THE ITUNTINGDON GLOBE, A DEMOCRATIC FAMILY JOURNAL, DEVOTED TO LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWS, &C.
TH ti', GLOB
lETETITII - DOM P§l,,
Wednesday, April 18, 1860
LANDS ! BLANKS I BLANKS !
U. STABLE'S SALES, ATTACIPT EXECUTIONS,
ATTACHMENTS, EXECUTIONS,
SUMMONS, DEEDS,
SUBPOENAS, MORTGAGES,
SCHOOL ORDERS, JUDGMENT NOTES,
LEASES FOR HOUSES, NATURALIZATION D'KS,
COMMON BONDS, JUDG:VIENT BONDS,
WARRANTS, FEE DI LLS,
NOTES, with a waiver of the $3OO Law.
JUDGMENT NOTES, with a waiver of the $3OO Law.
ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT, with Teachers.
MARRIAGE CERTIFICATES, for Justices of the Peace
and Ministers of the Gospel.
COMPLAINT, WARRANT, and COMMITMENT, in case
of Assault and Battery, and Affray.
SCIERE FACTAS, to recover amount of Judgment.
COLLECTORS' RECEIPTS, for State, County, School,
Borough and Township Taxes.
Printed on superior paper. and for sale at the Office of
the HUNTINGDON GLOBE.
BLANKS, of every description, printed to order, neatly,
at short notice, and on good Paper.
FOR PRESIDENT,
Si - gilYl A. DLGLAS,
[Subject to tile decision of the Charleston Convention.]
DEMOCRATIC STATE NOMINATION.
FOR GOVERNOR,
i-liiNlY D .i',:STER,
OF WESTMORELAND.
New Advertisements.
A Card, by Dr. Hays.
Sheriff's Sale, by John C. "Matson.
,(Ci- Notice to Assessors, by R. C. McGill.
.o.;',..;New Boot and Shoe Store, by Geo. Schaefer.
.v.„Z- R. F. Ifashat offers to lease the Keystone Hotel.
Dissolution of Partnership, by Fislwr W McMurtrie.
• •Y'' D. P. Gwin, Fisher .5: Son, and G. Ashman Miller,
ask the attention of our readers to their new advertise
ments in to-day's afar,.
The Charleston Convention
On Monday next there will be a gathering
of the Representatives of the Democracy of
the several States of the Union, at Charleston,
and that able and fearless organ of sound De
mocracy, the Harrisburg State Sentinel, truly
remarks that in their hands will rest the weal
or woe of the party ; and the question now, in
every Democrat's mouth, is, " What will they
do ?" It is a question full of interest to every
one who desires the success of the party, the
election of a Democratic President, and the
defeat, forever, of those sectional factions,
North and South, that have for many years
frt. ..ted the nation and brought the Union to
the verge of dissolution. This end can only
be accomplished by a strict adherence, in the
adoption of a platform, to the plain terms of
the Constitution, and by the nomination of a
man who understands and will be governed,
in all his acts, by that Constitution. Now
have we such a man? In our judgment, the
Democracy have satisfactorily answered this
question in their nominations of delegates to
represent them at Charleston. The masses of
the party, who are always true to the Constitu
tion and the Union, have designated Stephen A.
Douglas, Senator from Illinois, as the man; and
the delegates, if wise, will pay some heed to the
designation. In the free States he is all-pow
erful, and in the South, except with a class
of brawling politicians who are known to be
in favor of a dissolution of the Union, he is
as acceptable as any other - man who could
be nominated. The fact is, the issue between
Union and Disunion—between Constitutional
and Unconstitutional Government—has been
made, and must be met. Involved in this issue is
the destiny of the country, and, of course, of the
Democratic party. We of Pennsylvania have
much at stake. We have our State to reclaim—
which we can do if the voice of the people is re
garded, and Douglas given to us as the candi
date with a truly constitutional and popular
platform to stand on. This is a time for plain,
honest talk ; and no set of men understand
this better than the delegates from Pennsyl
vania. The spirit and action of the late State
Convention taught them that, and, in our
humble judgment, every honest man in that
delegation will concede that what we say is
true. Public sentiment having emphatically
pointed to the man for the occasion, why
should cliques and factions conspire to defeat
his nomination if, as they profess, they are
Democrats and in favor of Democratic suc
cess? Look at the man for whose nomina
tion the people have asked, and whose cause
we venture to plead before the Pennsylvania
delegation ! A statesman without reproach
—a Democrat without guile—bold, able, ex
perienced, and determined ; neither to be se
duced by flattery nor terrified by power !
There is not his equal among other aspirants
as a man for the times, there is not his equal
in the nation. The man who carved out and
boldly expressed the idea of an " OCEAN
BOUND REPUBLIC," is the man for the crisis
which is now upon us. Some milk-and-water
delegates, we understand, say they are wil
ling to go for Douglas, if, after consultation,
they find the Southern delegates willing to
take him. This is dastardly. They should
look to the home sentiment—the Northern
sentiment-:-for without a portion of the North
the United Southern vote can not elect a Pres
ident—and without a sound and popular
Democratic candidate and platform no North
ern State can be carried. Besides, we know,
before we go to Charleston, that the Union,
Conservative Democracy of that region are
not only willing to accept Douglas, but pre
fer him. It is only the extreme pro-slavery,
disunion men of the South who are the bitter
opponents of Douglas, and any union of the
Northern Democracy with those men would
be ruinous to the party in the free States.—
If we accept their candidate we must accept
their sentiments, and who among us is fool
enough to say or believe that their sentiments I
could be sustained in any of the free States.
It is folly to think of such a thing ; and when
we know, absolutely KNOW that Douglas, if
nominated, will carry every Southern State,
and that his name alone can redeem Pennsyl
vania, Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, - and lowa
from the thraldom of Republicanism, the
man must be blind, treacherous, or mad, who
will enter into any scheme or combination
whatever, to defeat his nomination.
Douglas in Alabama
The Decatur (Alabama) Times of the 7th
inst., says: We have been calmly watching
the brewing storm of the approaching Presi
dential election, but not without manifesting
the deepest interest therein. The names of
many of the most distinguished statesmen in
the Union will come before the Democratic
Convention to be held at Charleston on the
23d . inst., among whom we may mention Hun
ter of Virginia, Dickinson of New York, Lane
of Oregon, and Douglas of Illinois—either of
these gentlemen would fill the Presidential
chair with credit to themselves and honor to
the country.
The two great contending parties are the
Democratic and Republican, and the question
here arises, who is the most available man,
and who would most likely be able to defeat
the Republicans ?
Hunter and Dickinson stand foremost in the
ranks of political preferment; their moral
and intellectual capacities, under ordinary
circumstances, would fill the President's chair
with distinguished honor to the nation. Gen.
Lane is a warrior and statesman of distinc
tion, and would not detract from his country
by receiving the highest office it could bestow
upon him. In Mexican and Indian warfare
he has had few superiors, and but few have
left the battle field with higher honors than
are perched upon the brow of Gen. Joe Lane.
But there is anoiher war of a more formida
ble character ripening into existence, than all
the Mexican and Indian wars that have ever
befallen our country. We mean the political
war which has to he carried on during the
approaching summer by the Democratic and
Republican parties.
The question now arises, who is to com
mand the Democratic army against this for
midable foe? In our opinion, neither Hun
ter, Dickinson, nor Lane is the man to wage
this great war to a successful termination.--
Who then? Stephen A. Douglas ! He brave
ly fought and conquered the Black Republi
cans last summer in Illinois—that party cow
er and tremble at his very name; they know
and have felt his power. Seward will cer
tainly be the candidate of the Black Repub
licans, and he would rather have any man in
the Union for an opponent than Douglas ; he
hates and fears him.
We place the name of no man at the head
of our columns as a candidate for President,
but will patiently wait the result of the con
ventional proceedings, and if the nominee be
at all
_acceptable, we will support him. Yet
we have our forebodings that if Douglas be
rejected in that body, the Presidential chair
will be gratuitously bestowed upon the Black
Republicans.
DEMOCRATIC VICTORY IN ITARRISBURG.-The
first election under the new city charter, came
off on Friday last for Mayor, Councilmen,
Aldermen, and other officers. Wm. 11. Kep
ner, the Democratic candidate for Mayor, NV as
elected by 132 majority over Col. F. R. Boas,
the People's candidate.
GODEY'S LADIES' BOOK for May is a
magnificent number. The fashion plates
alone are worth more to the ladies than the
price of the book. Any of our subscribers
can have the book for $2 a year in advance.
Back numbers can be secured.
KANSAS.—The bill for the admission of
Kansas into the Union as a State, has passed
the House by a large majority. It is doubt
ful whether it will pass the Senate.
CORRESPONDENCE OP TUE GLOBE.
BUTLERVILLE, IND., April 10, 1-860.
Ma. LEWIS :—On the 7th inst., I took a
stroll down into Jackson county, about thirty
miles west from here, by way of the 0. P. M.
R. R. Arriving at Brownstown station, I
learnt that a Democratic Convention was go
ing on at Brownstown, the county seat of
Jackson, one mile from the station. Two
years ago there was a bolting from the ranks,
but at this Convention, which was the largest
ever held in the county, there seemed to be
perfect harmony, and this fall, no matter who
the standard bearer is, so h,e is a Democrat,
old Jackson will root up one of her old fash
ioned majorities. We expect to carry our
State ticket by a handsome majority; and in
November give the vote of the State fur the
nominee of the Charleston Convention, be
that who he may, and we hope that the old
Keystone State will do likewise.
The crops of wheat looks well, and yogi
tation is coming on finely ; warm and
pleasant, with gentle showers—everything
seems prosperous fur the farmer.
Our Hoosier country is improving fast, and
we think for every purpose, our country is
bard to beat. We have one of the best Rail
roads in the West, passing centrally through
our county, and uniting two great cities,
namely: Cincinnati, Ohio, and St. Louis,
Missouri. We have some as good land as is
in any county, plenty of the best lime stone,
timber plenty, and excellent water, good
health and a pleasant climate, land cheap,
and plenty room for improvements.
Now, right here, I have just thought of the
_Hill street girls of your place, what a glori
chance out in Hoosierdom for them to select
partners ; they should think the matter over
seriously, and then emigrate. We have no
Emigrant Aid Society in our place, but if
they would come out West, the young men
would form themselves into a Committee of
the Whole, and proper quarters would soon
be found for all.
Yours, in great haste,
Hoes=
NORTE' HENDERSON, WARREN CO. ILL., 1
April 9th, 1860.
DEAR GLOBE :—As you were so kind as to
publish my first communication, I will write
again. This Spring has been unusually ear
ly, and the farmers all got their wheat sowed
in March. Many of them the second week,
and now it is up and looking quite green, and
as it has been raining last night and to-day,
this will start it on nicely.: Grass is getting
green, so the cattle can nearly support them
selves on the bottoms. There has been very
dry weather for several weeks, till the streams
are very low, and the Mississippi river is so
low that the boats will 'not ship any grain
now, except at exhorbitant prices. The
weather has been beautiful for several weeks
and pretty warm. How it may be after this
rain I cannot tell. There seems to be a great
amount of corn in this and neighboring. .
coun
ties, and prices are rather low. Corn brings
about 30 cents at Monmouth, and there it is
shipped to Chicago on the Burlington, Quin
cy and Chicago Railroad, and east wheat is
about one dollar a bushel, or perhaps a little
more, but is principally all marketed. Court
has been in session for three weeks past in
Warren county. Ido not know what result,
as papers have not arrived with the proceed
ings in, except that one man was sent three
years to the penitentiary for helping himself
to some bacon, which, it appears, did not be
long to him.
Times are a little better this Spring, than
for two years back, but still have room for
improvement. If this kind of weather con
tinues, our farmers will plant corn in less
than two weeks, as several have been plow
ing considerably already. Wages here per
month on a farm, ranges from $l4 to sl9
rather better than last year and year before.
Our prairies are nearly all under cultivation
now, so that a breaking team, with about six
yoke of oxen in it and a plow six times the
size of a common one, is a rare sight here
now. Four years ago, there was dozens of
them all around here. I must close. Poli
tics aro some talk now. Illinois Democracy
is all over Douglas. The Republicans elec
ted their Mayor in Monmouth and in Chicago.
Yours, F. T. P.
The Charleston Convention and Judge
Douglas.
As the Democratic party in nearly all the
States has now elected its delegates to the
Charleston Convention, and expressed its
preference fur candidates and platforms, we
know all we shall know on the subject until
the meeting of the Convention takes place.—•
But what it will do is a question asked by
everybody. We will not venture to answer
this question, but will state some things
which we think it will not do, and some it
ought to do if it desires success.
It will not change the position the party oc
cupied in 1856 in regard to the slavery ques
tion in the Territories ; but leave it to the bona
jide residents of the Territories to settle it their
own way. They will not drag it again into
the Congress of the United States, from which
it has been properly expelled. The Demo
cratic party, in every non-slaveholding State,
through its Conventions, has asserted this doc
trine, and any other can never be adopted by
a National Convention. If any other doc
trine is adopted, the party will be utterly and
deservedly defeated.
Intervention by Congress, for or ngaiitt
slavery, adverse to the clearly expressed will
of the people of a legally organized Territo
ry, is an "obsolete idea," and no party, with
common sense, will ever revive it—certainly
not the Democratic party.
It has not been the practice of the Demo-
cratic party heretofore to take its creed from
the opinions, acts, or dictates of any branch
of the Government—executive, legislative,
or judicial—but, on the contrary, it has re
quired all the members of the Government,
elected directly or indirectly through its in
strumentality, to be controlled by its opinions
or dictates, when fully expressed. It has al
ways been the master of its servants—not
their servant—and when it does become but
the mere creature of official influences and
the register of official decrees, the curse of
Canaan will surely rest upon it, and " a ser
vant of servants shall it be unto its brethren."
It is the duty of every citizen to yield obedi
ence to the Constitution and laws of his coun
try, and to the legitimate acts of those whose
duty it is to make, expound or execute them ;
but there is also a duty resting upon him pre
cedent to obedience, and that is to elect suit
able persons to make constitutions and laws,
and expound and administer them, and di
rect them in the way they are to perform
their duties. This is the object of conven
tions.
If the Convention, therefore, leaves this
the only vexed question at issue inside the
party, where it stood in 1856, and where all
the non-slaveholding States require it to be
left, the question comes up, who is the strong
est candidate of the party to run upon such
a platform? Who has been the first, last,
stongest, and most prominent candidate in
its advocacy and establishment? Every one
will say Stephen A. Douglas. Then, why
should not he be the candidate to stand upon
the platform ,he has contributed so much to
build ?
Has he not in all things been true to the
great principles and usages of the party, and
for many years its acknowledged and most
able defender in the Senate of the United
States, and everywhere else? Why, then,
we ask, should he be postponed for any less
conspicuous, less consistent, less able, less
known advocate of the party and its princi
ples and platform ? or for any one who
re
fuses to acknowledge this platform of the
party as the rule of his action ? Should any
one of this character be selected, the whole
country would believe the platform a lie, a
lure, a blind, made but to deceive and be vi
olated; and both it and its candidate would
be spit upon by the people, and rejected with
scorn. No! this time, at least, the platform
must be consistent with the candidate, and
the candidate with the platform, or both will
go down together. This is a foregone con
clusion, and a just one.
If, therefore, the platform of Judge Doug
la,3 shall be established at Charleston, every
body who wishes the party success will say
he, and he alone, should be the the candidate
to stand upon it. But it is said the South
will not have him—will secede—will not vote
for him if nominated, &c., &e.
If this be true, will they not be equally as
much opposed to his principles, though sus
tained by another ? Or is it against Judge
Douglas, and not the principles ho sustains,
they are opposed. Will they support a plat
form of his principles any the more if he
shall be first immolated upon it. Is it his
blood alone they thirst for, that will alone
reconcile them to his platform ? We think
not. We are sure, quite sure—that if his
" Popular-Sovereignty" doctrines are to be
recognised by the Charleston Convention,
there is no man in the country the South
would rather have for a candidate, or for a
President. He has ever been the true, stead
fast, unflinching friend of the South—aye,
when they had fewer friends north of Mason
and Dixon's line than they now have ; nor
have they a more sincere friend now in all
this broad land, nor one who would better
protect their rights, as President, than he ;
and they know it, however much some of
them may differ with him about the rights of
the people of the Territories. We say, then,
that if the Charleston Convention shall adopt
the Douglas platform, the South will be among
the foremost to make Mr. Douglas the candi
date upon it. And will the Democracy of
any non-slaveholding State refuse to support
him?
We are told it would be dangerous to nom
inate him in consequence of his opposition to
the present Administration I We never heard
of his opposition to any measure of the Ad
ministration but that in relation to Kansas
and the rights of the people of the Territo
ries; in all things else, we believe, he has
ably sustained the Administration, in the
Senate and out of it. Does any man for a
moment believe, or will any friend of the Ad
ministration say, that for this, should he be
nominated by the National Convention, they
would refuse to vote for him ? We do not
believe it of any friend of the Administration
—they at least claim to be truer Democrats
than this. But should there be, here and
there, one who holds his Democracy so loose
ly as to vote against him, there are thousands
and tens of thousands in every non-slave
holding State wbo hold their oppositon to the
Democratic party loosely, who would for this
very reason vote for him.
We think we know something of the popu
lar feeling—something of the popular heart
—in the non-slaveholding States, and we
aver that no man, not even Gen. Jackson in
the days of his greatest political glory, ever
had a stronger hold upon them than Stephen
A. Douglas has just now. It is not because
he is in apparent opposition to any particu
lar object of the South, but because he has
ever been its true friend, and will maintain,
as President, all its rights—as he will also
the rights of all the people of the United
States, not even excepting the " outside bar
barians" the hardy pioneer settlers of the
Territories—and, above all, because he will,
like old Jackson, ask nothing that is not
clearly right, and submit to nothing that is
clearly wrong, and take care that the Union
must and shall be preserved, as well against
domestic as foreign foes.
We advocate his nomination, therefore, as
best for the North, South, East, West, and
the Union as a whole. His election may not
be agreeable for these reasons to the dis
unionists of the North or South, but for them
we do not write this article.
And now, how does Judge Douglas stand
in relation to the nomination? All the
States of the North-west have instructed for
him and his platform, to begin with—a dis
trict of country, by the way, that contains
more Democratic voters than all the South
ern States together. Then all the rest of the
non-slaveholding States have instructed for
his platform, and appointed a large number
of delegates, no doubt a majority of them,
favorable to him as their candidate. If the
delegates were to be chosen at this time in
the districts which have not declared for
him, they would, in all probability, be as
unanimous in his support as the North-west.
And how does he stand in the Southern
States ? It is known that a number of the
delegates from Maryland, Virginia, Ken
tucky, Tennessee, and North Carolina, and
probably Arkansas and Missouri, and some
farther South, are favorable to him as their
first or second choice—and in all the South
ern States, a number of the oldest and sound
est Democratic newspapers and leading po
litical men advocate his nomination. Who,
of all the candidates named, or hinted at,
stands in any similar situation ? No other
candidate has more than a single State in
structed for his support. In the National
Conventions that have heretefore assembled,
there have always been two or three promi
nent candidates, almost equally strong, and
strongly antagonizing each other. To recon
cile their personal feuds, these strong candi
dates have been laid aside for a new man.—
But no such case now presents itself. There
is now no strong antagonism of candidates.—
The antagonism is of principles. There is,
in fact, hut one prominent candidate of the
party, and he is Judge Douglas. His nomi
nation would, without the shadow of a doubt,
restore the Democratic party of the North
and West to its former power. Indeed, there
is good reason to believe that, as in the elec
tion of General Pierce, he would carry every
non-slaveholding State but Massachusetts and
Vermont, and shake these severely. And, if
nominated by the National Convention,
though opposed by the fire-eating disunionists
of the South afterwards, he would carry ev
ery Southern State but South Carolina, and
shake that severely also.
The appeal in 1860 is not to be made to
the shrivelled Democratic party of 1858 or
'59. To get it all would fall far short of elec
ting a President. Nor will it do to appeal to
the Democratic party of 1856--that might
not be able to elect a President. Mr. Buchan
an's vote would have fallen short of an elec
tion, as against a united Opposition. The
appeal, then, of 1860 must go beyond and
above those of 1856 or since, back to that of
1852, when the Democratic party carried all
the States of the Union, North and South,
but four—two North and two South. The
appeal must be made to the real, unsuspec
ting, and confiding Union, conservative, non
intervention-with-slavery feeling, that was then
made, North and South, upon the then fresh
ly-adopted Compromise measures, when the
" fire-eaters" of the South, and the " aboli
tionists" of the North, were so signally de
feated. The Democratic party, to be success
ful in 1860, must satisfy all who voted for
General Pierce that it has returned honestly
to the Compromise measures, not only by its
platform, but by the man whom it places upon it
as its expounder. It came very near losing
the election of Mr. Buchanan, in 1856, through
the SUSPICION that he did not stand square on
the platform, and would not prove its just ex
pounder. If the party came so near defeat
with a suspected candidate, what will be the
result now, when suspicions have proved re
alities, if they shall be justified by the party,
either by its platform or its candidate, may
be easily predicted. The people—the great
body of the voters of the Union—have em
phatically condemned the construction put
upon the Compromise measures of Mr. Bu
chanan and the South—it is useless, therefore,
to appeal to them again to sustain them.—
They must be ignored in 1860, and the party
made to stand where it did stand in 1852, and
professed to stand in 1856, and then the suc
cess of 1852 will attend it.
The appeal is not to be made to the mere
Democratic party men who go with it right or
wrong, but to those independent men outside
of its organization who will only be induced
to unite with it by a really just, conservative,
Union, platform and candidate. To ask or
expect this large crowd of outsiders to vote
for any other will prove a vain and idle hope
and expectation.
Should, however, the malignant opposition
of the present administration and its para
sites and the mad schemes of the fire-eaters
of the South, succeed in frightening the Con
vention from its propriety, and induce it to
disappoint the just expectation of the great
majority of the party and the country, by
striking down their favorite, we have no hesi
tation in saying, that nothing but the greater
folly or madness of their opponents will save
the Democratic party from defeat in every
Northern State in the Uuion.
We have predicated the foregoing remarks
upon the belief that the Charleston Conven
tion will uphold the platform of 1856 in rela
tion to the right of the people of the Territo
ries to decide the question of slavery for them
selves, at all times after they are legally organ
ized as a Territory, subject only to the Con
stitution of the United States and its es
tablished interpretations, and that without
any intervention of Congress for or against
it. Should, however, we be mistaken in this
belief, and the Convention shall in any man
ner, change it on this subject, orweaken its
, force by assuming or following any decision
of the Supreme Court adverse to it, or palter
with it in any double sense, we are quite sure
Judge DOUGLAS would not and could not be
its candidate. This is also a foregone conclu
sion. And if he aim to accept a nomination
on any such doubtful or contradictory plat
form, he could not be elected, All his great
popularity with the masses would not save him.
In such a case the Convention, if it would
save the Democratic party from everlasting
disgrace, could only nominate a candidate
whose known antecedents we're in accordance
with those of the platform they may make.—
If Congressional legislation on the subject of
slavery in the Territories is again to be in
voked, in any case, for or against it, let the
issue be fairly made—and as we said in the
case of Judge Douglas, let the candidate cho
sen be consistent with the platform, and the
platform consistent with 'the candidate. On
this point we think the North and the South
...Should agree. This course, and this alone,
will settle the question. Any other would
but leave it open for further discord, and
would most effectually insure defeat. The
party should take its stand boldly, and make
its platform clear, and select its candidates
squarely upon it, so there may be no - more
Southern and Northern readings and misun
derstandings, and then throw its banners to
the breeze, in letters of living light, that all
who run may read and understand.
Bonaparte is reported to have said there is
but one step between the sublime and the ri
diculous. And his minister, Talleyrand, is also
the reputed author of the remark that a blun
der is sometimes worse than a crime. We
hope the Charleston Convention will not take
a step towards the ridiculous, nor make a blun
der. Forewarned, forearmed I—The Press.
Another Douglas Convert.
Forcible and elegant Letter from Hon. W. H.
Dimmick, one of the four Democratic Rep
resentatives (including Mr. Bigler) from
Pennsylvania, announcing himse4f, as has
Mr. Montgomery, for Douglas—The other
two have not proclaimed their sentiments.
WASHINGTON, 11. R.; April 4, 1860.
111 Y DEAR Sts:—ln answer to your letter
of the 2d of April, I will reply with the ut
most frankness, for at such a crisis as the
present, it is due to each constituency that
their chosen representatives should, when re
usted, declare his opinions without the slight
; est reserve, giving the reasons which have
led him to adopt them, pursuing a particular
course of pelicy.
As you know, I have been a consistent sup
! porter of the present National Administra,tion,
having always been, as I now am, an enthu
siastic admirer of its illustrious chief ; with
whatever ability I possess, I
have uniformly
sustained its measures and rejoiced in its tri
umphs. But Mr. Buchanan having indica
ted his unchangeable determination to retire
at the present term of office, it became my
duty to carefully survey the field in search of
a candidate who possesses more of the requi
sites for the present emergency that any other.
I saw that before the swelling tide of Black
Republicanism, State after State in the North
has gone down, until the Democratic party
cannot be said to positively have a majority
in a single one north of Mason and Dixc,n's
line, unless it be Oregon. Nor does there
seem - much prospect of reversing, at present,
the disastrous current. Even Connecticut,
the most conservative of the New England
States, has recently been lost in a battle which
our forces fought under the most favorable
auspices. The candidate for Governor was
Mr. Seymour, wlio had already filled the of
fice with great credit to himself, and who
personally is the most popular man in Con
necticut, without a single exception. In ad
dition to his great individual strength, Mr.
Seymour has recently returned from Europe,
where he had been during the bitter contest
upon the Lecompton constitution and the
other issues distracting the Democratic party.
He was, therefore in a position to unite the
Democratic party, which he did, command
ing its enthusiastic support.
The time, too, was propitious. To the still
vivid remembrance of the John Brown raid
was added to the present example of the strik
ers throughout the East, giving practical
proof of the truth of the Democratic warn
ings, that the Republican party is agrarian
and revolutionary, injuring society and the
Union in its pursuit of fanatical abstractions.
Yet notwithstanding all these advantages, we
were defeated in Connecticut, so that more
than ever I am forced to the conclusion that we
are in a minority in nearly every Northern
State, if not every one. What, then, is
the first point which presents itself to one
seeking for the best candidate ? Evident
ly our search must be for a man who can
bring us outside votes. The candidate must
not only be unexceptionable for abilities, for
Democracy, but he must have the power to
obtain suffrages from among those who have,
for some years past, acted against us. With
out this latter, it appears impossible that we
should succeed this fall ; and the desire to
succeed is, at this conjuncture, a sentiment
which is identical with true patriotism.—
Who, then, of the candidates can draw from
the Opposition the necessary votes and win
for us the great battle ?
In looking over the list of names that will
be presented to the Charleston Convention, I
only discover one with which we can make
an inroad upon the enemy. There are a
number of statesmen who would receive the
unanimous . support of the party, but I can
only discover in a single one, the elements
which would obtain for us outside strength.
That one, you have long since conjectured, I
conceive to be Mr. Douglas. Among the other
gentlemen named, there are those distinguish
ed in war, in the Senate chamber, for this or
that particular talent, with this or that record,
but for not one of them does his most enthu
siastic friends claim that he can obtain more
than a strict party vote—to elect any one of
them we should have to rely upon the Demo
cratic party, and it alone. But we require
precisely that which Mr. Douglas is able to
give.
Every person concedes that Mr. Douglas
has a personal and peculiar strength among
men who have been acting recently with us ;
while at the same time, his long and consis
tent Democratic services would ensure the
warm and energetic support of our whole
party. His recognized great ability, Iris bold
and manly bearing , his defiance of the com
bined assaults of jealous foes, his consistency
amid trial and persecution, have won for him
a place in the popular heart which cannot bet
eradicated. His nomination would probably
be equivalent to an election ; the nomination
of any other would, to say the least, leave the
contest exceedingly problematical. Hence, I
favor the nomination of Mr. Douglas, and in
fluenced by the same course of reasoning,
many of my colleagues from the Southern
States are joining in the movement which
promises to carry him triumphantly over the
bitter hostility of men who prefer the defeat
of the Democratic party, to the success of a
I am, respectfully, your obedient servant.
W. 11. DIAIMICK.
Almost a Duel,
Between Pryor of Virginia, and Potter of
Wisconsin, for Words Spoken in Debate m
Me Rouse.
WASHINGTON, April 13.—The following is
believed to be a correct statement of the Pry
or and Potter affair, up to noon to-day.
Immediately after the occurrence in the
llouse, Mr. Pryor despatched, through Mr.
llindman, of Arkansas, a note to Mr. Potter,
asking him to leave the District to receive a
written communication.
To this, Mr. Potter replied, that as Mr.
Pryor's note contemplated avoiding the anti
duelling penalties in this District., and-?.that
as his (Mr. Potter's) disqualifications was
contained in the Constitution of Wisconsin ;
if he entertained the proposal, therefore, he
could not leave the District. On which Mr.
