THE ITUNTINGDON GLOBE, A DEMOCRATIC FAMILY JOURNAL, DEVOTED TO LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWS, &C. TH ti', GLOB lETETITII - DOM P§l,, Wednesday, April 18, 1860 LANDS ! BLANKS I BLANKS ! U. STABLE'S SALES, ATTACIPT EXECUTIONS, ATTACHMENTS, EXECUTIONS, SUMMONS, DEEDS, SUBPOENAS, MORTGAGES, SCHOOL ORDERS, JUDGMENT NOTES, LEASES FOR HOUSES, NATURALIZATION D'KS, COMMON BONDS, JUDG:VIENT BONDS, WARRANTS, FEE DI LLS, NOTES, with a waiver of the $3OO Law. JUDGMENT NOTES, with a waiver of the $3OO Law. ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT, with Teachers. MARRIAGE CERTIFICATES, for Justices of the Peace and Ministers of the Gospel. COMPLAINT, WARRANT, and COMMITMENT, in case of Assault and Battery, and Affray. SCIERE FACTAS, to recover amount of Judgment. COLLECTORS' RECEIPTS, for State, County, School, Borough and Township Taxes. Printed on superior paper. and for sale at the Office of the HUNTINGDON GLOBE. BLANKS, of every description, printed to order, neatly, at short notice, and on good Paper. FOR PRESIDENT, Si - gilYl A. DLGLAS, [Subject to tile decision of the Charleston Convention.] DEMOCRATIC STATE NOMINATION. FOR GOVERNOR, i-liiNlY D .i',:STER, OF WESTMORELAND. New Advertisements. A Card, by Dr. Hays. Sheriff's Sale, by John C. "Matson. ,(Ci- Notice to Assessors, by R. C. McGill. .o.;',..;New Boot and Shoe Store, by Geo. Schaefer. .v.„Z- R. F. Ifashat offers to lease the Keystone Hotel. Dissolution of Partnership, by Fislwr W McMurtrie. • •Y'' D. P. Gwin, Fisher .5: Son, and G. Ashman Miller, ask the attention of our readers to their new advertise ments in to-day's afar,. The Charleston Convention On Monday next there will be a gathering of the Representatives of the Democracy of the several States of the Union, at Charleston, and that able and fearless organ of sound De mocracy, the Harrisburg State Sentinel, truly remarks that in their hands will rest the weal or woe of the party ; and the question now, in every Democrat's mouth, is, " What will they do ?" It is a question full of interest to every one who desires the success of the party, the election of a Democratic President, and the defeat, forever, of those sectional factions, North and South, that have for many years frt. ..ted the nation and brought the Union to the verge of dissolution. This end can only be accomplished by a strict adherence, in the adoption of a platform, to the plain terms of the Constitution, and by the nomination of a man who understands and will be governed, in all his acts, by that Constitution. Now have we such a man? In our judgment, the Democracy have satisfactorily answered this question in their nominations of delegates to represent them at Charleston. The masses of the party, who are always true to the Constitu tion and the Union, have designated Stephen A. Douglas, Senator from Illinois, as the man; and the delegates, if wise, will pay some heed to the designation. In the free States he is all-pow erful, and in the South, except with a class of brawling politicians who are known to be in favor of a dissolution of the Union, he is as acceptable as any other - man who could be nominated. The fact is, the issue between Union and Disunion—between Constitutional and Unconstitutional Government—has been made, and must be met. Involved in this issue is the destiny of the country, and, of course, of the Democratic party. We of Pennsylvania have much at stake. We have our State to reclaim— which we can do if the voice of the people is re garded, and Douglas given to us as the candi date with a truly constitutional and popular platform to stand on. This is a time for plain, honest talk ; and no set of men understand this better than the delegates from Pennsyl vania. The spirit and action of the late State Convention taught them that, and, in our humble judgment, every honest man in that delegation will concede that what we say is true. Public sentiment having emphatically pointed to the man for the occasion, why should cliques and factions conspire to defeat his nomination if, as they profess, they are Democrats and in favor of Democratic suc cess? Look at the man for whose nomina tion the people have asked, and whose cause we venture to plead before the Pennsylvania delegation ! A statesman without reproach —a Democrat without guile—bold, able, ex perienced, and determined ; neither to be se duced by flattery nor terrified by power ! There is not his equal among other aspirants as a man for the times, there is not his equal in the nation. The man who carved out and boldly expressed the idea of an " OCEAN BOUND REPUBLIC," is the man for the crisis which is now upon us. Some milk-and-water delegates, we understand, say they are wil ling to go for Douglas, if, after consultation, they find the Southern delegates willing to take him. This is dastardly. They should look to the home sentiment—the Northern sentiment-:-for without a portion of the North the United Southern vote can not elect a Pres ident—and without a sound and popular Democratic candidate and platform no North ern State can be carried. Besides, we know, before we go to Charleston, that the Union, Conservative Democracy of that region are not only willing to accept Douglas, but pre fer him. It is only the extreme pro-slavery, disunion men of the South who are the bitter opponents of Douglas, and any union of the Northern Democracy with those men would be ruinous to the party in the free States.