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Enthusiasm of the Sterling Democracy of " Old Becks" at his coming among them.- Judge Douglas reached Reading early on Saturday morning, the Bth inst., by the Leb anon Valley Railroad, in charge of the fol lowino•t' committee of the Democracy of that city: E. L. Smith. C. P. Muhlenberg. .- M. Sallade, Joseph Henry, J. D. Davis, A. Jor don Swartz, Cul. S. L. Young, John Green, P. Lantz. He was also accompanied by a number of the,Democratic State Central Committee and other prominent Democrats of the State, among whom we noticed the two old veterans, Gen. John Davis, of Bucks, and Hon. J. S. Schindle, of Lehigh. On his way over from Harrisburg, he was met at Hummeistown, Palmyra, Lebanon, MyerAown, and Womelsdorf, stations on the Lebanon road, by large delegations, who came on to Reading. The citizens of Leba non turned out very strong, with a band of music, and carried a banner, with the motto, " Douglas, the choice of the People." A na tional salute announced his arrival at Rtad ing, and he was met at the depot by the De mocracy of Reading and the visiting delega tions from the neighboring towns. A pro cession was formed, Joseph Henry, Esq., act ing as chief marshal, assisted by G. Smith, E. Pearson, and I. Brenholtz, and he was es corted through the principal streets of the city to De Bourbon's Mansion House. Every available spot of the wide space which sur rounds this hotel was crowded with people, and, as Douglas alighted from the carrirge, the cheers which rose in the air were perfect ly deafening. As he passed into the hotel the ladies, who thronged the balcony over head, showered him with boquets. Shortly after his arrival, a committee of the Central Club of Philadelphia, headed by Wm. V. McGrath, Esq., had an interview with him in order to fix a day fur his visit to Phila delphia. As his appointments, already pub lished, extended far into October, he was unable to give them any assurance that he could visit this city before the election. When they expressed the regret which their people would feel at this disappointment, he told them that they had the consolation of know ing that here his presence was not at all necessary, for in Pennsylvania all his friends were heroes, and all the people were his friends. During the morning thousands called upon Douglas to pay him their re speet4. The hour for the meeting was -1 o'clock, in order to give the farmers and oth ers who had come from a distance an oppor tunity to hear him and return home before night. A stand was erected on Penn street, near the Mansion House, and an immense throng assembled around it an hour or two before the time announced for the meeting. At precisely 1 o'clock, James Nieholson,E,q., the President of the Democratic Club of Reading, appeared on the stand, accompanied by judge Douglas and Hon. Wm. M. Ileister, Secretary of State, who had been selected to extend the formal welcome of the glorious Democracy of Old Berks to the " Little Giant." The appearance of Judge Douglas was greeted with loud and hearty chkrs. President Nicholson introduced Mr. Heister to the people. Mr, Heister said : Senator Douglas, it be comes my pleasing duty, as the organ of this vast assemblage of your friends, to bid you welcome, a hearty welcome, to the city of Reading and the county of Berks. I greet you, sir, the nominee of the Demo cratic party for President of the United States, and I thank you for the honor you have done us in coming here to-dav, to ena ble the people of Berks county to hear, from yOur own lips, an exposition of the great principle of popular sovereignty, of which you are the ablest advocate and the bravest defender. We believe with you, that in the administration of this Government the inher ent right of the people of a Territory, as well as of a State, to manage their domestic in stitutions in their own way, should be pre served and protected. That policy alone can keep out of the halls of Congress the ex citing and dangerous subject of slavery, give quiet to the country, stability and perma nence to the Union. Sir, the people of Berks coanty have care fully watched your career in Congress, and admired your commanding talents and hero ic courage, always devoted to the support of principles and measures near and dear to the loyal Democracy. Permit me to say, that no act of your pub lic life gave more lively satisfaction to the people of this county, or is held in more grateful reiuembrance than your brilliant and conclusive speech in vindication of the name and fame o ndrew Jackson, in which you became th piece of that highest court of errors u is opinion—in reverting the unjust juk ent under.which he had lain for thirty years. A word more, and I have done. There are individuals elsewhere whose nice sense of, delicacy is offended that you, the candi date