Chisman, a substitute for Mr. Hindman, who
was obliged to leave for Arkansas, handed
Mr. Potter a peremptory challenge frcta Mr.
Pryor, who dated his note from Virginia.
Colonel Lander, who had been designated
by Mr. Potter as his friend, handed, after a
lapse of twelve hours, a note to Mr. Chisman
accepting the challenge, and naming com
mon bowie knives as the weapons ; the fight
to take place in the open air, and the parties
to be accompanied by two friends, each arm
ed with Colt's revolvers.
Mr. Chisman protested against this form
of weapons as absurd, barbarous, vulgar,
and offered to construe the code in the most
liberal terms, provided other arms are sug
gested.
Mr. Potter authorized Col. Lander to decline
any other terms, urging the Cowie knife as the
only weapon. Whereupon Col. Lander of
fered to substitute himself for Mr. Potter with
other weapons. To 'both of which proposi
tions Mr. Chisman, without consulting Mr.
Pryor, replied that the first, as to the weap
ons, is vulgar and inadmissible, and that,
while appreciating Cul. Lander's zeal for his
friend, they have no cause of quarrel with
him, and, consequently, no demand to make
on him.
Mr. Pryor is still in Virginia, and has not
yet heard of his second's action in the mat
ter. The latter is believed to have acted af
ter consultation with Senators Mason and
Hammond, and Met;SIT. Miles and Keitt of
the House.
"W.tsniNom:sr, April 13.—Mr. Potter enter
ed the House at half past one o'clock, and
was greeted by a number of friends, with
whom he retired into one of the cloak rooms.
The former despatch in relation to the pro
posed duel was based on information obtained
in the Democratic circles. The following
particulars in relation to the correspondence
is the version current in Republican quar
ters.
It is understood that after Mr. Potter re
plied to Mr. Pryor's first nide, that he would
receive any message that might be sent to him
in the District, Mr. Pryor asked him if ho
would accept a challenge, to which Mr. Pot
ter replied that he would inform him when
ever a challenge reached him. Mr. Pryor
then sent him a challenge, to which Mr. Pot
ter replied, referring him to Col. Lander to
make the necessary arragements. The terms
proposed by Col. Lander to T. P. Chisman
were that Mr. Potter, though disclaiming al
legiance to the code, would fight Mr. Pryor
in any place, in doors or out, in the District,
with bowie knives. This was declined on
the ground that the weapons were barbarous,
and not used among gentlemen. To this
Cal. Lander replied that Mr. Potter detested
the whole system of duelling as barbarous
and inhuman, but being called to account for
the exercise of free speech on the floor of
the House, he consented, not being accus
tomed to the usual weapons of the duelist, to
meet him in a way that would place them on
equal terms,
and to name the time, place, and
weapons; but as the weapons named by Mr.
Potter, through Col. Lander, were objected
to, Cul. Lander, without Mr. Potter's knowl
edge, tendered himself to Mr. Pryor without
restriction, which was also declined by Mr.
Pryor on the ground that he had no quarrel
with Col. Lander.
The correspondence between the friends of
Mr. Potter and Mr. Pryor, did not close till
this _Evening. It cannot be published till
Mr. Chisman, Mr. Pryor's principal friend,
can be seen, and his consent obtained.
WASHINGTON, April 14.—Mr. Potter has
been arrested and given bond in $5OOO to
keep the peace, and especially not to fight a
duel. The officers are in search of Mr. Pryor,
who will be required to give a similar bond.
Sunday School and family Libraries,
and all other books published by the Ameri
can Sunday School Union, furnished to order
on application at Lewts' Book Store, N.aere
dialogues of Books can be seen.
GLEE BOOKS.—Tin Tip-Top Glee and Cho
rus Book—The Philadelphia and New York
Glee Book—The Young Men's Singing Book
—and Tara's Harp—for sale at Lewis' Book
Store.
Ile' Family Bibles, Polyglot Bibles, Pocket
Bibles, School Bibles and Testaments, Hymn
Books, Prayer Books, David's Psalms, &e.,
&c., for sale cheap at Lewis' Book, Station
ery and Music Store.
aar Coe's New Drawing Cards for Schools,
for sale at Lewis' Book Store. Also, My First
and Second Drawing Books..