— If we accept their candidate we must accept their sentiments, and who among us is fool enough to say or believe that their sentiments I could be sustained in any of the free States. It is folly to think of such a thing ; and when we know, absolutely KNOW that Douglas, if nominated, will carry every Southern State, and that his name alone can redeem Pennsyl vania, Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, - and lowa from the thraldom of Republicanism, the man must be blind, treacherous, or mad, who will enter into any scheme or combination whatever, to defeat his nomination. Douglas in Alabama The Decatur (Alabama) Times of the 7th inst., says: We have been calmly watching the brewing storm of the approaching Presi dential election, but not without manifesting the deepest interest therein. The names of many of the most distinguished statesmen in the Union will come before the Democratic Convention to be held at Charleston on the 23d . inst., among whom we may mention Hun ter of Virginia, Dickinson of New York, Lane of Oregon, and Douglas of Illinois—either of these gentlemen would fill the Presidential chair with credit to themselves and honor to the country. The two great contending parties are the Democratic and Republican, and the question here arises, who is the most available man, and who would most likely be able to defeat the Republicans ? Hunter and Dickinson stand foremost in the ranks of political preferment; their moral and intellectual capacities, under ordinary circumstances, would fill the President's chair with distinguished honor to the nation. Gen. Lane is a warrior and statesman of distinc tion, and would not detract from his country by receiving the highest office it could bestow upon him. In Mexican and Indian warfare he has had few superiors, and but few have left the battle field with higher honors than are perched upon the brow of Gen. Joe Lane. But there is anoiher war of a more formida ble character ripening into existence, than all the Mexican and Indian wars that have ever befallen our country. We mean the political war which has to he carried on during the approaching summer by the Democratic and Republican parties. The question now arises, who is to com mand the Democratic army against this for midable foe? In our opinion, neither Hun ter, Dickinson, nor Lane is the man to wage this great war to a successful termination.-- Who then? Stephen A. Douglas ! He brave ly fought and conquered the Black Republi cans last summer in Illinois—that party cow er and tremble at his very name; they know and have felt his power. Seward will cer tainly be the candidate of the Black Repub licans, and he would rather have any man in the Union for an opponent than Douglas ; he hates and fears him. We place the name of no man at the head of our columns as a candidate for President, but will patiently wait the result of the con ventional proceedings, and if the nominee be at all _acceptable, we will support him. Yet we have our forebodings that if Douglas be rejected in that body, the Presidential chair will be gratuitously bestowed upon the Black Republicans. DEMOCRATIC VICTORY IN ITARRISBURG.-The first election under the new city charter, came off on Friday last for Mayor, Councilmen, Aldermen, and other officers. Wm. 11. Kep ner, the Democratic candidate for Mayor, NV as elected by 132 majority over Col. F. R. Boas, the People's candidate. GODEY'S LADIES' BOOK for May is a magnificent number. The fashion plates alone are worth more to the ladies than the price of the book. Any of our subscribers can have the book for $2 a year in advance. Back numbers can be secured. KANSAS.