for the high and dignified office of Pres ident, should personally engage in the can vass. ram happy to say that no such sickly sentimentality exists here. If your course is unusual and unprecedented, let it be remem bered that the circumstances which sur round you are extraordinary and without a precedent. Pardon me, sir, in saying that if you bad not grappled successfully with this peculiar necessity of this campaign, as you have with every other emergency in your eventful life, you would not be Stephen A. Douglas. [Nina cheers were here given for Douilas:] SPEECH OF JUDGE DOUGLAS Judge Douglas said : Mr. Chairman and fellow-citizens of Old Barks, and you, sir, (addressing Mr. Ileis ter,) will accept my sincere thanks for the kind and complimentary terms in which you ....$1 50 .... 75 2 do. 3 do. $. 37 1 4 $ 50 '75 1 00 1 00 ...... ... 1 50 1 50 ...... ... 2 25 3 months. 6 months. 12 months. ...$1 50 $3 00 $5 00 .... 3 00 5 00 7 00 .... 5 00 8 00 10 00 ... 7 00 10 00 15 00 .... 9 00..........1300 ...20 00 —.12 00 16 00 ....24 00 ...20 00 30 00.... ..... .50 00 2 00 3 00 WILLIAM LEWIS, VOL. XVI. have been pleased to speak of my public ca reer. You have particularly -referred to the first speech I ever made in Congress—a speech in vindication of the old hero, Gen. Jackson, for having saved the city of New Orleans from the hands of the British.— [Cheers.] There is no act of my public life the memory of which I recall with more pride and more satisfaction than my defence of Andrew Jackson against his enemies and the enemies of our country, and I will confess to you, sir, that the most consoling and the must gratifying incident in my whole career was the public acknowledgment of general Jackson himself, at his own house, at the Hermitage, that my speech constituted his defence of his conduct at New Orleans.— [Three cheers.] I wish to God that we had a General Jackson at this day, [renewed cheers,] in order that we might grapple with Northern Abolitionism and Southern Seces sion - and trample them into a common grave. [Great applause.] My object in appearing before the Democ racy of old Berks to-day is for the purpose of comparing notes with you in reference to the true policy which it is the duty of the Democratic party to pursue. The name of Berks county is historical in connection with the Democratic party. In Pennsylvania it occupies the same political relation as the Tenth Legion does in Virginia. I have just returned from a tour through the Tenth Le gion, and there I found the Democracy firm and true to their organization and their prin ciples. [Applause.] I trust that I will find the Democracy of Berks equally firm in their, adherence to the regular organization of the Democratic party. [A voice, " You will." Great enthusiasm, and three cheers for Douglas.] So long as we have principles to defend, it is essential that we should preserve the regular organization by which those principles are to be maintained. Eight years ago I visited the city of Read ing for the first time, to make a speech in defence of the platform, the usages, the or ganization, and the nominee of the Demo cratic party of the United States. Although I have never been here since, I recognize this street, and the end of the market house, as the place where the meeting was held, over which James Buchanan presided, whilst I made a speech in . defence of Democratic prin ciples. [Cheers.] I propose to enter into a vindication of the same principles to-day which I advocated then, and which you ap plauded with so much enthusiasm. At that time• General Pierce was the Democratic can didate for the Presidency. My own humble name, among those of James Buchanan, Lewis Cass, and others, had been presented to the National Convention in• opposition to that of General Pierce, but- the instant that the telegraph announced to me at Washing ton, that Mr. Pierce had received the vote of the majority of the Democratic party in Convention, I immediately telegraphed to Baltimore, declaring that in my opinion he was entitled to the nomination, and I trusted my friends would conform to the wishes of the majority of the Democratic party. [Ap plause.] That despatch from me was read to the Convention before the official result had been recorded and promulgated. Again, at Cincinnati, in 1856, the names of General Pierce, James Buchanan, and myself, were presented to the Convention, and at the very instant of time that Mr, Buchanan received the vote of a majority of the delegates, I sent a despatch by telegraph withdrawinc , my name, and declaring that, a majority of the party havin g voted for James Buchanan, he was entitled to the nomination. (Cheers.) I desire to say to you, my- friends, that my ambition never yet led me so far as to induce me to desire a nomination in opposition to the wishes of a majority of my party. (Three cheers