coal Depot, and known as The Broad Top House." The house is furnished with bedding, &c., all of which, belonging to the undersigned, will be sold with the house. This stand is one of the best in the county, and owing to its favorable location, always has a largo run of custom. Possession will be given on the Ist day of April next.— Those wiping to purchase, will call upon Thomas P. Campbell, Esq., who will make known the terms. &c. Aug. 22, 1860.-3 m. A. MOEBUS. T_T AINES BROS.' OVERSTRUNG .1.1. GRAND ACTION PIANO FORTES, Celebrated for superior quality of TONE and cleganceand be,Luty of finish. These Pianos have always taken the FIRST PREMIUM when placed in competition with oth er makers. On kLLENGE ALL COMPETITION. A splendid as sortment of T 0111 S XIV . and plainer styles always on hand. Also Second-hand Pianos and PRINCE'S 131- PROVED MELODEONS from $45 to $350. c Every Instrument warranted. GEO. L. WALKER'S Piano and Melodeon Depot. S. E. Cor. 7th & Arch Sts., Philadelphia. July 25, 1860.—Gat. N EW AIR LINE ROUTE TO NEW YOUK. 71t • ,M 9 ; Or ts r SHORTEST IN DISTANCE AND QUICK- EST IN TIME DETWEEN THE TWO CITIES OF NEW YORK AND lIARIUSBURGI VIA READING, ALLENTOWN AND EA.STON. MoaNiNG - Expasss, West, leaves New York at 1; A. M., arriving at Harrisburg at 12.45 noun, only CrIX hours be tween the two cities. MAIL LINE leaves New York at 1:160 noon, and arrives at Harrisburg at 8.30 P. M. MORNING MAIL LINE. East. leaves Harrisburg at 8.00 A M., arriving at New York at 4.30 P. 51. AFTERWOON EXPRESS LINE. East, leaves Harrisburg at 1.15 I'. at, arriving at New York at 0.00 I'. Connections are made at Harrisburg at 1.00 P. M., with the Passenger Trains ill each direction on the Pennsylva nia, Cumberland Valley and Northern Central Railroad. All Hants connect at Reading with trains for Pottsville and Philadelphia, and at Allentown fur Munch Chunk, Easton, &c. No change of Passenger Cars or Baggage between New ork and Harrisburg - , by the 6.00 A. M. Line from New York or the the 1.15 P. M. from Harrisburg. For beauty of scenery, add speed, comfort and accom modation, this route presents superior inducements to the traveling public. Fare between New York and Harrisburg .five For tickets and other information apply to J. J. CLYDE, General Agent, Harrisburg. July IS, 1860. A. & E. A. LANDELL, No. 110 North Wharves, Philadelphia, MANUFACTURE AND lIAVE FOR SALE CANDLES, SPormaceti, Patent Sperm, Ilydraulic, Adamantine, llotel, Car and Tallow Candles. OILS, Pure Sperm, Lard Bleached Whale, Sea Elephant, Strained Whale, Tanners', Curriers', Palm, Mine, and Red Oils. SOAPS, White, Yellow, Brown, Chemical Olive, Fancy, and other Soaps. Aug. 15, ISCO.-3m. - IARMERS' & DEALERS' HEAD QUARTERS!!! 'ANCOCK', CAMP 3:.." CO.. Produce and General Com mission Merchants, No. 47, North Water St., below Arch St.. Philadelphia. 7 Agents for all Guano's Super Phosphates of Lime, Poudrettes, and other kinds of Fertilizers. All descriptions of 09untry Produce taken in ex change or sold on Commission. W Quick sales and immediate returns are guaranteed upon all consignments. WWe are the sole Agents for the best articles of Vin egar made in this city and elsewhere. July 4 lB, 1860.-6 m. COAL OIL!! COAL OIL!!! James A. Brown sells the genuine " PORTLAND KERO SENE," on COAL OIL, clear as water. This is the only kind of oil that gives entire satisfaction us an agent for light. Beware of counterfeits and colored carbon oils. They emit au offensive smell and smoke. A large variety also of COAL OIL LAMPS, Chimneys, Globes, Wicks, Burners, Shades, Szc., Sic., sold at the very lowest prices, at the Hardware Store, limiting don, Pa. Huntingdon, July 25, 1860. FRANKLIN HOUSE, IN THE DIAMOND, HUNTINGDON, PA VALENTINE CROUSE, Proprietor. The citizens of the county, and strangers and travelers generally, will find comfortable accommodations at this house. Give us a trial. [April 4, 1860.1 CALL at D. P. GWIN'S if you want GOOD GOODS. 'DARK Colored Palm Hoods, best qual ity, only 50 cts. each. FISHER lz SON. T HE best Tobacco in town, at D. P. GWIN'S Splendid variety of Carpets, only 25 cts. per yard. FISILER & SON. ARPET Sacks and Fancy Baskets at 3:)..r, CI WIN'S. $1 50 75 _l2 00.... ..16 00.... . 9 00 .12 00 JOHN FAREIRA, 718 Arch St., between ith s Bth Sts., PHILADELPHIA, , ate of 818 Market St.) Importer, Manufacturer of and tiler in all kinds of FANCY FURS Laving removed to my Stf:Cro, 718 Arch St, d being now engaged tirely in the rnanufac ^e and sale of Fancy ars, which, in accord ance with the "One Price WILLIA] LEWIS, .20 00 .24 00 VOL. XVI. HON. AMOS KENDALL TO HON. JAMES L. ORR, of South Carolina. WASHINGTON, Sept. 10, 1860. flog. JAMES L. Ona—Ma Dear Sir : Your letter of the 15th ult., reached Washington while I was absent in the North. Though I did not contemplate when I wrote you on the 9th ult., anything beyond a limi ted private correspondence, yet, having no opinion on the portenteous condition of public affairs which I have a motive to conceal, or am ashamed to avow, I cheerfully comply with your suggestions. You quote from my former letter the decla ration that " my mind is equally clear that the South has long had a peaceful