—The bill for the admission of Kansas into the Union as a State, has passed the House by a large majority. It is doubt ful whether it will pass the Senate. CORRESPONDENCE OP TUE GLOBE. BUTLERVILLE, IND., April 10, 1-860. Ma. LEWIS :—On the 7th inst., I took a stroll down into Jackson county, about thirty miles west from here, by way of the 0. P. M. R. R. Arriving at Brownstown station, I learnt that a Democratic Convention was go ing on at Brownstown, the county seat of Jackson, one mile from the station. Two years ago there was a bolting from the ranks, but at this Convention, which was the largest ever held in the county, there seemed to be perfect harmony, and this fall, no matter who the standard bearer is, so h,e is a Democrat, old Jackson will root up one of her old fash ioned majorities. We expect to carry our State ticket by a handsome majority; and in November give the vote of the State fur the nominee of the Charleston Convention, be that who he may, and we hope that the old Keystone State will do likewise. The crops of wheat looks well, and yogi tation is coming on finely ; warm and pleasant, with gentle showers—everything seems prosperous fur the farmer. Our Hoosier country is improving fast, and we think for every purpose, our country is bard to beat. We have one of the best Rail roads in the West, passing centrally through our county, and uniting two great cities, namely: Cincinnati, Ohio, and St. Louis, Missouri. We have some as good land as is in any county, plenty of the best lime stone, timber plenty, and excellent water, good health and a pleasant climate, land cheap, and plenty room for improvements. Now, right here, I have just thought of the _Hill street girls of your place, what a glori chance out in Hoosierdom for them to select partners ; they should think the matter over seriously, and then emigrate. We have no Emigrant Aid Society in our place, but if they would come out West, the young men would form themselves into a Committee of the Whole, and proper quarters would soon be found for all. Yours, in great haste, Hoes= NORTE' HENDERSON, WARREN CO. ILL., 1 April 9th, 1860. DEAR GLOBE :—As you were so kind as to publish my first communication, I will write again. This Spring has been unusually ear ly, and the farmers all got their wheat sowed in March. Many of them the second week, and now it is up and looking quite green, and as it has been raining last night and to-day, this will start it on nicely.: Grass is getting green, so the cattle can nearly support them selves on the bottoms. There has been very dry weather for several weeks, till the streams are very low, and the Mississippi river is so low that the boats will 'not ship any grain now, except at exhorbitant prices. The weather has been beautiful for several weeks and pretty warm. How it may be after this rain I cannot tell. There seems to be a great amount of corn in this and neighboring. . coun ties, and prices are rather low. Corn brings about 30 cents at Monmouth, and there it is shipped to Chicago on the Burlington, Quin cy and Chicago Railroad, and east wheat is about one dollar a bushel, or perhaps a little more, but is principally all marketed. Court has been in session for three weeks past in Warren county. Ido not know what result, as papers have not arrived with the proceed ings in, except that one man was sent three years to the penitentiary for helping himself to some bacon, which, it appears, did not be long to him. Times are a little better this Spring, than for two years back, but still have room for improvement. If this kind of weather con tinues, our farmers will plant corn in less than two weeks, as several have been plow ing considerably already. Wages here per month on a farm, ranges from $l4 to sl9 rather better than last year and year before. Our prairies are nearly all under cultivation now, so that a breaking team, with about six yoke of oxen in it and a plow six times the size of a common one, is a rare sight here now. Four years ago, there was dozens of them all around here. I must close. Poli tics aro some talk now. Illinois Democracy is all over Douglas. The Republicans elec ted their Mayor in Monmouth and in Chicago. Yours, F. T. P. The Charleston Convention and Judge Douglas. As the Democratic party in nearly all the States has now elected its delegates to the Charleston Convention, and expressed its preference fur candidates and platforms, we know all we shall know on the subject until the meeting of the Convention takes place.—• But what it will do is a question asked by everybody. We will not venture to answer this question, but will state some things which we think it will not do, and some it ought to do if it desires success. It will not change the position the party oc cupied in 1856 in regard to the slavery ques tion in the Territories ; but leave it to the bona jide residents of the Territories to settle it their own way. They will not drag it again into the Congress of the United States, from which it has been properly expelled. The Demo cratic party, in every non-slaveholding State, through its Conventions, has asserted this doc trine, and any other can never be adopted by a National Convention. If any other doc trine is adopted, the party will be utterly and deservedly defeated. Intervention by Congress, for or ngaiitt