THE HUNTINGDON GLOBE, A DEMOCRATIC FAMILY JOURNAL, DEVOTED TO LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWS, &C. is nothing in the practice or teachings of the Republican party to authorize the charge made against it. To call upon the Republi cans not to agitate came with a bad grace from those who had been counselling aggres sion from the beginning. He referred to the declaration of the former Senator from South Carolina, that the object of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise was to extend the area of slavery. The Senator from Illinois had attempted to sustain his charge by a reference to the speeches of Messrs. Lincoln and Sew ard, but none of the extracts bore him out.— The language of the Senator from New York had been misinterpreted. He had had the misfortune to become the author of a phrase which, if expressed in two or three phrases, would not have attracted attention. It had never been said that the free and slave States could not live together as friends. Ile be lieved that they could; but if free and slave laborers were brought together, on the same soil, there would be antagonism. That was what was meant. Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, wished a clearer explanation. Mr. Fessenden said free labor elevated the laborer, while slave labor depressed and de graded him. When the two come together they antagonize. He asked the Senator from Illinois a question, to which Mr. Douglas replied that his doctrine was that the Federal Government should exercise no power, directly or indirectly, to control, form or otherwise influence the domestic in stitutions of the States or Territories. Mr. Fessenden. That is only squatter sovereignty—the Senator's favorite doctrine. No one ever pretended that the Government could interfere with the institutions of the States. He controverted the idea that a di versity of institutions was essential to the general prosperity of a country, and asserted to the fullest extent, that the Government could not interfere with the institutions of the States. Any charge that the Republicans favored, this charge is unfounded. He asked if the Senator from Illinois had said that the Republicans not only wanted to repress the extension of slavery, but also to make war on slavery as it existed in the States. Mr. Douglas. I did. Mr. Fessenden. I deny it. it could not be found in the party creed. The Republi can party had been formed to prevent the in troduction of slavery into free Territories.— He denied the right of Southern men to take slavery into a Territory, unless the law there recognized slavery. He hated and loathed slavery, but did not hate slaveholders. The object of the Northern Democrats was to in flame the South against all but themselves, so as to get into political power. He was opposed to slavery in the abstract, but did not wish to interfere with it where it existed. When it was charged that the Republicans were warring on the South, it should be re collected that they held the doctrines of the fathers of the Republic. The Senator from Virginia had admitted that the views of Southern men on slavery are not now what they were. Mr. Mason said the South, after a full con sideration and experience, had arrived at the conclusion that slavery ennobled both races. The early fathers were not Abolitionists.— They did not think it practicable or expedient to abolish slavery. They thought that by cutting off the slave trade, slavery would die out itself. The ordinance of 1787 was aimed at the slave trade. They thought that by reducing the area where slavery could be used, the slave trade would be stopped. Mr. Fessenden said the Senator had ad mitted all he desired. The early men of this. nation thought that by restricting it, the in stitution of slavery would die out. They wanted it to die. That is the position of the Republican party. The Senator from Illi nois was indifferent whether slavery was ex tended or not. Born in a free State, he preferred free institutions. That was the whole offence of the Republican party. We have been further told that if we elect a man of our views, regularly, and in a consti tutional furm, to the Presidency, the Union will be dissolved. While the Senator from Illinois is devising means to repress the inva sion of one State by another, he might have suggested a provision for the threatened con tingency. Mr. Douglas said he had introduced his resolution because the occasion called for it. It is not necessary to put in a clause for the contingency referred to, as it was an event not within the probabilities. - Mr. Fessenden said the Senator had great confidence in his own powers; it was quite likely he had a higher opinion of them than any one else. It was singular that they were constantly threatened with what. would be done in case of a certain event which is not likely to occur. The inference he drew was, that the gentlemen on the other side were quite apprehensive on the subject.