remedy within her reach, and has it still, though im paired by the recent conduct of some of her sons," and you ask of me a full explanation of my opinions on that point as well-as "the remedy to be resorted to by us (the South) should the Government in November pass into the bands of a party whose declared pur pose is to destroy our property, amounting in value at - the present time to not less than three billions one hundred and fifty millions of dollars." You ask, " Can it be prudent, safe or manly in the South ..to submit to the domination of a party.,whok declared pur pose is to destroy such an, amount of property and subvert our whole social and industrial policy ?" In a subsequent part of your letter you call my attention to certain grievances endured by the South, and conclude your commentary thereon as follows, viz : " Is it wise. if we do not intend to submit to such conse quences, to allow a Black Republican President to be in augurated, and put him in possession of the Army, the Navy, the Treasury, the armories and arsenals, the public property—in fact the whole machinery of the Government with its appendants and appurtenances? If the South should think upon this subject as . 1410, no Black Republi can President should ever execute any law within her borders unless at the point of the bayonet and over the dead bodies of her slain sons." I shudder at such sentiments coming from one whose sincerity I cannot doubt. The time was when 150,000 men tendered their services to the President to aid him if neces sary in executing the laws of the United States ; the time will be when 200,000 men will volunteer for a like purpose, should re sistance be made to his legitimate authority, no matter by what party he may be elected. There seems to me to be in the course re commended to the South, in the event of Mr. Lincoln's election to the Presidency, a fatuity little short of madness. Would you pull th,wu the canopy of heaven because wrong and crime exist beneath it ? Would you break up the earth on which we tread be cause earth-quakes sometimes heave it and pestilence walks its surface ? This Union, sir, is too precious to the people it protects, North and South, East and West, to be brok en up, even should a Black Republican be elected President next November. Should the attempt be made, an united North and three-fourths of a divided South would spring to the rescue. No, no, the remedy for the evils orwhich you ;justly complain are to be found within the Union, and not among its bloody ruins. I admit that the grievances which you enu merate are hard to be borne; but a few South ern men are not without responsibility for their , existence. The general sentiment of the country, North and South, at the close of the Revolutionary war was Anti-Sla very. It has changed in the South, but re mains unchanged in the North. There; how ever, it has been - roused to unwonted activity by the preachings of fanatics and the denun ciations of political demagogues, aided not a little by the arts, the language and the vio lence of Southeru•disunionists. It is needless to give in detail all the caus es which have brought the politics of the country to their present deplorable condition. Suffice it to say that you have long had in the South a small party of able men whose aim has been to destroy the Union ; that, as a preliminary to their main design, they have sought to break up the Democratic Party; that their means for accomplishing this end were to act with it, and force upon it every possible issue obnoxious to the general senti ment of the North ; that they have dragged after them the true Union men of the South, partly through their fears of being considered laggard in their devOtion to Southern inter ests, and partly through ambition for politi cal distinction ; to make the Democratic Par ty as odious as possible at the North, they became, the advocates of Slavery on princi ple, justified the African Slave-trade, and de nounced the laws prohibiting it. By these acts and frequent threats of disunion they enabled the enemies of Democracy in the North to denounce them as Pro-Slavery men, and to all this they added occasional taunts that they were no more to be relied upon for the protection of Southern rights than their opponents. By these means the Democratic Party was reduced before the last Presiden tial election to a minority in most of the North ern States, and in the residue had the utmost difficulty in maintaining their ascendency.