slavery, adverse to the clearly expressed will of the people of a legally organized Territo ry, is an "obsolete idea," and no party, with common sense, will ever revive it—certainly not the Democratic party. It has not been the practice of the Demo- cratic party heretofore to take its creed from the opinions, acts, or dictates of any branch of the Government—executive, legislative, or judicial—but, on the contrary, it has re quired all the members of the Government, elected directly or indirectly through its in strumentality, to be controlled by its opinions or dictates, when fully expressed. It has al ways been the master of its servants—not their servant—and when it does become but the mere creature of official influences and the register of official decrees, the curse of Canaan will surely rest upon it, and " a ser vant of servants shall it be unto its brethren." It is the duty of every citizen to yield obedi ence to the Constitution and laws of his coun try, and to the legitimate acts of those whose duty it is to make, expound or execute them ; but there is also a duty resting upon him pre cedent to obedience, and that is to elect suit able persons to make constitutions and laws, and expound and administer them, and di rect them in the way they are to perform their duties. This is the object of conven tions. If the Convention, therefore, leaves this the only vexed question at issue inside the party, where it stood in 1856, and where all the non-slaveholding States require it to be left, the question comes up, who is the strong est candidate of the party to run upon such a platform? Who has been the first, last, stongest, and most prominent candidate in its advocacy and establishment? Every one will say Stephen A. Douglas. Then, why should not he be the candidate to stand upon the platform ,he has contributed so much to build ? Has he not in all things been true to the great principles and usages of the party, and for many years its acknowledged and most able defender in the Senate of the United States, and everywhere else? Why, then, we ask, should he be postponed for any less conspicuous, less consistent, less able, less known advocate of the party and its princi ples and platform ? or for any one who re fuses to acknowledge this platform of the party as the rule of his action ? Should any one of this character be selected, the whole country would believe the platform a lie, a lure, a blind, made but to deceive and be vi olated; and both it and its candidate would be spit upon by the people, and rejected with scorn. No! this time, at least, the platform must be consistent with the candidate, and the candidate with the platform, or both will go down together. This is a foregone con clusion, and a just one. If, therefore, the platform of Judge Doug la,3 shall be established at Charleston, every body who wishes the party success will say he, and he alone, should be the the candidate to stand upon it. But it is said the South will not have him—will secede—will not vote for him if nominated, &c., &e. If this be true, will they not be equally as much opposed to his principles, though sus tained by another ? Or is it against Judge Douglas, and not the principles ho sustains, they are opposed. Will they support a plat form of his principles any the more if he shall be first immolated upon it. Is it his blood alone they thirst for, that will alone reconcile them to his platform ? We think not. We are sure, quite sure—that if his " Popular-Sovereignty" doctrines are to be recognised by the Charleston Convention, there is no man in the country the South would rather have for a candidate, or for a President. He has ever been the true, stead fast, unflinching friend of the South—aye, when they had fewer friends north of Mason and Dixon's line than they now have ; nor have they a more sincere friend now in all this broad land, nor one who would better protect their rights, as President, than he ; and they know it, however much some of them may differ with him about the rights of the people of the Territories. We say, then, that if the Charleston Convention shall adopt the Douglas platform, the South will be among the foremost to make Mr. Douglas the candi date upon it. And will the Democracy of any non-slaveholding State refuse to support him? We are told it would be dangerous to nom inate him in consequence of his opposition to the present Administration I We never heard of his opposition to any measure of the Ad ministration but that in relation to Kansas and the rights of the people of the Territo ries; in all things else, we believe, he has ably sustained the Administration, in the Senate and out of it. Does any man for a moment believe, or will any friend of the Ad ministration say, that for this, should he be nominated by the National Convention, they would refuse to vote for him ? We do not believe it of any friend of the Administration —they at least claim to be truer Democrats than this. But should there be, here and there, one who holds his Democracy so loose ly as to vote against him, there are thousands and tens of thousands in every non-slave holding State wbo hold their oppositon to the Democratic party loosely, who would for this very reason vote for him. We think we know something of the popu lar feeling—something of the popular heart —in the non-slaveholding States, and we aver that no man, not even Gen. Jackson in the days of his greatest political glory, ever had a stronger hold upon them than Stephen A. Douglas has just now. It is not because he is in apparent opposition to any particu lar object of the South, but because he has ever been its true friend, and will maintain, as President, all its rights—as he will also the rights of all the people of the United States, not even excepting the " outside bar barians" the hardy pioneer settlers of the Territories—and, above all, because he will, like old Jackson, ask nothing that is not clearly right, and submit to nothing that is clearly wrong, and take care that the Union must and shall be preserved, as well against domestic as foreign foes. We advocate his nomination, therefore, as best for the North, South, East, West, and the Union as a whole. His election may not be agreeable for these reasons to the dis unionists of the North or South, but for them we do not write this article. And now, how does Judge Douglas stand in relation to the nomination? All the States of the North-west have instructed for him and his platform, to begin with—a dis trict of country, by the way, that contains more Democratic voters than all the South ern States together. Then all the rest of the non-slaveholding States have instructed for his platform, and appointed a large number of delegates, no doubt a majority of them, favorable to him as their candidate. If the delegates were to be chosen at this time in the districts which have not declared for him, they would, in all probability, be as unanimous in his support as the North-west. And how does he stand in the Southern States ? It is known that a number of the delegates from Maryland, Virginia, Ken tucky, Tennessee, and North Carolina, and probably Arkansas and Missouri, and some farther South, are favorable to him as their first or second choice—and in all the South ern States, a number of the oldest and sound est Democratic newspapers and leading po litical men advocate his nomination. Who, of all the candidates named, or hinted at, stands in any similar situation ? No other candidate has more than a single State in structed for his support. In the National Conventions that have heretefore assembled, there have always been two or three promi nent candidates, almost equally strong, and strongly antagonizing each other. To recon cile their personal feuds, these strong candi dates have been laid aside for a new man.— But no such case now presents itself. There is now no strong antagonism of candidates.— The antagonism is of principles. There is, in fact, hut one prominent candidate of the party, and he is Judge Douglas. His nomi nation would, without the shadow of a doubt, restore the Democratic party of the North and West to its former power. Indeed, there is good reason to believe that, as in the elec tion of General Pierce, he would carry every non-slaveholding State but Massachusetts and Vermont, and shake these severely. And, if nominated by the National Convention, though opposed by the fire-eating disunionists of the South afterwards, he would carry ev ery Southern State but South Carolina, and shake that severely also. The appeal in 1860 is not to be made to the shrivelled Democratic party of 1858 or '59. To get it all would fall far short of elec ting a President. Nor will it do to appeal to the Democratic party of 1856--that might not be able to elect a President. Mr. Buchan an's vote would have fallen short of an elec tion, as against a united Opposition. The appeal, then, of 1860 must go beyond and above those of 1856 or since, back to that of 1852, when the Democratic party carried all the States of the Union, North and South, but four—two North and two South. The appeal must be made to the real, unsuspec ting, and confiding Union, conservative, non intervention-with-slavery feeling, that was then made, North and South, upon the then fresh ly-adopted Compromise measures, when the " fire-eaters" of the South, and the " aboli tionists" of the North, were so signally de feated. The Democratic party, to be success ful in 1860, must satisfy all who voted for General Pierce that it has returned honestly to the Compromise measures, not only by its platform, but by the man whom it places upon it as its expounder. It came very near losing the election of Mr. Buchanan, in 1856, through the SUSPICION that he did not stand square on the platform, and would not prove its just ex pounder. If the party came so near defeat with a suspected candidate, what will be the result now, when suspicions have proved re alities, if they shall be justified by the party, either by its platform or its candidate, may be easily predicted. The people—the great body of the voters of the Union—have em phatically condemned the construction put upon the Compromise measures of Mr. Bu chanan and the South—it is useless, therefore, to appeal to them again to sustain them.— They must be ignored in 1860, and the party made to stand where it did stand in 1852, and professed to stand in 1856, and then the suc cess of 1852 will attend it. The appeal is not to be made to the mere Democratic party men who go with it right or wrong, but to those independent men outside of its organization who will only be induced to unite with it by a really just, conservative, Union, platform and candidate. To ask or expect this large crowd of outsiders to vote for any other will prove a vain and idle hope and expectation. Should, however, the malignant opposition of the present administration and its para sites and the mad schemes of the fire-eaters of the South, succeed in frightening the Con vention from its propriety, and induce it to disappoint the just expectation of the great majority of the party and the country, by striking down their favorite, we have no hesi tation in saying, that nothing but the greater folly or madness of their opponents will save the Democratic party from defeat in every Northern State in the Uuion. We have predicated the foregoing remarks upon the belief that the Charleston Conven tion will uphold the platform of 1856 in rela tion to the right of the people of the Territo ries to decide the question of slavery for them selves, at all times after they are legally organ ized as a Territory, subject only to the Con stitution of the United States and its es tablished interpretations, and that without any intervention of Congress for or against it. Should, however, we be mistaken in this belief, and the Convention shall in any man ner, change it on this subject, orweaken its , force by assuming or following any decision of the Supreme Court adverse to it, or palter with it in any double sense, we are quite sure Judge DOUGLAS would not and could not be its candidate. This is also a foregone conclu sion. And if he aim to accept a nomination on any such doubtful or contradictory plat form, he could not be elected, All his great popularity with the masses would not save him. In such a case the Convention, if it would save the Democratic party from everlasting disgrace, could only nominate a candidate whose known antecedents we're in accordance with those of the platform they may make.— If Congressional legislation on the subject of slavery in the Territories is again to be in voked, in any case, for or against it, let the issue be fairly made—and as we said in the case of Judge Douglas, let the candidate cho sen be consistent with the platform, and the platform consistent with 'the candidate. On this point we think the North and the South ...Should agree. This course, and this alone, will settle the question. Any other would but leave it open for further discord, and would most effectually insure defeat. The party should take its stand boldly, and make its platform clear, and select its candidates squarely upon it, so there may be no - more Southern and Northern readings and misun derstandings, and then throw its banners to the breeze, in letters of living light, that all who run may read and understand. Bonaparte is reported to have said there is but one step between the sublime and the ri diculous. And his minister, Talleyrand, is also the reputed author of the remark that a blun der is sometimes worse than a crime. We hope the Charleston Convention will not take a step towards the ridiculous, nor make a blun der. Forewarned, forearmed I—The Press. Another Douglas Convert. Forcible and elegant Letter from Hon. W. H. Dimmick, one of the four Democratic Rep resentatives (including Mr. Bigler) from Pennsylvania, announcing himse4f, as has Mr. Montgomery, for Douglas—The other two have not proclaimed their sentiments. WASHINGTON, 11. R.; April 4, 1860. 