— This talk of a. dissolution was a disease which appeared every four years. The peo ple of the free States don't care about it.— For himself, if the election of a President in the constitutional mode was to cause a disso lution of the Union, the sooner the question 'was settled the better. Mr. Douglas said some men could not con ceive of action flowing from patriotic motives. He had brought in his resolution because he thought the time had arrived for practical legislation. He had referred to the causes which had produced the outrage, and point ed out that they still existed. If the senators on the other side would vote for such a bill as he proposed, he would think a very great change had occurred. When they agreed to make conspiracies to run ofr fugitive slaves a felony, he would think they had indeed chan ged. In the towns and cities of the North, where the Republicans had a majority, the fugitive-slave law could not be executed. Could it be executed in the town where the Senator from New York lived ? Did they recollect the Jerry rescue? Mr. Fessenden said he would go as far as any one to prevent conspiracy in one State to invade another. He could not say what he would do in regard to running off fugitives. He would meet that question when it arose. Mr. Douglas. Why not punish the run ning off of slaves as well as the running off of horses ? The impunity with which the crime of running off slaves can be perpetrated keeps up the irritation. When it - was made a pen itentiary offence to conspire against property in another State, then we would get at the root of the evil. The Republicans were no doubt ready to vote for a law fair in its terms but net calculated to be efficient in its opera tion. It was only necessary to refer to the Philadelphia platform to show the hostility of the Republican party, where the slavery and polygamy are classed together as twin relics of barbarism, and the polygamist and slave holder are placed in the same category. lle saw that the Republicans were lowering their flag. If he could attribute it to a good mo tive, he would be glad of it. Those living farthest from the negro, and knowing the least about him, were the most solicitous for the poor slave. In the Southern portions of the free States which border on the slave States you find a good feeling existing among the inhabitants towards the domestic institu tions of their neighbors, because they know what the condition of the slave is, and in pro portion as you go North the feeling against slavery increases. Mr. Douglas then again recurred to Mr. Seward's speech to show that his interpreta tion of it was correct, and that he (Mr. Sew ard) maintained the doctrine that the Union could not exist half free and half slave. The object of the Republicans was to hem in sla very in order to smother it out or starve it out, or, as the French in Algeria served the Arabs when they retreated into their caverns —smoke them out. The idea was to keep up agitation along the border States so as to ren der slave property insecure, and drive it fur ther South. Then, when Kentucky, by this process, is made free, the same system is to be pursued till slavery is extinguished. He quoted from Mr. Seward's speec at Roches ter, to show that tie meant that the irrepres sible conflict must go on till there is either not one slave State leftor all become slaveholding. In regard to the charge of indifference on his part whether the States adopted free or slave institutions what he meant was that it was none of his business whether the people of Kansas adopted freedom or slavery. It was their business, and they would act ac cording to their wants. He opposed slavery in Illinois because it was not adapted to the requirements of the people. Slavery would go where it could be profitably employed.— You could not keep it out by enactment. Il linois adopted slavery in spite of the ordi nance of 1787, and abolished it when it was found that it did not suit. Slavery was a question of political economy, and not a proper subject of legislation. The people in terested are the best judges. He wanted them to decide their institutions for them selves, and if they were allowed to carry out their wishes, did not for himself care how they decided. He repelled the charge that the Kansas-Nebraska bill produced agitation. The political friends of the Senator from Maine sent desperadoes to Kansas, to create disturbances and regulate the elections. It was just such combinations that he wished to reach. He wanted the people to regulate their affairs in their own