— In the meantime, the Union men in the South, had measurably ceased to consider the Dem ocratic Party as friendly to the Union ; and the Union sentiment, particularly in the bor der Slave States, whose interests in its pres ervation is pre-eminent, sought expression through the American Party. To such au extent had the Democratic Party been weak ened by the insidious policy of their Disunion allies, that they had the utmost difficulty in electing an old practical statesman over a young man who had nothing to recommend him beyond a few successful explorations of our wilderness territory. There were those who foresaw that longer affiliation with Southern Disunionists would inevitably destroy the ascendency of the Dem ocratic Party, and a feeble and fruitless effort was made to induce the President to lay the foundations of his Administration on the rock of the Union, and cut loose from those who were seeking to destroy it. For reasons, no doubt patriotic, but to me inexplicable, the reverse of that policy was pursued. The sup LETTER FROM port of the Lecompton Constitution, which the country generally believed to be a fraud, was made the test of Democracy ; one leading Democrat after another was proscribed be -cause they would not submit to the test, and as if to deprive Northern Democrats of the last hope of successfully vindicating the rights of the South, an act of Congress was passed for the admission of Kansas into the Union at once, provided she would consent to be come a slave-holding State, but postponing her admission indefinitely if she refused. In your published letter you justly con demn the seceders from the Charleston Con vention, who, you think, ought to have re mained, and prevented the nomination of a candidate who is obnoxious to the South. Do you not perceive, sir, that the secession. was a part of the programnie for breaking up the Democratic Party ? And is it not palpable that after absolutely vacating their seats at Charleston, they went to Baltimore for the mere purpose of more effectually completing the work of destruction by drawing off anoth er detachment ? I, Sir, entertain no doubt that the secession was the result most desired by the disunionists ; that the object of the new issue then gotten up was merely to form a pretext for secession, and that - its adoption was the last thing they desired or designed. Glance a moment at a few facts : Alabama, led by an open disunionist, went to Cincin nati, in 1856, under instructions to secede unless the equal rights of all the States in the Territories should be conceded and in corporated into the platform of the Demo cratic Party. The concession was made, and they had no opportunity to secede. They came to Charleston under the same leader, again instructed to secede unless the Convention would put into the platform a a new plank, the effect of which, if adopted, would be further to disgust and alienate the Northern Democracy. In this instance the sine qua non was not complied with, and the Disunionists floated off on the rejected plank into an unknown sea, unfortunately carrying with them a large number of good and true Union men. And what is this principle, the non-recog nition of which has riven asunder the Demo cratic Party and apparently threatens the dissolution of the Union ? It is that, it is the right and duty of Congress to legislate for the protection of slave property in the Territories. Now, I take it upon me to say that a more latitudinarian and dangerous claim of power in Congress never was advanced by Federal ists of the Hamilton school. Look at it in a constitutional and practical light : If Con gress have the right to legislate for the pro tection of slave property in the Territorie t s, they have a right to legislate for the pro tection of all other property ; and if they have a right to legislate for the protection of prop erty, they have a right to legislate for the protection of persons. The assumption that they can legislate for the protection of slave property leads, logically and inevitably, to the conclusion that they have power to leg islate for the Territories in all cases whatso ever. If you cari put your finger on the grant of this power in the Constitution, please put it also on its limitations, if any can be found. Upon this principle, Congress may acquire an empire outside of the organic States, over which it may exercise unlimited power, gov erning it as the Roman Senate did their con quered provinces. And this under a Consti tution which jealously restricts the exclusive power of legislation by Congress to a few spots of land purchased, with the consent of the States, for specified objects, and grants no power of general legislation over a Territo ry whatsoever. - To verify these positions we need only ad vert to the Constitution. Among the grants of power to Congress is the following viz :. " To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatso ever over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of Government of the United States and to exercise like authority over all places pur chased by the consent of the Legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, maga zines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings." Mark the jealousy with which this power is restricted. For the protection of the Gov ernment even it is limited to a Territory not exceeding ten miles square, and it cannot be exercised over the "forts, magazines, arsen als, dockyards, and other needful buildings," situated within the States, unless the land on which they may be located shall be first pur chased with " the consent of the Legislatures" of those States. Is it conceivable that the wise men who restricted the exclusive power of legislation in' Congress to a territory not exceeding ten miles square, did, by any indi rection, grant that power broadly enough to