111 Y DEAR Sts:—ln answer to your letter of the 2d of April, I will reply with the ut most frankness, for at such a crisis as the present, it is due to each constituency that their chosen representatives should, when re usted, declare his opinions without the slight ; est reserve, giving the reasons which have led him to adopt them, pursuing a particular course of pelicy. As you know, I have been a consistent sup ! porter of the present National Administra,tion, having always been, as I now am, an enthu siastic admirer of its illustrious chief ; with whatever ability I possess, I have uniformly sustained its measures and rejoiced in its tri umphs. But Mr. Buchanan having indica ted his unchangeable determination to retire at the present term of office, it became my duty to carefully survey the field in search of a candidate who possesses more of the requi sites for the present emergency that any other. I saw that before the swelling tide of Black Republicanism, State after State in the North has gone down, until the Democratic party cannot be said to positively have a majority in a single one north of Mason and Dixc,n's line, unless it be Oregon. Nor does there seem - much prospect of reversing, at present, the disastrous current. Even Connecticut, the most conservative of the New England States, has recently been lost in a battle which our forces fought under the most favorable auspices. The candidate for Governor was Mr. Seymour, wlio had already filled the of fice with great credit to himself, and who personally is the most popular man in Con necticut, without a single exception. In ad dition to his great individual strength, Mr. Seymour has recently returned from Europe, where he had been during the bitter contest upon the Lecompton constitution and the other issues distracting the Democratic party. He was, therefore in a position to unite the Democratic party, which he did, command ing its enthusiastic support. The time, too, was propitious. To the still vivid remembrance of the John Brown raid was added to the present example of the strik ers throughout the East, giving practical proof of the truth of the Democratic warn ings, that the Republican party is agrarian and revolutionary, injuring society and the Union in its pursuit of fanatical abstractions. Yet notwithstanding all these advantages, we were defeated in Connecticut, so that more than ever I am forced to the conclusion that we are in a minority in nearly every Northern State, if not every one. What, then, is the first point which presents itself to one seeking for the best candidate ? Evident ly our search must be for a man who can bring us outside votes. The candidate must not only be unexceptionable for abilities, for Democracy, but he must have the power to obtain suffrages from among those who have, for some years past, acted against us. With out this latter, it appears impossible that we should succeed this fall ; and the desire to succeed is, at this conjuncture, a sentiment which is identical with true patriotism.— Who, then, of the candidates can draw from the Opposition the necessary votes and win for us the great battle ? In looking over the list of names that will be presented to the Charleston Convention, I only discover one with which we can make an inroad upon the enemy. There are a number of statesmen who would receive the unanimous . support of the party, but I can only discover in a single one, the elements which would obtain for us outside strength. That one, you have long since conjectured, I conceive to be Mr. Douglas. Among the other gentlemen named, there are those distinguish ed in war, in the Senate chamber, for this or that particular talent, with this or that record, but for not one of them does his most enthu siastic friends claim that he can obtain more than a strict party vote—to elect any one of them we should have to rely upon the Demo cratic party, and it alone. But we require precisely that which Mr. Douglas is able to give. Every person concedes that Mr. Douglas has a personal and peculiar strength among men who have been acting recently with us ; while at the same time, his long and consis tent Democratic services would ensure the warm and energetic support of our whole party. His recognized great ability, Iris bold and manly bearing , his defiance of the com bined assaults of jealous foes, his consistency amid trial and persecution, have won for him a place in the popular heart which cannot bet eradicated. His nomination would probably be equivalent to an election ; the nomination of any other would, to say the least, leave the contest exceedingly problematical. Hence, I favor the nomination of Mr. Douglas, and in fluenced by the same course of reasoning, many of my colleagues from the Southern States are joining in the movement which promises to carry him triumphantly over the bitter hostility of men who prefer the defeat of the Democratic party, to the success of a I am, respectfully, your obedient servant. W. 11. DIAIMICK. Almost a Duel, Between Pryor of Virginia, and Potter of Wisconsin, for Words Spoken in Debate m Me Rouse. WASHINGTON, April 13.