fur Douglai.) When the Democratic party assembled in Convention at Charleston during the present 3-ear, they proceeded first to lay down a plat form of principles. The platform they agreed upon was identical with the one adopted at Cincinnati in 1856, which was affirmed when James Buchanan was elected President and John C. Breckinridge Vice President of the United States. After thus making the plat form, the party proceeded to vote for a can didate for the Presidency, and I received a majority of all the votes cast in the Conven tion, and a majority of the whole number of votes of a full Convention on a large number f successive ballots. (Applause.) I confess that I expected that the other candidates would then feel bound in in honor to treat me as I had treated - them on former occa sions. (Great applause.) Inasmuch as I had given James Buchanan the nomination in 1856, by withdrawing in his favor, under the same circumstances I had a right to be lieve that he would be as generous towards me as I had been towards him, (cheers;) and, inasmuch as my conduct at Cincinnati made John C..Breckinridge Vice President, I had a right to expect that he, as a gentle man, would feel bound to observe that line of conduct towards me that I had voluntarily adopted towards him. (Applause.) If that course had been pursued, there would have been no division in the Democratic party.— (There never should have been, either.)— Whilst there was a large number of candi dates before the Charleston Convention, it so happened that I received more votes than all of them put together on every ballot, and al most two-thirds of the whole number. When the Convention adjourned to Baltimore, and it was ascertained that the majority of the party could not be made to succumb to the minority, the defeated candidates formed a combination to break up the party rather than permit the majority, under the two thirds rule, to govern as in former cases.— [A voice—"Bigler was at the head of the conspiracy. I believe the Democratic organization is es sential to preserve the peace, the propriety, and the unity of this Republic. [Applause.) It is the only historical party now in exis tence in America, and it has achieved all the civil reforms, and all the great measures of progress during the existence of our Govern ment. Look over the map of the United States, and you cannot put your finger on a State or a Territory annexed to this Union .., -, .7:?.., . ... „ N',..i...,:: , .. i . L ...._ .... ~.... .1.••• .. .•- - . •••• • .... '. *: , -. L.' . :',....• . ''.::::?'. . i ' , I e' g 5 since the Revolution that hasnot been acquired by the Democratic party under a Democratic Administration. [Cheers.] Whenever dis union and secession have raised their heads in open rebellion against the Federal Govern ment, it has been a Democratic President, sustained by the Democratic party that has crushed the monster. [Cheers.] Never was there a time when the services of our party, united and compact, have been required more imperiously than at this moment, and now an attempt is being made to distract and di vide it. What is the excuse given by the dis organizers who are fighting the party to which they formerly belonged, with the prospect in view of electing a Republican by a minority vote ? They assert that the platform adopted at Charleston, and reaffirmed at Baltimore, is not a sound national platform. Let me ask your attention to that proposition for an in stant. What is the platform which is thus denounced ? It is no more and no less than the Cincinnati platform, on which Mr. Bu chanan was made President and Mr. Breck inridge Vice President of the United States. [A voice, " They were right then, but are wrong now."] Was not that platform deemed sound by the Democracy four years ago? [A voice " Yes." Another voice, " It's as good now as it was then."] Mr. Buchanan him self declared that it was so sound that there after he was the platform, and had no iden tity separate from it. [A voice, " You're right."] But it may be asserted .that there was a difference of opinion in respect to the meaning of the platform at that time. Well, all we have to do is to turn to Mr. Buchanan's letter of acceptance, and construe it now as he then construed it. I accept the Cincin nati platform without the dotting of an i or the crossing of a t, together withlhe construc tion put upon it by Mr. Buchanan in his let ter of acceptance. [Cheers.] In that letter he said that " the people of a Territory, like those of a State, shall decide for themselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist with in theirlimits." [A voice—"Sounddoctrine."] Yes, my dear friends, it was sound dectrine then, and it is sound doctrine now. [Ap plause.] It is the doctrine on which our fathers fought the battles of the Revolution. What was the point of quarrel between our