cover the whole continent outside of the or ganized States, should it be annexed by pur chase or conquest ? The following provision is the only one in the Constitution which has been chiefly, if not exclusively relied upon to sustain the po sition that Congress has any power -whatso ever to legislate over the Territories, viz : "The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the Territory or other property belonging to the United States." The word "Territory" used in this provis ion obviously means land and 'nothing else. The United States, at the time when the Constitution was adopted, owned an immense amount of land north of the Ohio River, and these lands Congress was authorized to "dis pose of," That the word "Territory" means property is conclusively shown by its connec tion with the words "and other property."— " Territory and other property." The terri tory spoken of, therefore,. is property in lands. " Rules and regulations" are a grade of legislation somewhat below the dignity of laws; but admitting them in this case to have the same effect, on what are they to operate ? Simply on the property of the United States, not on any other property, nor on persons,ex cept so far as they may be connected with the public property. To this extent, and no further, is the power of Congress to legislate over a Territory granted to Congress, and whenever all the lands and other property are disposed of, the " rules and regulations" be come obsolete, and the power of legislation granted in this clause, is theaseferth , in abeyance- -PERSEVERE.- HUNTINGDON, PA., OCTOBER 1.0 1 1860. Moreover, this grant of power extends as well to property within a State as within a Territory. In a State the general power of legislation is in the State Legislature ; yet the power of Congress to make " rules and regulations" respecting the public property, is the same in a State as in a Territory. The scope of the grant can, of course, be no great er in the Territory than in a State, and it necessarily follows that this clause of the Constitution confers on Congress no general power of legislation, either within Slates or Territories. It is not a satisfactory reply to this argu ment to say that such a power has, to some extent, been exercised, Is it better to acqui esce in and extend the usurpation than to put a stop to it, as in the case of the United States Bank, by bringing the Government back to the constitutional test? Which is safest for the South, the constitutional prin ciple that Congress shall not legislate for the Territories at all, or the adoption of a prin ciple unknown to the Constitution, which, in its general application, would not only de feat the object it is advanced to promote, but would enable the Free State majority to sur round the Slaveholding States and encircle the Union with an empire outside the organ ized States, over which that majority should exercise the power of unlimited and exclusive legislation ? If such an idea be chimerical, the apprehension is not chimerical that the Black Republicans, should they acquire the control of all branches of the Government, will use the claim now set up . for Congres sional legislation over one species of proper ty in the Territories, as an apology for assum ing the power of general legislation, involv ing the power to destroy as well as to protect. The Constitution of the United States was not made for Territories but for States, as its name implies.. It has, by strict rules of con struction, nothing to do with the Territories outside of the States united, beyond the pro tection and disposition of the common proper ty therein. It seems to conteniplate that the Territories shall be left to themselves until they have a population adequate to the for mation of a respectable community, when their independence should be acknowledged and their admission into the Union granted on the sole condition that they adopt a Re publican Government. But if there be a doubt as to the power of Congress to legislate for the Territories, is it not safer, and, far more consistent with Dem ocratic principles to deny the power than to assume it ? Some of the original States when admitted in to the Union, had not the population of a third-rate city of the present dell, and no harm would likely to arise by leaving the Territories to themselves until they double the population of Delaware or Rhode Island in 1789. But would it not be incomparably better to admit them into the Union as States, with a much less popula tion than to leave them to be a bone of con tention among demagogues and disunionists, disturbing every essential interest of the country and jeopardizing the union of the existing States ? Let - us briefly consider the practical work ings of the remedy for Southern wrongs, which you suggest, in case a Black Republi can is elected to the Presidency. You ask, "is it wise, if we do not intend to submit to such consequences, to allow a Black Repub lican President to be inaugurated," &c., and you say, " if the South should think upon this subject as I do, no Black Republican President should ever execute any law with in her borders unless at the point of the bay onet and over the dead bodies of her slain sons." I know there are men in the South who would sacrifice their lives and endanger the communities in which they live, upon a point of honor,and that such men often fire up with unwonted fierceness if reminded of the prob able consequences of their own rashness.