way. Gentlemen may call it sqatter sovereignty, or what they pleased. A Union Speech by the Speaker Elect The following interesting incident we clip from the Washington Star, of last week : Mr. Pennington was waited upon last even ing, at IVillard's, by numerous friends, who, after exchanging the usual salutations, and congratulating him on his elevation to the high and honorable post of Speaker, were in vited to accept of that gentleman's hospitality. At eleven o'clock Wither's Band arrived and serenaded him, performing in spirited style a number of national airs. Some two hundred or more persons were in a short time assembled, and as soon as the band had con cluded, three cheers were given fur Mr. Pen nington, and then loud calls made for that gentleman. Mr. Penington on being introduced, said : I am very much indebted to you, my friends, for the pleasing visit you have made me this night. When we hear a national air, it al ways satisfies me that we belong to one coun try, and I have no belief in the doctrine that the time is near at hand, or can be, that we are to be separated. We are one people, and I trust in - Heaven we shall ever remain so.— There will always be in a free country like ours, diversities of opinion, different views, and a great variety of interests which must necessarily prevail ; but there is a spirit of patriotism that burns in our hearts that will not yet be extinguished. Our land is a land of freemen, our liberties were achieved by great exertions and services of our fathers, and I believe no man in this generation will let this blessed inheritance go to pieces.— And if we do wrong at one time, you remem ber the saying of Mr. Clay, that old patriot, when he went home to Kentucky, after hav ing voted for the compensation law, on 4xeing addressed by some old man, who said, "Clay, you have done wrong." "Well," said he, " my friend, if you were out gunning, and on pulling the trigger your gun didn't go off, what would you do ? Would you throw it away, or would you try it over again ?" " Nay," said he, " I would pick the flint and try it over." Now if anything is done wrong in this country, a little time will make it right, because we have a national feeling and a national honor. When I heard the national air played as you came in here to-night, it went to my heart, and I said as long as our national songs remain, this country will be united. Discor dant States! I think no man in his sober senses can agree to any such proposition. I tell you now there never was a greater mis take than to believe that northern men have any bad feeling against Southern men, or the body of Southern 'men against Northern.— My friends, it always belongs to the republi can institutions, that there must be a great variety of public opinion upon all questions; and our only security is to bear and to for bear; and the strength of our institutions depends upon love of country. And if we are not imbuediriwith patriotic feelings, there is no hope for the stability of our country.— But my faith is this, that we all love our country, and that we will abide by her desti ny for good or for evil. I thank you for the high compliment which I feel you have bestowed upon me by this visit. lam glad . the House is organized. If this organizatmln had been effected by the se lection of any other gentleman, perhaps it would have been better, but be assured I will endeavor to discharge the arduous duties of the high position to which I have just been elevated as best I can, and to preserve this glorious Union intact. ,her The Louisville Democrat, one of the best and most conservative journals in the South, truly says: " If it were agreed at once that Congress could not go out of the letter of the Constitu tion on the slavery question, all this incom petency would vanish, and this sectional con test would subside. " When the Constitution speaks, there is no trouble in its construction. " Congress has power to pass a fugitive slave law and execute it. "It has power to suppress the African slave trade. " It has power to count five slaves equal to three white men in the ratio of representation. " Not another item of power does the Con stitution give to Congress over the subject of slavery. All this effort to find power to es tablish, prohibit, or protect it in the Territo ries is vain. No such power is granted in the Constitution. There is not a word of it in the document." THE GLOBE. lIIMILIMDMIL IPA. Wednesday, February 8, 1860 LANKS! BLANKS ! BLANKS! CO7NSTABLE'S SALES, ATTACIPT EXECUTIONS, ATTACHMENTS, EXECUTIONS, SUMMONS, DEEDS, SUBP(ENAS, MORTGAGES, SCHOOL ORDERS, JUDGMENT NOTES, LEASES FOR HOUSES, NATURALIZATION B'KS, COMMON BONDS, JUDGMENT BONDS, WARRANTS, FEE BILLS, NOTES, with a waiver of the $3OO Law. JUDGMENT NOTES, with a waiver of the $3OO Law. ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT, with Teachers. MARRIAGE CERTIFICATES, for Justices of the Peace and Ministers of the Gospel. COMPLAINT, WARRANT, and COMMITMENT, in case cf Assault and Battery, and Affray. SCIERE FACIAS, to recover amount of Judgment. COLLECTORS' RECEIPTS, for State, County, School, Borough and Township Taxes. Printed on superior paper, and for sale at the Office of the HUNTINGDON GLOBE. BLANKS, of every description, printed to order, neatly, at short notice, and on good Paper. New Advertisements. Banking House Notice. L'rewery for sale, by 1?. Conner. . Stray Heifer, by Wilson Edwards. i Go to Lewis' if you want Valentines. RGx.Store Room for rent and fixtures for sale, by T. P. Love. .e,i-Watches, Jewelry and Silver-Ware, by Stauffer & Harley. The Reading Convention. In regard to the Democratic State Conven tion, which is shortly to assemble at Reading, (says the Harrisburg State Sentinel,) the ques tions have been narrowed down to these:— Will the delegates, coming from the people, make a nomination for the people, or will the authorities at Washington make a nomina tion for the delegates ? Will the delegates appoint delegates to the Charleston Conven tion to represent the Democracy of the State, or the President of the United States? These are startling questions; but the movements of the times, and the projected movements of the times are also startling ; and the issues involved may as well be met now as at a later period. It was only the other day we heard a fed eral office-holder declare that the President was the head of the party, and, as the head, had not only the right to suggest and direct, but to command its movements; and this ex treme federal idea seems now to be generally adopted and acted on by those who constitute the regular coherts, the drilled battallions of the Washington Administration. We take exception to it ; we denounce it as a heresy; as anti-democratic and disorgani zing. We deny the right of the National Administration to interfere at all in our local State politics. To acknowledge the right would be to place almost omnipotent power in their hands, and to make the President, with his army of office-holders, and the pub lic treasury at his command, almost as dan gerous a despot as any European or Asiatic tyrant. The creed of Democracy is that the people have the sole right, unswayed by official pow er, to choose their own delegates and their own candidates; and their position, as citi zens of a Government whose prosperity and existence depend upon their patriotism, vir tue and intelligence, makes it their duty to do so. Now, \rill this right be insisted on, and this duty faithfully performed by the repre sentatives of the people in the Reading Con vention, or w ill they fail in integrity, and fol low the dictates of the politicians and office holders there who represent the Washington Administration ? What we have to fear from mismanage ment at Reading is not only the defeat of our State and Presidential tickets next fall, but of candidates for Congress, for the State Leg islature, and for county offices of every grade. We risk, in fact, the utter annihilation of the Democratic party in Pennsylvania—we risk giving over the State to the Opposition for an indefinite number of years, if not forever?— And who is willing to do this, for the mere purpose of pleasing the President ? Look calmly, and see how things stand.— We all know that the President has inter fered, is interfering, and will interfere with the nomination fur Governor, with the party plat form, with the selection ofdelegates to Charles ton. We all know, too, that if he succeeds, if delegates are controlled by his wishes, or swayed by his command, that the nominee and the platform will go down together—not by 17,000, as last year, but by 30,000—a ma jority which must in spite of any exertions that may be made, or legerdemain which may be practised, seal the fate of the State in the Presidential contest which will follow. Now, the simple question is, Will the Democracy of Pennsylvania, will the representatives of the Democracy at Reading permit this great evil to be accomplished ? A few weeks ago it was well understood that the favorite of the Administration for Governor was William Wittie, of Philadel phia. That programme, we are well assured, has been recently changed. John L. Daw son is now the man. So the Washington au thorities say, and within a few days both gentlemen have been at Washington submit ting their respective claims to the arbitra ment of the Cabinet, Mr. Wittie has, then, for some reason, unknown to us as yet, been dropped by the President, and Mr. Dawson adopted as the Washington candidate. But have the people nothing to say in the selection, are the Democratic masses to re main silent, are their representatives at the Reading Convention to simply record their votes for Mr. Buchanan's man, adopt Mr. Bu chanan's platform, appoint Mr. Buchanan's delegates to Charleston, and go home, having faithfully served their master ? If this is to be so—if the snares have been set, and-the birds caught, let us know it.