—The following is believed to be a correct statement of the Pry or and Potter affair, up to noon to-day. Immediately after the occurrence in the llouse, Mr. Pryor despatched, through Mr. llindman, of Arkansas, a note to Mr. Potter, asking him to leave the District to receive a written communication. To this, Mr. Potter replied, that as Mr. Pryor's note contemplated avoiding the anti duelling penalties in this District., and-?.that as his (Mr. Potter's) disqualifications was contained in the Constitution of Wisconsin ; if he entertained the proposal, therefore, he could not leave the District. On which Mr. Chisman, a substitute for Mr. Hindman, who was obliged to leave for Arkansas, handed Mr. Potter a peremptory challenge frcta Mr. Pryor, who dated his note from Virginia. Colonel Lander, who had been designated by Mr. Potter as his friend, handed, after a lapse of twelve hours, a note to Mr. Chisman accepting the challenge, and naming com mon bowie knives as the weapons ; the fight to take place in the open air, and the parties to be accompanied by two friends, each arm ed with Colt's revolvers. Mr. Chisman protested against this form of weapons as absurd, barbarous, vulgar, and offered to construe the code in the most liberal terms, provided other arms are sug gested. Mr. Potter authorized Col. Lander to decline any other terms, urging the Cowie knife as the only weapon. Whereupon Col. Lander of fered to substitute himself for Mr. Potter with other weapons. To 'both of which proposi tions Mr. Chisman, without consulting Mr. Pryor, replied that the first, as to the weap ons, is vulgar and inadmissible, and that, while appreciating Cul. Lander's zeal for his friend, they have no cause of quarrel with him, and, consequently, no demand to make on him. Mr. Pryor is still in Virginia, and has not yet heard of his second's action in the mat ter. The latter is believed to have acted af ter consultation with Senators Mason and Hammond, and Met;SIT. Miles and Keitt of the House. "W.tsniNom:sr, April 13.—Mr. Potter enter ed the House at half past one o'clock, and was greeted by a number of friends, with whom he retired into one of the cloak rooms. The former despatch in relation to the pro posed duel was based on information obtained in the Democratic circles. The following particulars in relation to the correspondence is the version current in Republican quar ters. It is understood that after Mr. Potter re plied to Mr. Pryor's first nide, that he would receive any message that might be sent to him in the District, Mr. Pryor asked him if ho would accept a challenge, to which Mr. Pot ter replied that he would inform him when ever a challenge reached him. Mr. Pryor then sent him a challenge, to which Mr. Pot ter replied, referring him to Col. Lander to make the necessary arragements. The terms proposed by Col. Lander to T. P. Chisman were that Mr. Potter, though disclaiming al legiance to the code, would fight Mr. Pryor in any place, in doors or out, in the District, with bowie knives. This was declined on the ground that the weapons were barbarous, and not used among gentlemen. To this Cal. Lander replied that Mr. Potter detested the whole system of duelling as barbarous and inhuman, but being called to account for the exercise of free speech on the floor of the House, he consented, not being accus tomed to the usual weapons of the duelist, to meet him in a way that would place them on equal terms, and to name the time, place, and weapons; but as the weapons named by Mr. Potter, through Col. Lander, were objected to, Cul. Lander, without Mr. Potter's knowl edge, tendered himself to Mr. Pryor without restriction, which was also declined by Mr. Pryor on the ground that he had no quarrel with Col. Lander. The correspondence between the friends of Mr. Potter and Mr. Pryor, did not close till this _Evening. It cannot be published till Mr. Chisman, Mr. Pryor's principal friend, can be seen, and his consent obtained. WASHINGTON, April 14.—Mr. Potter has been arrested and given bond in $5OOO to keep the peace, and especially not to fight a duel. The officers are in search of Mr. Pryor, who will be required to give a similar bond. Sunday School and family Libraries, and all other books published by the Ameri can Sunday School Union, furnished to order on application at Lewts' Book Store, N.aere dialogues of Books can be seen. GLEE BOOKS.—Tin Tip-Top Glee and Cho rus Book—The Philadelphia and New York Glee Book—The Young Men's Singing Book —and Tara's Harp—for sale at Lewis' Book Store. Ile' Family Bibles, Polyglot Bibles, Pocket Bibles, School Bibles and Testaments, Hymn Books, Prayer Books, David's Psalms, &e., &c., for sale cheap at Lewis' Book, Station ery and Music Store. aar Coe's New Drawing Cards for Schools, for sale at Lewis' Book Store. Also, My First and Second Drawing Books..
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