— But the time has come when consequences should be looked in the face, not for purposes of defiance, but that we may consider wheth er the policy which would lead to them is required by Southern interests or honor. How do propose to prevent the inaugura tion of a Black Republican President should such an one be unfortunately elected ? Will you come to this city with an armed force, and attempt to prevent an inauguration by violence ? In that event, force would be met by force, and there would be instant civil war, in which the country and the world would declare the Soutti to be the aggres sor. He would be inaugarated here or elsewhere in spite of you. Well, suppose you then at tempt to secede from the Union and resist the execution of the laws ? Every lawyer in the South knows that every citizen of every State is as much bound by the laws of the United States constitutionally enacted as by the laws of his own State, and that it is as impossible for the State to relieve its citizens from alle giance to the United States as it is for the latter to relieve them from allegiance to their own State. And it is the sworn duty of the President to take care that the laws of the U. States shall be faithfully executed upon every citizen of every State, and as long as we have a faithful President, they will be exe cuted if the Courts, the Marshals; the Army and the Navy remain faithful to their re spective trusts. I know that much has been said in the South about reserved rights of nullification, secession, and not coercing a sovereign State, &c.; when in fact the Conventions represent ing the people of the several States which adopted the Constitution, made no such res ervations, but bound their constituents, one and all, to allegiance to the Constitution of the United States, as firmly as similar Con ventions bound them to the State Constitu tions. And although the General Govern ment cannot technically, coerce a State, it can rightfully coerce all the citizens of a State into robedience to its constitutional laws. The pretended reserved rights of nul lification and secession, therefore are in . ef fect, nothing more nor less than an outspoken right of rebellion when wrong and oppres sion become intolerable. But when the cri sis comes, there are two parties who must necessarily decide, each for it itself, whether circumstances justify the act—the seceders and the Government of the United States.— And do you conceive that the mere election of a President entertaining obnoxious opin ions, or even entertaining hostile designs against the institutions of the Son th,checked, as he must necessarily be, by a Senate and Judiciary, if not a House of Representatives, without one overt act, can justify any por tion of the South even to their of n cerhiei ences in an act of rebellion? There is one notable feature in the attitude of the South. The cry of disunion comes— not from those who suffer most from North ern outrage, but from those Who Buffer least. It comes from South Carolina, and Georgia, and Alabama, and Mississippi, whose slave property is rendered comparatively secure by the intervention of other Slaveholding States between them and the Free States, and not from Delaware, and Maryland, and Virginia, and Kentucky, and Tennessee, and Missouri, which lose a hundred slaves by Abolition thieves were the first-named States lose one. Why are not the States that suffer most loud est in their cry for disunion ? It is because their position enables them to see more dis tinctly than you do at a distance, the fatal and instant effects of such a step. As imper fect as the protection which the Constitution and laws give to their property undoubtedly is, it is better than none. They do not think it wise to place themselves in a position to have the John Browns of the North let loose upon them with no other restraints than the laws of war between independent nations con strued by reckless fanatics. They prefer to fight the Abolitionists, if fight they must, within the Union, 'where their adversaries are somewhat restrained by constitutional and le gal obligations. No, Sir ; Delaware, Mary land and Virginia do not. intend to become the theatre of desolating wars between the North and South ; Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri do not intend that there peaceful channels of commerce shall become rivers of blood to gratify the ambition of South Caroli na and Alabama, who at a remote distance from present danger cry out disunion. I have said that the South has all along had a peaceful remedy and has it still. The Union sentiment is overwhelming in all the Middle and Western States, constituting two thirds of the Republic. Pennsylvania,-Ohio, Indiana and Illinois are as little inclined to become frontier States as Maryland, Virgin ia, Kentucky. Had the present Administra tion cut loose from the disunionists, instead of virtually ministering to their designs, and planted itself firmly on Union ground, the se cessions at Charleston and Baltimore would never have occurred, and the "Constitutional Union Party" . would have 'been an impossi bility, the Democracy would have recovered its ascendancy in the North, and an united party, embracing two-thirds of the North and of the South, would now have been marching to certain victory next November. 