— We submit to no such fraudulent proceeding. In the name of the Democracy of Pennsylva nia, we protest against the consummation of the proposed iniquity, and call upon others who desire the success of the party, and have more interest in it than we have, to protest also, in time, while yet protesting may avail. Mind, we entertain no objection against eith er of the gentlemen named ; both are proba:- bly strong men in the party, and in the eyes of their respective friends deservedly strong —but we object to the interference of the Federal Government, in a matter which be longs exclusively to the Democracy of the State. We, therefore, speak not against the men, but against the manner in which they are brought forward—as the pets of the Pres ident, not as the free, unbiassed choice of the people. Would such a-proceeding be fair toward other candidates—and there are others who have been brought forward by the people themselves—would it be fair toward the par ty, whose success should be held to be above all other considerations ? We leave it to those other candidates, their friends and the party to answer. We must look at these things calmly, and speak boldly before the Convention has fin ished its work, if we would succeed. For two successive years has our glorious old party been immolated on the shrine of personal ambition. Twice already has the gallant Democracy of Pennsylvania been led to slaughter, in order that, from its reeking blood, incense might be wafted to the throne of drunken power to appease its unholy lust; and if our ears deceive us not, we still hear the cry for blood—more blood ! How long, Democrats of Pennsylvania, is this thing to continue? How many more sacrifices must be made to satiate the craving maws of Iran gry politicians who know no other cry than give ! give ! Have we not yet paid the price demanded of us, or do the'conspirators against Democracy claim from us eternal bondage? For ourselves we hate subserviency to pow er ; we detest tyranny in every shape ; we war against treason, corruption, and hypoc risy; we are free—free to think, to speak, to write and to act. In a word, we are Demo crats, jealous of power, atd fearless in de fence of our principles and our rights ; and we now sound the alarm to our fellow Demo crats—we call upon them to awake, to arise, to act, and act boldly and vigorously, or make up their minds to be forever fallen. What Kentucky thinks of Pennsylvania. The Louisville Democrat, which 'is one of the warmest and most sensible advocates of the nomination of Mr. Douglas, in the coun try, thinks that perhaps the proceedings of the recent Convention in Indiana will open the eyes of the smart people who have been engineering the Democratic party until they have run it on the breakers. Things begin to look as though Douglas was in the Demo cratic party, and a real live member of it.— Managing and wire pulling are weak weap ons, when the people make up their mind to act for themselves. The editor of the Democrat rejoices most Democratically over the result in Indiana, and thus concludes the article with a hint to us of Pennsylvania not to make new tests within our own household: What Indiana has done, every free State will do. The office-holders of Pennsylvania may, perhaps, juggle the mass of the Democ racy out of their choice. If they do, look out for popular resentment at the polls next No vember. The politicians can get along very well whilst they follow popular impulse.— They can sometimes suppress public senti ment; but roused to its present pitch in the free States, said politicians had better get out of the way. And they will get out of the way. They will turn somersaults. They will swear they never meant anything else. All this comes of discussing the Cincinnati platform; and of making war on the man who stood by it ; who has stuck to his creed, his promises and pledges. Those who endorsed his doc trine in 1850, and up to 1857, endorse it yet, and will stand by him. It is not Douglas that this war has been waged upon. It is not Douglas that is so powerful in the free States. It is the fixed uncompromising sentiment of the Democratic party. We have warned you, gentlemen, that it would overwhelm you. You have depended on Indiana. She would stand up to your new tests; you have depen ded on skill and political management; you have made the grand mistake of supposing the people could be managed and turned• to any account. All . a mistake ! We have told our readers the truth all the while. Who will be deceived now? Who is still so blind be can't see? We warn all politicians, that this expression at Indianapolis is but a feeble expression of popular sentiment. It is noth ing to what you would hear at the polls.