ancestors and the Tories of Great Britain ? Remember, they did not desire independence at the beginning of that struggle; they only desired the right of local self-government at home, in the Colonies. In every petition to the King, in every address to the Crown and the people of Great Britain, our fathers averred their loyalty to the Throne, their de votion to the British Constitution their affec tion for the people, and their desire to remain forever a part of the British Empire. But they claimed that the people of the British Colonies in America had the sole and exclu sive right to manage and control their own domestic affairs to suit themselves through their Legislature, without the interference of the British Parliament. [Cheers.] This right was distinctly set forth by the first Continen tal Congress that ever assembled, at Phila delphia, in 17.74. The British Government would not acknowledge the right of their col onies in America to control their own institu tions, slavery included, and for that reason the colonies declared their independence as a means of achieving it. [Cheers.] Hence, when Mr. Buchanan, in his letter accepting the nomination of the Cincinnati Convention, declared that " the people of a Territory, like those of a State, shall decide for themselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist with in their limits," lie was only asserting what our fathers asserted and maintained against the Tories of the revolution. The Dem ocratic party of to-day stands where Mr. Bu chanan, Mr. Breckinridge, and the party stood four years ago, saying that Congress has no right to interfere with the local and domestic concerns of the people of the Terri tories. I renew the question : What excuse had Mr. Breckinridge and his friends for their attempt to break up the Charleston and the Baltimore Convention ? [A. voice, "None whatever."] Mr. Breckinridge, three days ago, made a stump speech at Lexington, Kentucky, in which he is represented as stating that the Convention insisted upon a dogma in its plat forth, and demanded the representative of that dogma as the candidate. Since Mr. Breckinridge regards a political dogma incor porated in the Charleston and Baltimore plat form as a sufficient excuse for destroying the party, let us inquire what that dogma is.— The only dogma which the Democratic Na tional Convention demanded was the Cincin nati platform. We did not desire any express recognition or . approval of any peculiar theo ry that I or any other member of the party might favor ; we only asked that the time honored principles, the ancient platform of the party, should be affirmed and maintained by the Democratic organization. On the other hand, Mr. Breckinridge and his friends took the ground that the old creed of the De mocracy, the Cincinnati platform, on which he was elected, contained a dogma hostile to reason and the Constitution. Why did he not tell us in 1856, when he pledged his hon or to sustain that same dogma, that it was hostile to reason and the Constitution ? [Tre mendous applause.] Old Berks county then gave Buchanan and Breckinridge, for Pres ident, between six and seven thousand major ity, on this very dogma which Mr. Breckin ridge now scorns and repudiates. [Voices— " That's true," and cheers.] He now informs you that the man who holds to the principle which he, and you, and I, pledged our joint honor to maintain, four years ago, is no bet ter than an Abolitionist ! [Laughter.] Were you no better than Abolitionists when you voted for Buchanan and Breckinridge? Is not the Democratic platform as sound to-day as it was then ? [Voices—" Yes, indeed ; more so."] And yet the only reason the Breckinridge men give for breaking up the party is that the party would not change its platform. [Laughter and cheers.] They de manded that the principle of non-intervention should be abandoned. They claimed that the doctrine of Congressional protection for slavery in the Territories, when necessary, should be out; and because the Dem ocratic party, by a vote of nearly two to one, rejected their new article of faith, and stood -PERSEVERE.- HUNTINGDON, PA., SEPTEMBER 19, 1860. by the old Jackson creed, they bolted, and tried to break up the party. [Cries of " Jack son, Jackslan."] Now, I ask you, my friends, to bear in mind what took place in this city of Reading in March last, when you appointed your del egates to the Charleston Convention. I. read the Reading platform at that time, and came to the conclusion that the Democracy of Penn sylvania were sound now, as they had been in former days. [Cheers.] In order that I might not be .mistaken I have read again, since• my arrival in this city to-day, the Read ing platform, upon which General Foster was nominated for Governor, and the Pennsylva nia delegation was sent to Charleston and Baltimore and I find that your State