'What ought to have been the preventive, must now be the remedy. Should Lincoln in Novem ber next secure a majority of the Electors, patriotic men, North and South, without wait ing for his inauguration, irrespective of party lines, and throwing aside all minor consider ations, must band together for the triple pur pose of . preventing any attempt to break up the Union, iheckins. the Republican party while in the ascendant and expelling them from power at the next election. Let the toast of Gen. Jackson, "The Federal Union --It must be preserved," become the motto of the party, while strict construction of the Constitution and a jealous regard for the rights of the State shall be its distinguishing principle and unwavering practice. Let the constitutional principle be adopted of no leg islation by Congress over the Territories, or throw aside altogether the mischievous issues in relation to them, of no practical utility, gotten up by demagogues and disunionists, as means of accomplishing their own selfish ends. Let them inflexibly refuse to support, for any Federal or State officers, any man who talks of disunion on the one hand or "ir repressible conflict between Freedom and Sla very" on the other. Throw aside all party leaders except such as "keep step to the music of the Union" and are prepared to battle for State rights under its banner. Be this your "platform :" let the South ral ly upon it as one man, and I would pledge all but my life, that at least one-half of the North will join you in driving from power the reck less assailants of your rights and institutions. But whether the united South come up to the rescue or not, I forsee that in the natural pro gress of events, the central States from the .tlantic to the far West, will band together on this ground, leaving the Abolitionists of New-England and the Disunionists of the South to the harmless pastime of belching fire and fury at each other at a safe distance, protected by the patriotism and good sense of nine-tenths of their countrymen, against the evils they would bring on themselves. Can you doubt the success of such a re union ? Not an advocate of disunion under any probable circumstances can be found among the candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency. The supporters of Bell to a man, the sup porters of Douglas to a man, and more than three-fourths of the supporters of Breckin ridge, are staunch friends of the Union, and staunch adversaries to Northern interference with Southern institutions. 'When, convin ced of the folly and madness of their warfare on each other as they will be after the' elec tion if not before, they band together in a common cause, and that cause the preserva tion of our glorious Union and its invaluable Constitution with their attendant blessings, will they not be irresistable ? How much more hopeful and cheering is a prospect like this than the contemplation of standing armies, grinding taxes, ruined ag riculture, prostrate commerce, bloody bat tles, ravaged countries and sacked cities.— This Continent like Eastern world, is destin ed to have its " Northern hive s" Shall its swarms be repressed by the strong hand of the States united, or are they, by a dissolu tion of the Union, to be let loose upon' the South, like the Goths and Vandals ripen Southern Europe? True, their blood might, in that event, fertilize your desolated fields, but your . institutions, like those of the Roman Empire, would sink to rise no more. Editor and Proprietor. NO. 16. These are the, thoughts of an old man willows only political aspirations are, that when IA dies he may leave his country' united, happy and free. With sincerb regard. Germans and Irish, Read, Pause and Reflect. John M. Wilson, the Mather of the follow ing, a Lincoln Elector in Massachtisetts,some time ago addressed a Republican ;. , ineeting, in a speech of Considerable length, from which wo make the folloWing extracts. The German or Irishman, Who Can read this and then vote for Lincoln, has very little self respect:— "In the heart of the foreigner beats net one single noble impulse—not one single throb of patriotigm. He is so brutish and degraded that he has no sympathy for any thing but cabbage and lager beer, potatoed and buttermilk, or some other abominable ontlandigh dish; only fit for hogs of the street or pen. " Some tell you that many foreigners arc; intelligent; yes,• intelligent. How in the name of Almighty God can they say it ? Look at the pot-gutted Dutchman smoking his pipe, and if you can see a ray of intelli gence in that dirty; idiatia4boking face of his, show it to me? Look at the drunken; bloated, Irishman, with his rot-gut whiskey bottle in pocket, and he drunk and swearing and reeling, and shows not in