— These new tests of Democracy, and this war on the champion of the Northern wing of the party, are full of all the disasters we have predicted. It is idle to waste time with men who have so often shown their ignorance of the senti ments of the party. The fog clears up, and it is easy now to see where we are. It was easy to see where we would be long ago; but for the blind, unreasoning hostility to a par ticular man. They see now that this war on Douglas is a war on the Democratic party, and their new test is repudiated by State after State. A NEW PARTY.—A new party, "The Union Party," held its first meeting in Philadelphia, on Saturday night last. It was largely at tended, and many patriotic speeches deliver ed. The speakers generally were from the ranks of the Republican and American par ties, as were also those presiding as officers. D ar A Forney jubilee came off in Wash ington on Friday night last. He made a very pointed speech himself, and was follow ed by Hickman, Haskins and others. PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE.-Mr. Africa has presented petitions from citizens of Hun tingdon county : One praying for an annual appropriation of SlO,OOO, for the Training School for feeble minded and idiotic children of Media, in the county of Delaware. One praying that the premium on fox scalps in Huntingdon county may be increased to $1,50. One praying for the incorporation of a com pany to erect a Hotel in the borough of Hun tingdon. Also reported An Act to incorporate the Huntingdon and Cassville Turnpike Road Company. THE CONTEST IN CONGRESS.—The contest in the House for Speaker was ended on Wed nesday last by the election of Hon. Wm. Pen nington of New Jersey, formerly an old line Whig, but at present, an Opposition. The final ballot _stood, for Pennington 117 ; Mc- Clernand, Democrat, 85 ; Gilmore, American 16 ; Scattering 15. On Friday John W. Forney was elected Clerk, and H. W. Hoffman, of Maryland, Sergeant-at-arms. fi;'-. The jury in the case of Andrew Ste phens, another of the Harper's Ferry party, on Saturday, returned a verdict of guilty of treason, murder and conspiracy. He will be hung. par The Washington correspondent of the N. Y. Herald says, under date of Feb. 3: The Senate Printing Investigating Com mittee met this morning. Mr. Wendell un derwent an examination upwards of three hours. It appears that some seven or eight parties were interested in the public print ing, namely : Steadman, Banks, McLean, Walker, Rice, Severns, and Bowman. He stated that he had paid out during the past three years, over one hundred thousand dol lars for party support to newspapers, and in aid of election expenses, in Pennsylvania principally, but extending over New Jersey, New York, Maryland, Ohio, &c. Considera ble had been paid by official authority, and some .of his own free will. He also stated that by the action of the Senate in electing Bowman, who had given the work to Blair & Rives, he had been left penniless, with the largest establishment in the Union lying idle, Bowman's conduct towards Wendell was shown up in a very bad light. Bowman; it appears, has given part of the work to Jew ett, editor of the Fillmore organ at Buffalo. A. D. Banks and Jo. Severns were also exam ined. They did not seem to know much, ex cept that they had received some material aid from Wendell. 'Wendell testified that out of the post office blanks printing, he paid, in 1857, the sum of six thousand dollars to the Pennsylvanian newspaper, of Philadelphia, and to the Even ing Argus, of Philadelphia, the sum of five thousand dollars. He informed the commit tee that he went into doubtful Democratic districts in Pennsylvania, and spent money freely for the benefit of the supporters of the policy of the Administration. Mr. Rice, of the Pennsylvanian, was also before the com mittee, and did not discredit the testimony of Wendell. There are rich developments forth coming before the committee." A SPECIMEN OF .AN AFRICAN RULER-PE CULIARITIES OF TUE KING OF DALIOMEY--A correspondent of the Boston Post, writing from Badagry, West Africa, under the date of September 27, gives the following charac teristics of an influential gentleman of Africa : " Dahomey is governed probably by the most tyranical monarch in the whole world. His word is law, and whoever thwarts him loses his head without the least ceremony, but I must say is by far the best groverned