Conven tioned affirmed the Cincinnati platform with out dotting an ior crossing at. [Three cheerE.J I am informed that those resolu tions, endorsing and reasserting the Cincin nati platform, were adopted by the unani mous vote of every delegate from every coun ty in the State. You will observe, therefore, that the Charleston Convention simply reaf firmed the same platform which the Democ •racy of Pennsylvania had adopted in this city only a few weeks previous ; and, notwithstan ding this, leading politicians in this State, who represented you at Charleston, there de denounced, and are still denouncing, the very platform which they were selected to repre sent and defend. [Cheers.] Some very sud den change must have come o'er the spirit of their dream. [Laughter and applause.] I stand to-day before the Democracy of Berks county in support and defence of the principles set forth by the Reading Conven tion; so far as the question of slavery is con cerned, which are the time-honored princi ples of the, Democratic party as proclaimed in all its National Conventions. [Cheers.] How, I ask, can a Breckinridge man vote for General Foster on the Reading platform, and object to me on the Charleston platform ? [Three cheers for Douglas.[ General Foster was nominated at Reading on the identical principle that I was nominated upon at Bal more, [cheers,] and he is thus pledged by his nomination to the identical principle to which I am irrevocably committed. How can a man vote for the one without supporting the other, if he professes to be governed by principle ? [Three cheers.] I tritst that every Democrat in Pennsylvania will rally zealously, cordially, and heartily around the banner of Foster and non-intervention, [three tremendous cheers,] and when you shall have done that, how can you refuse to sustain me, on the same plat form ? [Voices—" We can't we are for you all the tinae." &c.] True, Mr. Breckinridge tells you that the National Convention adop ted a dogma contrary to reason and the Con stitution. If what he tells you is the truth, the Reading Convention adopted the same dogma, equally , hostile to reason and the Constitu tion. [Cheers.] lam very free to say to• you that, in my opinion, the national platform and the Pennsylvania State platform are both in harmony with reason and the Constitution. [lmmense applause.] But I find that Mr. Breckinridge has de clared, in his Kentucky stump speech, that I was not nominated according to the usages of the Democratic party. [Voices, "You were.") I suppose Mr. Breckinridge thinks otherwise, or he would not have said so. But he only shows his ignorance of Democratic usages when he makes the declaration. The record shows that, in 1848, General Cass received at Baltimore one hundred and seventy votes, two-thirds of those present, but not two thirds a full Convention, and thereupon the president of the Convention proceeded to declare him the regular nominee of the Dem ocratic party. The record proves that, in the Baltimore Convention of this year, I received one hundred and eighty-one and a half votes, more than two-thirds of all those present, but less than twothirds of a full Convention.— Hence I was nominated precisely as General Cass was nominated, according to the known usages of the party. But I suppose Mr. Breckinridge will elXcuse himself for not re garding the nomination of . Cass as regular upon the ground that, at that time, he did not belong to the Democratic' party, [shouts of laughter and applause,] and was not bound by its usages. You all remember that, in 1847, Major Breckinrido went into a meeting atLexington, Kentucky, and there denounced the Democratic party as a corrupt faction, and declared in favor of General Taylor for the Presidency ; and no doubt his apology for not being bound by the regularity of the nomination of Cass is, that he did not belong to the party at the time he was nominated, and further, that he went hunting on election day and did not vote. [Uproarious laughter.] But, my friends, while Major Breckinridge, in his Kentucky stump speech, confesses that he was in favor of Taylor in 1847, and went hunting in 1848 so that he could not vote fn. Cass, asserts that he made speeches fur Cass because the old veteran then represented his (Breckinridge's) principles. Now, all you have to do, in order to discover what Mr. Breckinridge's principles then were, is to in quire what General Cass was in favor of. [A voice—" The Nicholson letter."] Yes, my friend, you have hit it exactly. [Laughter, and three cheers.] You have saved me the trouble of telling it. Gen. Cass had just written the Nicholson letter, in which heas serted that Congress had no power to inter fere with the slavery question in the Territo ries. Mr. Breckinridge says that he made a speech for Cass, although he had up to that time been for Taylor, when he found that Cass advocated his principles. Thus it ap pears that in 1848 Mr. Breckinridge was for Cass and , the Nicholsen letter. [Laughter and cheers.] And I, too, was for Cass and the Nicholsen letter. [Cries of "good," and applause.] So we were together in 1848. [Laughter.] Again, in 1852, Mr. Pierce was nominated at Baltimore, on the platform of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the Territories. As I before remarked, I came to Reading that year, and made a speech for Pierce and non-intervention from yonder market house, James Buchanan presiding over the meeting. [Voices, "That's so."]