that polluted face one spark of morality, intellect or edu catio i. The idea is absurd—it is . perposter ons. "We must change the laVi's of the land; and prevent these ignorant,degraded paupers here froth voting arid holding office. They are a set of unprincipled villians and ruffi ans; vilio congregate in and around our large cities and Village:B; and live by steeing froth the Arne:ride:lag. " Would you have the American to stand back, and let a bloated Irishman vote in stead of yourself? Beil the wretch as he approaches—his knees knocking and the slobber of tobacco running down his jaws, and as be comes, yod liedr hini hUrrah for Dimocracy,' and here he Comes fresh froth the bogs, just one year ago, and wants to vote —and because the boys cry ' move him,' and he gets knocked down for his impatience, a great cry is made about it by old line dema gogues. I say it is right; let them stand back. " Again: you see a lop-eared, Widelthonth ed, mullet-headed Dutchman, coming up just from some hut in the land of Krout, witli the foam of beer still sticking to his horse tail whiskers, and his breath smelling of garlic and onions enough to kill a white man three hundred yards, and before he can say anything in the world but Dimocrat' he must vote, and that vote counts as much as yours or mine. This is outrageous and abominable. These4foreigners that have carried elections for old liners, will have td learn their places. They have no more right to vote than the brutes of the field, and have not half the sense of a good Newfoundland dog ; and God knows, were I a candidate fi* any office, I would tell these -paupers and vagabonds, these vile, dirty, filthy, degraded, idiotic foreigners, I did not want their vote's; and if I ever am a candidate, I hope to God I never will get them. Mx-President Fillthcrre and Douglas The Buffalo correspondent of the AlbanY (N. Y.) Argus and Atlas, in giving an ac-: count of the Douglas demonstration in that city, says : "One of the most gratifying, incidnnts . of Mr. Douglas' visits to Buffalo was his' inter view with Ex-President Fillmore. That gen tlemen has retired from public life, and takes no part in politics ; but he was one of the first; after the excitement of the recep tion and the speaking was crier, to pay Judge Douglas a visit at the Clarendon Hotel; and welcome him to the city. The interview was' on both sides marked by most cordial feel ings, and Mr. Fillmore expressed himself deeply gratified at the magnificent recep tion that had been tendered to Mr.. Douglas by the citizens of Buffalo, and at the trium phant success that had marked his progress through so many of the States of the Union." Breckinridge Novi and There; IIE SEES IT. At Frankfort, Ky., Dec. 1859, he sad : I perceive a sensible losS of that spirit of brotherhood—that feeling of love fur a corn; mon country—that flavor of loyalty which are at last the surest comment of the Union ; so that in the present unhappy state of affairs I am almost tempted to exclaim that ice are dissolving week by Week and month by month, the threads are gradually fretting themselves asunder; and a stranger visiting Washington might imagine that the Executive . of the . United States was the President of hostile Republics. * The Representatives from South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Missouri, not to mention other Southern States, say they represent their constituents—nay, that they scarcely go' as far as their constituents—and most of them! declare that they are ready dt tidy moment for a separate Confederation. Some of the South ern Legislatures have passed resolves of this character—and we may safely assume that it is the true feeling of the people. DE DON'T SEE IT: At Lexington, Ky., Sept., 1860; he said; forced to take the other tack by Douglas' Nor folk speech : I have no doubt a great many gentlemen: in the Southern States of the Union think that their constitutional rights will never be recognized. A few are perltaps, per se Dis unionists, though I doubt if there are fifty such in the Union. UNION IN NEW YORK. - The Committee, appointed by the monster Union meeting held in New York, last week,to form a Union Electoral Ticket, for the - support of all par-', ties in the State opposed to the election of Lincoln, have completed their labors. They present a ticket composed of 1 1 8 Erouglas men ; 10 Bell men, and 7 Breckinridge . ,men.---= Should this ticket be accepted by the State Committees of the parties interested, its elee: tion will be sure, and Lincoln's chances for the Presidency ended. Dotiglds irr Kentubk*. Lou - my - IL-LE, Sept: 29.—The booming dean- - non shortly after noon to-day,. announced the of Douglas': He was received by_ a large multitude, and escorted . to the Louis- - ville Hotel. This afternoon he addressed an audience of some thirty thousand people at Preston's woods: He charged that Buchanan and Breckinridge would be responsible if Lincoln was elected, as they were working to that end. Breckinridge had sacrificed Itim'solf ta r the bolters, who would not vote for him whft in tho regular Convention: AMOS KEt+I.DA_LL. A
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