country I have seen in Africa. He is king of the most powerful and warlike people on this continent, and is entirely engaged in hos tilities against the smaller and weaker tribes, to obtain prisoners many of whom are sold as slaves, and large numbers arc offered as sac rifices upon the death of any favorite of his majesty. While I was at Whydah he offered up 360 victims at the federal ceremonies of his chiefs. At the death of King Guzo, who died last November, 800 captives were killed, besides 200 of his favorite wives. Since then the number of victims' killed by this blood thirsty wretch for his father is 2,400. Pre vious to my going to Whydah, the King had sent his messenger with his cane, command ing all people, both black and white, who were trading in his country, to appear at Da homey, to attend the grand custom in honor of the late King, his father. As I was not in Whydah at the time, the message was sent to me, saying that he had been successful in his expeditions, and had taken three thous and prisoners, whose blood would be used to wash the graves of his ancestors. Whenever the King's name is mentioned, all within hearing fall down and kiss the earth, and cover themselves with dust. They would not deliver the message to me until I stood up and took off my hat. You have to take the cane in your hand during the delivery of the message, when you are supposed to be in di rect communication with the King; the mes sengers all the time are prostrate on the ground. Three men are always sent, one to watch the others, and see the message is giv en as received. This is always the case when any message is sent to the next world, to see that the way is not lost. " The present King's title is Reernee Beer nee which means the lion, at whose name both man and beast flee. About three months ago the fetish told the King that the people of a certain village were the means of the late King's death. He consequently attacked them, and killed every soul—six hundred in number—nit sparing one. So much for this wholesale bucher." MARYLAND LEGISLATURE-ID the Maryland Legislature, the resolutions received from the South Carolina Legislature, proposing a Dis union Convention of Southern delegates, were read on Friday. The leading men of both parties denounced them as a proposition for national treason.-- There was quite a strong vote on a motion to lay them on the table without reading, and they would have been so disposed of but for the plea of respect due a sovereign State.— They were finally made the order of the day for Wednesday next. The debate was of the most exciting char acter, only two members apologizing for the course of the South Carolina Legislature. Hon. Jacob Fry, Jr., for Governor. We invite attention to the following article taken from the Easton Argus, a long estab lished and one of the most respectable and in fluential Democratic papers in the State, edi ted by Post Master Hatter. The figures pre sented by the Argus show that Mr. Fry has been a faithful and most valuable public offi cer, and that with such a man as Governor, the people of Pennsylvania might calculate with certainty upon a speedy reduction of her heavy debt, and an abatement in their taxes. The masses of the Democracy know this, and from all sections of the State they are for him : THE NEXT GOVERNOR.—The public mind is being considerably excited upon the ques tion, "Who shall be the next Democratic can didate for Governor ?" And as the question is one of magnitude and great importance to the Democratic party, we feel disposed to treat upon it a little more at large, than we have thus far. The paramount importance of this question to the great Democratic party of Pennsylvania, as well as to the country, we think amply justifies every man who has the success of our party, as well as the peace and quiet of the country at heart to speak out, and thus lead the public mind to such conclusions as wisdom and sound discretion will dictate. At the last election a large ma jority in the State was thrown against the Democratic party, and the prominent inquiry now should be, can this majority be over come? And who is the man with whom this desirable end can be accomplished? We are prepared to say, that be the nominee of the Reading Convention whom be may, we are ready to give him a cordial and hearty support; but in the present state of public opinion, and having the desperate efforts that will be made by our opponents in view, we think it altogether right and proper to give an honest indication in favor of one or the other of the prominent candidates, as we think the sentiment of the masses will justi fy. We have heretofore expressed in our columns a preference for Hon. Hopewell Hep burn, of Pittsburgh, but it is evident that the choice of the Convention will fall upon one of the gentlemen whose claims are being ac tively pressed. Under these circumstances, we incline to the nomination of the Hon. Ja cob Fry. Jr., of Montgomery county. And we can start out by saying, that no man can be presented to the people who has a better record than Mr. Fry. He held the office of Prothonotary and Clerk of the several Courts of Montgomery county for three years under an appointment of the late Gov. Wolf, the duties of which office he discharged with ability and such satisfaction to his constitu ents, that soon after his voluntary retirement, he was elected to Congress, where he contin ued for four years up to 1839. Ile remained in private life till 1853, when he was called upon to represent the county in the State Legisla ture. He was re-elected in 1854, when near ly the whole ticket, including his colleagues for the Legislature, fell under the weight of Know-Nothingism. In 1856 he was elected Auditor General of the State, in which last position he has discharged his duty with sin gular fidelity to the Commonwealth. His services at the bead of the finances of the State, have been of such value, and are so well and generally known and admitted, that no man in our opinion could be presented to the people with an equal chance of success. The collections and disbursements of the State are through his hands, and under and subject so far to his control, that everything in the way of economical administration of the office he occupies, depends upon its faith ful management. We propose to adduce a few figures to show to some extent the ser vices rendered to the Commonwealth by Mr. Fry, since he has been Auditor General. By the Auditor General's report of 1856, the expenses of the Commonwealth for the fiscal year, ending in November, of that year, were 6,662,969 04. These expenses did not include anything paid to the Sinking Fund Commissioners. By the And. Gen's report of 1857 ' Mr. Fry's Ist year, the expenses of the Corn. amouunted to $5,976,415 26 From this deduct amount paid to Sinking Fund Commissioners 638 135 00 Actual expenses for 1857, By Aud. General's report 1858, expenses were Paid to Sinking Fund, Actual expenses fur 185 S, By And. General's report 1859, expenses were Paid to Sinking Fund, Actual expenses for 1859, The public debt, (including temporary loans,) at the time Mr. Fry came into Auditor General Office, was $40,750,357 87 The same is now as stated iu the Governor's last message, $38,478,961 00 Making an actual reduction of $2,271,396 S 7 Thus we see, that by faithful attention to the public business, the yearly expenses of the State have been cut down in the time Mr. Fry was in office, from $6,662,969 04, to $3,- 905,755 28, and while that has been done, the revenue for the same time has rapidly in creased. The item alone of Corporation Tax, has more than doubled in that time by the addition of a large number of incorporations that have heretofore not been paying any taxes. It has been by reducing the expenses of the Commonwealth and increasing her revenues, that so large a sum has been paid within the last three years upon our indebted ness. This will be fully appreciated by the tax payers, and on this account we think the nomination of Mr. Fry would meet the deci ded approbation of the people. Aside from these considerations, Mr. Fry is a gentleman of sterling worth and genuine, old fashioned Dutch integrity. He knows the wants and necessities of the people, is a prudent and economical house-keeper and faithful guardian of the interests of the State. He has much legislative experience. It is very probable that important legislation, se riously affecting the tax payers of our State, will be asked for within the next three years, and we honestly believe that Mr. Fry is just the man to protect the public interests. We believe him to be the strongest man, and that he will best unite the party. It is true that he is not an experienced public speaker, nor do we deem that essential. The best gover nors we ever had, Snyder, Shunk and others, were no orators, and have other gentlemen in our ranks who can stump the State, if it is deemed necessary. We favor the nomina tion of Mr. Fry because he is a true repre sentative of the German element of Pennsyl vania, because his record is clear and pure, because he is honest and capable, because his nomination will promote union and harmony in the ranks of the Democratic party, and be cause we sincerely believe he would make one of the purest Executives Pennsylvania ever had. We hope the delegates from this dis trict will support him in Convention. $5,338,280 213 $4,708,016 81 421,377 85 $4,357,538 97 $4,729,409 90 853,654 62 $3,905,775 28
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