— And I appeal to every old citizen here pres ent to bear testimony whether or not I did not advocate then the same principles I do to day. [Cries of "Yes," three cheers for Douglas and great enthusiasm.] Pennsylvania sustained Mr. Pierce by he electoral vote on the doc trine of non-intervention. Again, in 1856, the party assembled in convention, at Cincin nati, reasserted the doctrine of non-interfer ence by Congress with slavery in the Terri tories, and Buchanan and Breckinridge were elected President and Vice-President on that platform. I stand to-day by that identical principle. The Convention which nominated me reaffirmed the same platform on which Buchanan and Breckinridge were elected in 1856 and yet you are now told that I am not sound, because I stand where they then stood, on the platform which Mr. Breckinridge de clares, after his election is "contrary to reason and the Constitution." Mr. Breckinridge now regards the Cincinnati platform, and the dogma of popular sovereignty incorporated in, it as so great an evil, that it is better to break up the party, destroy its organization, and elect Lincoln by a minority vote, rather than allow the regular nominee of the party to be elected on it. No man doubts but what I would easily have beaten Lincoln if Breckinridge and his friends bad not bolted at Baltimore. They all acknowledge that I would have been elec ted if they had not bolted, and therefore they thought it their duty to prevent my election in that way,securing the election of Lincoln. They certainly did not expect that the choice of less than one-third of a party, bolting a nomination and repudiating the old platform, could be elected himself. All they hoped for was through Executive patronage and Fede ral power to take off enough Democrats from the regular organization to enable Lincoln to be elected, and this they now prefer rather than see the nominee successful on its time honored principles. And now, you Pennsylvanians, you true and loyal Democrats of old Berks, you men who never bolted in your whole lives, are called upon to sustain the bolter I [Cries of "They'll see how we do it," and laughter.] I have only to say to you that I never bolted a regu lar Democratic ticket in my life. [Three. cheers for Douglas, followed 17)y three more of the same sort.] I never failed to vote the regular Democratic ticket, and I never went hunting on the day of a Presidential election. [Uproarious laughter and cheers.] Hence, if bolting against the regular organ= ization constitutes a claim to Democratic sup port, I am entitled to no credit en that score. [Applause.] But let me ask you, fellow-Dem ocrats, what is to be the consequence if you sustain this scheme of secession and bolting. How will it work ? Suppose you call a con vention to nominate a Governor, and two can didates present themselves, one receives two thirds of all the votes cast and is nominated, and then the other bolts and proposes a com promise by way of fusion. [Laughter and applause.] Or suppose you call a Congres sional Convention in old Berks county to nom inate a candidate for Congress, and of the as pirants the regular Democrat, who never bol ted in his life, gets two-thirds of all the votes cast, and the equivocal Democrat, who goes hunting on election day, [,laughter,] gets the remaining one-third of the votes, all the mi nority man has to do is to bolt, run against the regular organization, and demand a com promise and a fusion. When yon come to nominate candidates for the Legislature the same thing will occur. There will be a ma jority in favor of certain men, and a minori ty in favor of other men, and the minority will bolt and refuse to support the ticket, un less you combine with them and form a fu sion by way of compromise. I ask you what kind of Democratic organization, what kind of Democratic unity and strength, which at taches to fidelity to principle, you will have if you sanction this principle - of bolting and secession ? Why it seems that in order to be a true Breckinridge man you must vote against regular nominations every time or else you must go hunting on election day.— (Great laughter.) Now, my friends, I desire you calmly to reflect on these considerations. I believe that the old Democratic party, according to its old organization and its old platform of princi ples, is essential to the peace, the security, and the stability of this Government, and I am making this appeal to you to-day; not as a candidate for the PreSidency, but as a Dem ocrat who never faltered, and never wavered, and never cheated his party. (Three tre mendous cheers.) I am told that it is very imprudent for me thus to speak without pre paration, under the impulse of excitement, to large crowds ; that I might say something which could be perverted to my injury, just as if a man, by uttering honest sentiments, prompted by - honest impulses, would drive votes from among his supporters. (Applause) I hold no opinion which I am not prepared to avow boldly in all portions of this country alike. I have just returned from Virginia, North Carolina, and Maryland, and there I lrave explained to the people the same viows I have submitted to you to-day. I wish to see the Democratic party preserved, and the great Democratic principles of non-interven tion by Congress with slavery in the Territo ries maintained inviolate. I believe that our prosperity depends upon maintaining that principle. (Applause.) You now find this country divided into two sectional parties—one appealing to the pas sions and prejudices of the North to prohibit slavery wherever the people desire to have it, and the other demanding that the Federal Government shall pass laws to maintain and protect slavery , wherever the people do not want it. The Northern Republicans or Abo litionists do not propose that Congress shall prohibit slavery anywhere except where the people want it, for they say truly that wher ever the people do not want it they will pro hibit it themselves, and hence it is not neces sary for Congress to do so. On the other hand, the Breckinridge Secessionists tell you they are in favor of Congressional interven tion only when it is necessary. When it is necessary for Congress to intervene according to their theory ? Certainly not when the peo ple are in favor of slavery, for the reason that in every such case the people themselves will pass laws to protect it, the same as they have done in New 'Mexico. They tell you it is neces sary for Congress to interfere and maintain Editor and. Proprietor. NO. 13. Slavery wherever the people .do not want it (Laughter.) This Breckinridge party, there.. fore, is pledged to use thepower of the Fede ral Government to force the existence of sla -1 very Wherever the people ,are apposed to it ! I tell you, my friends, that Congress shall iaevei prohibit slavery 'Where the people want it if I can prevent it, (cheers,) and on the other hand, that Congress shall never force slavery on a people who de not want it if I can prevent it. (Cheers.) lam equally hos tile to the Northern Abolition doctrine and the Southern Secession doctrine. (Applause) I am in favor of the good old Democratic principle of non-intervention by Congress with : slavery in the Territories. If the pep-, pie want slavery they have a !eight to . it; if they do not want it no power on eart Shall be permitted to -force it on them. (Cries of "That's right," and cheers.) If you acknowl edge the propriety either of the ,Abolition doe; trine; or of this Secession doctrine; you are then boUnd to have the whole time of Con:- gress occupied with the discusSion of the sla very question. Who can deny that for the last four or five years CongresS has Utterly failed to perform the duties for which it was created. Any of you who feel an interest in any great meas.; ure of legislation may : inquire of your Sena tors and your Representatives, when they re= turn home, what become of your bill, and they will tell you that:it was lost for the want of time ; and when you ask them why it was that CongresS had not time to attend to that measure, they are bound to toll you that the slavery question occupied the whole session; and so there was no tittle left for other busi ness. Take the question of revenue as an il lustration. For the last fotir or five years the expenditures of this Govermtbrit over ged about $2O 000 000 a year over and above the income. Whenever a proposition haS been brought into Congress to increase the tariff up to the grade of expenditure, or to re duce the expenditure down to the rate of the: revenue, you find the slavery question he comes the point of discussion, and the bill is lost at the end of the session for want of time. The consequence has been that,just as theses sion is about expiring Congress has been corn pelted to pass a law borrowing . twenty lion of dollars more money, - or issuing twen ty millions more of treasury notes to make up the deficiency in the Treasury. NoW, let me ask the people of Pennsylvania if they expect to ever get the question of the tariff revised and reconsidered, unless they first drive this slavery question out of Congress. Every in terest you have connected with the revenue and with the tariff is sacrificed by this eter nal agitation of the negro question. I undertake to say that no Statesman cae defend for a single moment, tho policy of spending twenty millions of dollars a year over and above the income. Yon must do one of two things. You must either in crease the revenue or diminish the expendi tures. The Democratic creed on this supjeot I understand to be this: that we must main tain a tariff which will raise revenue enough to defray the expenditures of the Goverment, economically administered, and in that man ner we must furnish all the protection to American industry that a revenue tariff will afford. (Loud and long-continued applause.) Now, we do not raise revenue enough to pay our expenses and keep clown the public debt. We must stop the increase of that debt, we must pay the interest on it, we must extin guish the principle, and we must keep the expenses of the Government within our rev enue. (Cries of " That's right !" and ap: clause.) But we Will never have an oppor tunity to do this as long as this slavery ques tion occupies the whole time of Congress.— You may take another question for the pur pose Of illustration. There is the Pacific Railroad Measure. Ever since,we acquired California the whole people of America have had their eyes turned to the constuction of a' Pacific railroad. Nearly every Legislature in the Union has instructed in favor of the measure, and whenever CongreSs assembles, four-fifths of the Members declare themselves in favor of the road. At the last Presiden-: tial ,election, we had three candidates in the field, each pledged to the Pacific Railroad; not only by their indiVidn'al pledges; but by the resolutions and platforms of their panties. You remember Mr. Buchanan's letter to Cal: ifornia in behalf of it. You remember Mr. Fre mont's letteiin its favor,. and tilo that of Mr. Fillmore, adiocating the game measure. It was then gupposeet tlu no matter who might be elected President, the Pacific Railroad would certainly be built. Many au iron mart took it for granted, in Pennsylvania, that in carrying on his business he might calculate on that great work, and Many a farmer it the Northwest made his arrangements in ref erence to it. Four years have elapsed, and where is your Pacific Railroad ? It has been introduced into Congress each session, but the moment it came up some man made a speech in favor of protecting slavery in the Territories, (laughter,) and another man got Up and made a speech in favor of protecting slaVery in the Territories; and thus, between: the_Northern Abolitionists and the Southern Secessionists, the whole session of Congress was exhausted,- and the railroad was lost for want of time. (Laughter and applause.)' When your Representative returns home, and you ask him why the' Pacific Railroad bill was not passed, he will tell you, " I was for it, and the majority of my party was for it.— It was only lost for want of time, and we will' surely pass it next session." The next ses. sion the same thing occurs again, and so it goes on year after year, the negro occupying the whole attention of Congress and the white man having no show whatever. I think it id time that we should banish the negro from the halls of Congress, refer the slavery ques- - tion to the people, to decide as they please"; and then give our attention to the Material interests of the white man, for which this Government was made: I hold this Gov ernment was made by white men, for the benefit of white men, to be administered by white men forever; and wherever we have the misfortune to have negroes among us; each State and each Territory must provide for its own negroes. The people of other States have consciences as well as you in Pennsylvania and we in Illinois. Let them provide for their negroes according to their' own consciences and be responsible to God and posterity. You manage your own affairs to suit yourselves, take care of your own ne-* gross, mind your own businem and let your' ncighbers alone. (Applause.) If every State and every Territory will act on that principle there will be peace and harmony between the -- North and the South, the East and the "West, and every portion of this Confederacy. There are principles, in my opinion', to which the Democratic party is pledged: I have no hope of maintaining the the peace of this country except by a firm adhe rence to these great Democratic principles.— How, then, shall we maintain those princi ples ? Only by adhering firmly to regular nominations, and putting down all seceders' and bolters. (Great enthusiasm.) Whenev er you make terms and compromises with' bolters, yell bold out a bounty for every faith.: (Concluded on ,fourth, page.) II
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers