The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, January 04, 1860, Image 2

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whole Republic. It is supported by a large
majority of the people and the States, but
but there are important parts of the country
where it can enforce no obedience. General
Miramon maintains himself at the Capital ;
and in some of the distant provinces there are
military governors who pay little respect to
the decrees of either government. In the
meantime the accesses which always attend
upon civil war, especially in Mexico, are
constantly recurring. Outrages of the worst
description are committed both upon persons
and property.
There is scarcely any form of injury which
has not been suffered by our citizens in Mex
ico during the last few years. We have been
nominally at peace with that republic, but
" so far as the interests of our commerce or
of our citizens who have visited the country
as merchants, ship-masters, or in other capaci
ties, are concerned, we might as well have
been at war." Life has been insecure, prop
erty unprotected, and trade impossible ex
cept at a risk of loss which prudent men can
not be expected to incur. Important contracts,
involving large expenditures, entered into by
the central government, have been set at de
fiance by the local governments. Peaceful
American residents, occupying their rightful
possessions, have been suddenly expelled from
the country, in defiance of treaties, and by
the mere force of arbitrary power. Even the
course of justice has not been safe from con
trol, and a recent decree of Miramon permits
the intervention of government in all suits
where either party is a foreigner. Vessels
of the United States have been seized with
out law, and a consular officer who protested
against such seizure has been fined and im
prisoned for disrespect to the authorities.—
Military contributions have been levied in
violation of every principle of right, and the
American who resisted the lawless demand
has had his property forcibly taken away,
and has been himself banished. From a con
flict of authority in different parts of the coun
try, tariff duties which have been paid in one
place, have been exacted over again in anoth
er place. Large numbers of our citizens have
been arrested and imprisoned without any
form of examination or any opportunity fur a
hearing, and even when released have only
obtained their liberty after much suffering
and injury and without any hope of redress.
The wholesale massacre of Crabbe and his
associates without trial in Sonora, as well as
the seizure and murder of four sick Ameri
cans who had taken shelter in the house of
an American, - upon the soil of the United
States was communicated to Congress at its
last session. Murders of a still more atroci
cions character have been committed in the
very heart of Mexico, under the authority of
Miramon's government, during the present
year. Some of these were only worthy of a
barbarous age, and, if they had not been
clearly proven, would have seemed impossi
ble in a country which claims to be civilized.
Of this description was the brutal massacre
in April last, by order of Gen. Marquez, of
three American physicians, who were seized
in the hospital at Tacubaya while attending
upon the sick and the dying of both parties,
and without trial, as without crime, were
hurried away to speedy execution. Little
less shocking was the recent fate of Ormond
,Chase, who was shot in Tepic on the 7th of
August by order of the same Mexican Gener
al, not only without a trial, but without any
conjecture by his friends of the cause of his
arrest. He is represented as a young man
of good character and intelligence, who had
made numerous friends in Tepic by the cour
age and humanity which he had displayed
on several trying occasions, and his death
was as unexpected as it was shocking to the
whole community. Other outrages might be
enumerated, but these are sufficient to illus
trate the wretched state of the - country and
the unprotected condition of the persons and
property of our citizens in Mexico.
In all these cases our ministers have been
constant and faithful in their demands for
redress, but both they and this Government,
which they have successfully represented,
have been wholly powerless to make their
demands effective. Their testimony in this
respect, and in reference to the only remedy
which in their judgments, would meet the
exigence, has been both uniform and emphat
ic. " Nothing but a manifestation of the
power of the Government of the United States
(wrote our late minister in 1856) and of its
purpose to punish these wrongs will avail. I
assure you that the universal belief here is
that there is nothing to be apprehended from
the Government of the United States, and
that local Mexican officials can commit these
outrages upon American citizens with abso
lute impunity." " I hope the President"
(wrote our present minister in August last)
" will feel authorized to ask from Congress
the power to enter Mexico with the military
forces of the United States, at the call of the
constitutional authorities, in order to protect
the citizens and the treaty rights of the Uni
ted States. Unless such a power is conferred
upon him, neither the one nor the other will
be respected in the existing state of anarchy
and disorder, and the outrages already per
petrated will never be chastised ; and, as I
assured you in my No. 23, all these evils must
increase until every vestige of order and gov
ernment disappears from the country." I
have been reluctantly led to the same opin
ion, and, in justice to my countrymen who
have suffered wrongs from Mexico, and who
may still suffer them, I feel bound to an
nounce this conclusion to Congress.
The case presented, however, is not mere
ly a case of individual claims, although our
just claims against Mexico have reached a
very large amount. Nor is it merely the case
of protection to the lives and property of the
few Americans who may still remain in Mex
ico, although the life and property of every
American citizen ought to be sacredly pro
tected in every quarter of the world. But it
is a question which relates to the future as
well as to the present and the past, and which
involves, indirectly at least, the whole sub
ject of our duty to Mexico as a neighboring
State. The exercise of the power of the Uni
ted States in that country to redress the
wrongs and protect the rights of our own cit
izens is none the less to be desired, because
efficient and necessary aid may thus be ren
dered at the same time to restore peace and
order to Mexico itself. In the accomplish
ment of this result the people of the United
States must necessarily feel a deep and earn
est interest. Mexico ought to be a rich and
prosperous and powerful republic. She pos
sesses an extensive territory, a fertile soil,
and an incalculable store of mineral wealth.
She occupies an important position between
the Gulf and the ocean for transit routes and
for commerce. Is it possible that such a coun
try as this can be given up to anarchy and
ruin without an effort from any quarter for
for its rescue and its safety? Will the com
mercial nations of the world, which have so
many interests connected with it, remain
wholly indifferent to such a result ? Can the
United States, which ought to share the
most largely in its commercial intercourse,
allow their immediate neighbor thus to de
stroy itself and injure them ? Yet, without
support from some quarter, it is impossible
to perceive how Mexico can resume her posi
tion among nations and enter upon a career
which promises any good results. The aid
which she requires, and which the interests
of all commercial countries require that she
should have, it belongs to this Government
to render, not only by virtue of our neighbor
hood to Mexico, along whose territory we
have a continuous frontier of nearly a thous
and miles, but by virtue, also, of our estab
lished policy, which is inconsistent with the
intervention of any European Power in the
domestic concerns of that republic.
The wrongs which we have suffered from
Mexico are before the world, and must deep
ly impress every American citizen. A govern
ment which is either unable or unwilling to
redress such wrongs is derelict to its highest
duties. The difficulty consists in selecting'
and enforcing the remedy. We may in vain
apply to the Constitutional Government at
Vera Cruz, although it is well disposed to do
us justice, for adequate redress. Whilst its
authority is acknowledged in all the impor
tant ports and throughout the sea-coasts of
the Republic, its power does not extend to
the City of Mexico and the States in its vi
cinity, where nearly all the recent outrages
have been committed on American citizens.
We must penetrate into the interior before
we can reach the offenders, and this can only
be done by passing through the territory in
the occupation of the Constitutional Govern
ment. The most acceptable and least diffi
cult mode of accomplishing the object will
he to act in concert with that government.—
Their consent and their aid might, I believe,
be obtained ; but if not, our obligation to pro
tect our own citizens in their just rights, se
cured by treaty, would not be the less imper
itive. For these reasons, I recommend to
Congress to pass a law authorizing the Pres
ident, under such conditions as they may
deem expedient, to employ a sufficient milita
ry force to enter Mexico for the purpose of
obtaining indemnity for the past and securi- .
ty for the future. I purposely refrain from
any suggestion as to whether this force shall
consist of regular troops or volunteers, or both.
This question may be most appropriately left
to the decision of Congress. I would merely
observe that, should volunteers be selected,
such a force could be easily raised in this
country among those who sympathize with
the sufferings of our unfortunate fellow-citi
zens in Mexico, and with the unhappy con
dition of that republic. Such an accession
to the forces of the Constitutional Govern
ment would enable it soon to reach the City
of Mexico and extend its power over the
whole republic. In that event there is no
reason to doubt that the just claims of our
citizens would be satisfied and adequate re
dress obtained for the injuries inflicted upon
them, The Constitutional Government have
ever evinced a strong desire to do us justice,
and this might be secured in advance by a
preliminary treaty.
It may be said that these measures will, at
least indirectly, be inconsistent with our wise
and settled policy not to interfere in the do
mestic concerns of foreign Nations. But
does not the present case constitute an ex
ception ? An adjoining Republic is in a
state of anarchy and confusion from which
she has proved wholly unable to extricate
herself. She is entirely destitute of the
power to maintain peace upon her borders or
to prevent the excursions of banditti into her
territories'. In her fate and in her fortune—
in her power to establish and maintain a set
tled government—we have a far deeper in
terest, socially, commercially, and politically
than any other nation. She is now a wreck
upon the ocean, drifting about as she is im
pelled by different factions. As a good
neighbor, shall we not extend to her a help
ing hand to save her? If we do not, it would
not be surprising should some other Nation
undertake the task, and thus force us to in
terfere at last, under circumstances of in
creased difficulty, fur the maintenance of our
established policy.
I repeat the recommendation contained in
my last annual message that authority may
be given to the President to establish one or
more temporary military posts across the
Mexican lino at Sonora and Chihuahua,
where these may be necessary to protect the
lives and property of American and Mexican
citizens against the incursions and depreda
tions of the Indians, as well as the lawless
rovers in that remote region. The establish
mentof one such post at a point called Arispe,
in Sonora, in a country now almost depopu
lated by the hostile inroads of the Indians
from our side of the line, would, it is believ
ed, have prevented much injury and many
cruelties during the past season. A state of
lawlessness and violence prevails on that dis
tent frontier. Life and property are there
wholly insecure. Thepopulation of Arizona,
now numbering more than ten thousand souls
are practically destitute of government, of
laws, or of any regular administration of
justice. Murder, rapine, and other crimes
are committed with impunity. I, therefore,
again call the attention of Congress to the
necessity for establishing a territorial gov
ernment over Arizona.
The treaty with Nicaragua of the 16th of
February, 1857, to which I referred in my
last annual message, failed to receive the
ratification of the government of that Repub
lic, for reasons which I need not enumerate
A similar treaty has been since concluded be
tween the parties bearing date on the 16th
March, 1859, which has already been rati
fied by the Nicaraguan Congress. This will
be immediately submitted to the Senate for
their ratification. Its provisions cannot, I
think, fail to be acceptable to the people of
both countries.
Our claims against the governments of
Costa Rica and Nicaragua remain unredres
sed, though they are pressed in an earnest
manner, and not without hope of success.
I deem it to be my duty once more earn
estly to recommend to Congress the passage
a law authorising the President to employ
the naval force at his command for the pur
pose of protecting the lives and property of
American citizens passing in transit across
the Panama, Nicaragua, and Tehuantepec
routes, against sudden and lawless outbreaks
and depredations. I shall not repeat the ar
guments employed in former messages in
support of this measure. Suffice it to say
that the lives of many of our people; and the
security of vast amount of treasure passing
and repassing over one or more of these
routes between the Atlantic and Pacific, may
be deeply involved in the action of Congress
on this subject.
I would, also, again recommend to Con
gress thatauthority be given to the President
to employ the naval force to protect Amer
ican merchant vessels, their crews and car
goes, against violent and lawless seizure and
confiscation in the ports of Mexico and the
Spanish American States when these. coun
tries may be in a disturbed and revolutionary
condition. The mere knowledge that such
an authority had. been conferred, as I have
already stated, would of itself, in a great de
gree prevent the evil. Neither would this
require any additional appropriation for the
naval service.
The chief objection urged against the grant
of this authority is, that Congress, by confer
ing it, would violate the Constitution—that
it would be a transfer of the war-declaring
power to the Executive. If this were well
founded, it would, of course, be conclusive.—
A very brief examination, however, will
place this objection at rest.
Congress possess the sole and exclusive
power, under the Constitution, " to declare
war." They alone can "raise and support
armies," and "provide and maintain a navy.
But after Congress shall have provided the
force necessary to carry it on, the President
as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and
Navy, can alone employ this force in making
war against the enemy. This is in plain
language, and history proves that it was the
well-known intention of the framers of the
It will not be denied that the general
"power to declare war" is without limita
tion, and embraces within itself not only
what writers on the law of nations term a
public or perfect war, but also an imperfect
war—and, in short, every species of hostili
ty, however confined or limited. Without
the authority of Congress, the President can
not fire a hostile gun in any case, except to
repel the attacks of an enemy. It will not
be doubted that under this power Congress
could, if they thought proper, authorize the
President to employ the force at his command
to seize a vessel belonging to an American
citizen which had been illegally and unjust
ly captured in a foreign port and restore it to
its owners. But can Congress only act after
fact—after the mischief has been done ?
Have they no power to confer upon the
President the authority in advance to
furnish instant redress should such a case
afterwards occur? Must they wait until the
mischief has been done, and can they apply
the remedy only when it is to late? To con
fer this authority to meet future cases under
circumstances strictly specified, is as clearly
within the war-declaring power as such an
authority conferred upon the President by
act of Congress after the deed had been done.
In the progress of a great nation many exi
gencies must arise imperatively requiring
that Congress should authorize the President
to act promptly on•certain conditions which
may or may not afterwards arise. Our his
tory has alreadypresented a number of such
cases. I shall refer only to the latest.
Under the resolution of June 2d, 1858, "for
the adjustment of difficulties with the repub
lic of Paraguay," the President is "author
ized to adopt such measures and use such
force as in his judgement may be necessary
and advisable to the event of a refusal of just
satisfaction by the government of Paraguay."
"Just satisfaction" for what? For the " at
tact on the-Water Witch," and " other mat
ters referred to in the annual message of the
president." Here the power is expressly
granted upon the condition that the govern
ment of Paraguay shall refuse to render this
" just satisfaction." In this and other sim
ilar cases Congress have conferred upon the
President power in advance to employ the
army and navy upon the happening of con
tingent future events ; and this most certain
ly is embraced within the power to declare
Now, if this conditional and contingent
power could be constitutionally conferred
upon the President in the case of Paraguay,
why may it not be conferred for the purpose
of protecting the lives and property of Amer
ican citizens in the event that they may be
violently and unlawfully attacked in passing
over the transit routes to and from California,
or assailed by the seizure of their vessels in
a foreign port? To deny this power is to
render the navy in a great degree useless for
the protection of the lives and property of
American citizens in countries where neither
protection nor redress can be otherwise ob
The Thirty-fifth Congress terminated on
the 3d of March, 1859, without having passed
the " act making appropriations fur the ser
vices of the Pust Office Department during
the fiscal year ending the 30th June, 1860."
This act also contained an appropriation "to
supply deficiencies in the revenue of the Post
Office Department for the year ending the
30th of June,1859." I believe this is the first
instance since the origin of the Federal Gov
ernment, now more than seventy years ago,
when any Congress went out of existence
without having passed all the general appro
priation bills necessary to carry on the gov
ernment until the regular period for the
meeting of a new Congress. This event im
posed on the Executive a grave responsibility.
It presented a choice of evils.
Had this omisssion of duty occurred at the
first session of the last Congress the remedy
would have been plain. I might then have
instantly recalled them to complete their
work—and this without expense to the Gov
ernment. But on the 4th of March last,
there were fifteen of the thirty-three States
which had not elected any representative to
the present Congress. Had. Congress been
called together immediately, these States
would have been virtually disfranchised. If
an intermediate period had been selected,
several of the States would have been com
pelled to hold extra sessions of their Legis
latures, at great inconvenience and expense,
to provide for elections at an earlier day than
that previously fixed by law. In the regular
course, ten of these States would not elect
until after the beginning of August, and five
of these ten not until October and Novem
On the other hand, when I came to exam
ine carefully the condition of the Post Office
Department, I did not meet as many or as
great difficulties as I had apprehended. Had
the bill which failed been confined to the ap
propriations for the fiscal year ending on the
30th June next, there would have been no
reason of pressing importance for the call of
an extra session. Nothing would become
due on contracts (those with railroad com
panies only excepted) for carrying the mail
for the first quarter of the present fiscal year,
commencing on the first of July, until the
first of December—less than one week be
fore the meeting of the present Congress.—
The reason is that the mail contractors for
this current year did not complete their
first quarter's service until the 30th Septem
ber last ; and by the terms of their contracts,
sixty days more are allowed for the settle
ment of their accounts before the Department
could be called upon for payment.
The great difficulty and the great hardship
consisted in the failure to provide for the pay
ment of the deficiency in the fiscal year end
ing the 30th June, 1859. The Department
had entered into contracts, in obedience to
existing laws, for the service of that fiscal
year, and the contractors were fairly entitled
to their compensation as it become due.—
The deficiency as stated in the bill, amounted
to $3,338,728, but after a careful settlement
of all these accounts, it has been ascertained
that it amounts to $4,296,009. With the
scanty means at his command the Postmaster
General has managed to pay that portion of
this deficiency which occurred in the first
two quarters of the past fiscal year, ending
on the 31st December last. In the meantime
the contractors themselves, under these try
ing circumstances, have behaved in a man
ner worthy of all commendation. They bad
one resource in the midst of their embarrass
ments. After the amount due each of them
had been ascertained and finally settled ac
cording to law, this became a specific debt of
record against the United States, which en
abled them to borrow money on this unques
tionable security. Still they were obliged to
pay interest in consequence of the default of
Congress, and on every principle of justice,
ought to receive interest from the Govern
ment. This interest should commence from
the date when a warrant would have issued
for the payment of the principal had an ap
propriation been made for this purpose.—
Calculated up to the first December, it will
not exceed $96,660—a sum not to be taken
into account when contrasted with the great
difficulties and embarrassments of a public
and private character, both to the people and
the States, which would have resulted from
convening and holding a special session of
For these reasons I recommend the passage
of a bill, at as early a day as may be practi
cable, to provide for the payment of the
amount, with interest, due to these last men
tioned contractors, as well as to make the neces
sary appropriations for the service of the Post
Office Department for the current fiscal year.
The failure to pass the Post Office bill ne
cessarily gives birth to serious reflections.—
Congress, by refusing to pass the general ap
propiation bills necessary to carry on the
Government, may not only arrest its ac
tion, but even destroy its existence. The
army, the navy, the judiciary, in short every
department of the Government, can no lon
ger perform their functions if Congress refuse
the money necessary for their support. If
this failure should teach the country the ne
cessity of electing a fail Congress in sufficient
time to enable the President to convene them
in any emergency, even immediately after
the old Congress has expired, it will have
been productive of great good. In a time of
sudden and alarming danger, foreign or do
mestic, which all nations must expect to en
counter in their progress, the very salvation
of our institutions may be staked upon the
assembling of Congress without delay. If,
under such circumstances, the President
should find himself in the condition in which
he was placed at the close of the last Con
gress, with nearly half the States of the
Union destitute of representatives, the conse
quences might be disastrous. I, 'therefore,
recommend to Congress to carry into effect
the provisions of the Constitution on this sub
ject, and to pass a law appointing some day
previous to the 4th of March in each year
of odd number for the election of represen
tatives throughout all the States. They
have already appointed a day for the elec
tion of electors for President and Vice Presi
dent, and this measure has been approved by
the country.
I would again express a most decided
opinion in favor of the construction of a Pa
cific railroad, for the reasons stated in my
last two annual messages. When I reflect
upon what would be the defenceless condition
of our States and Territories west of the
Rocky mountains in case of a war with a na
val power sufficiently strong to interrupt all
intercourse with them by the routes across
the Isthmus, I am still more convinced than
ever of the vast importance of this railroad.
I have never doubted the constitutional com
petency of Congress to provide for its con
struction, but this exclusively under the war
making power. Besides, the Constitution ex
pressly requires as an imperative duty, that
"the United States shall protect each of them
(the States) against invasion." I am at a
a loss to conceive how this protection can be
afforded to California and Oregon against
such a naval power by any other means. I
repeat the opinion contained in my last an
nual message, that it would be inexpedient
for the Government to undertake this great
work by agents of its own appointment and
under its direct and exclusive control. This
would increase the patronage of the Execu
tive to a dangerous extent, and would foster
a system of jobbing and corruption which no
vigilance on the part of Federal officials could
prevent. The construction of this road ought,
therefore, to be intrusted to incorporated
companies, or other agencies, who would ex
ercise that active and vigilant supervision
over it which can be inspired alone by a
sense of corporate and individual interest.—
I venture to assert that the additional cost of
transporting troops, munitions of war, and
necessary supplies for the army across the
vast intervening plains to our possessions on
the Pacific coast, would be greater in such a
war than the whole amount required to con
struct the road. And yet this resort would,
after all, be inadequate for their defence and
We have yet scarcely recovered from the
habits of extravagant expenditure, produced
by our over-flowing Treasury, during several
years prior to the commencement of my Ad
ministration. The financial reverses which
we have since experienced ought to teach us
all to 'scrutinize our expenditures with the
greatest vigilance, and to reduce them to the
lowest possible point. The Executive De
partments of the Government have devoted
themselves to the accomplishment of this ob
ject with considerable success, as will appear
from their different reports and estimates.—
To these I invite the scrutiny of Congress,
for the purpose of reducing them still lower,
if this be practicably, consistent with the
great public interests of the country. In aid
of the policy of retrenchment, i pledge my
self to examine closely the bills appropriating
lands or money, so that if any of these should
inadvertantly pass both Houses, as must
sometimes be the case, I may afford them an
opportunity for reconsideration. At the same
time we ought never to forget that true pub
lie economy consists, not in withholding the
means necessary to accomplish important na
tional objects confided to us by the Constitu
tion, but in taking care that the money ap
propriated for these purposes shall be faith
fully and frugally expended.
It will appear from the report of the Sec
retary of the Treasury that it is extremely
doubtful, to say the ]east, whether we shall
be able to pass through the present and the
next fiseal year without providing additional
This can only be accomplished by strictly
confining the appropriations within the esti
mates of the different Departments, without
making an allowance for any additional ex
penditures which Congress may think proper
in their discretion, to authorize, and without
providing for the redemption of any portion
of the $20,000,000 of Treasury notes which
have been already issued. In the event of a
deficiency, which I consider probable, this
ought never to be supplied by a resort to ad
ditional loans. It would be a ruinous prac
tice in the days of peace and prosperity to
go on increasing the national debt to meet
the ordinary expenses of the Government.—
This policy would cripple our resources and
impair our credit in case the existence of war
should render it necessary to borrow money.
Should such a deficiency occur as I appre
hend, I would recommend that the necessary
revenue be raised by an increase of our pres
ent duties on imports. I need not repeat the
opinions expressed in my last annual mes
sage as to the best mode and manner of ac
complishing this object, and shall now merely
observe that these have since undergone no
The report of the Secretary of the Treas
ury will explain in detail the operations of
that Department of the Government.
The receipts into the treasury from all
sources during the fiscal year ending
June, 1859, including the loan authorized by
the act of 14th June, 1858, and the issue of
treasury notes authorized by existing laws,
were eighty-one million six hundred and
ninety-two thousand four hundred and sev
enty-one dollars and one cent, which sum
with the balance of $6,398,310 10, remaining
in the treasury at the commencement of that
fiscal year, made an aggregate for the ser
vice of the year of $88,090,787 11.
The public expenditures during the fiscal
year ending 30th June, 1859, amounted to
$83,751,511 57. Of this sum $17,405,285
44 were applied to the payment of interest
on the public debt and the redemption of the
issues of treasury notes. The expenditures
for all other branches of the public service
during that fiscal year were therefore $06,-
341,226 13. - -
The balance remaining in the treasury on
the Ist July, 1859, being the commencement
of the present fiscal year, was $4,339,275 54.
The receipts into the treasury during the
first quarter of the present fiscal year, com
mencing July Ist, 1859, were twenty million
six hundred and eighteen thousand eight
hundred and sixty-five dollars and eighty-five
cents, ($20,618,865 85.) Of this amount, three
million eight handred and twenty-one thous
and three hundred dollars ($3,821,300) was
received on account of the loan and the issue
of treasury notes—the amount of sixteen mil
lion seven hundred and ninety-seven thousand
five hundred and sixty-five dollars and eighty
five cents ($16,797,565 85) having been re
ceived during the quarter from the ordinary
sources of public revenue. The estimated
receipts for the remaining three quarters of
the present fiscal year to 30th June, 1860, are
fifty million four hundred and twenty-six
thousand four hundred dollars, ($30,426,400.)
Of this amount it is estimated that five mil
lion seven hundred. and fifty-six thousand
four hundred dollars ($5,756,400) will be re
ceived for Treasury notes which may be re
issued under the fifth section of the act of 3d
March last, and one million one hundred and
seventy thousand dollars ($1,170,000) on ac
count of the loan authorized by the act of
June 14, 1858—making six million nine hun
dred and twenty-six thousand four hundred
dollars ($6,926,400) from these extraordina
ry sources, and forty-three million five hun
dred thousand dollars ($43,500,000) from the
ordinary sources of the public revenue—mak
ing an aggregate, with the balance in the
Treasury on the Ist July, 1859, of seventy
five million three hundred and eighty-four
thousand five hundred and forty-one dollars
and eighty-nine cents ($75,384,541 89) for
the estimated means of the present fiscal year
ending 30th June, 1860.
The expenditures during the first quarter
of the present fiscal year were $20,007,174
76.) $4,664,366 76 of this sum were ap
plied to the payment of interest on the pub
lic debt and the redemption of the issues of
treasury notes, and the remainder, being 15,-
342,808, were applied to ordinary expendi
tures during the quarter. The estimated ex
penditures during the remaining three quar
ters, to June 30, 1860, are $40,995,558 23.
Of which sum $,886,621 34 are estimated
for the interest on the public debt. The as
certained and estimated expenditures for the
fiscal year ending 30th June, 1860, on account
of the public debt, are, accordingly, $7,550-
998 10 ; and for the ordinary expenditures of
the Government $53,451,744 89, making an
aggregate of $61,002,732 99 ; leaving an es
timated balance in the treasury on the 30th
June, 1860, of $14,381,808 40.
The estimated receipts during the next
fiscal year ending 30th June, 1861, are $66,-
225,000, which with the balance estimated,
as before stated, as remaining'in the Treasu
ry on the 30th June, 1860, will make an ag
gregate for the service of the next fiscal year
of $80,606,808 40.
The estimated expenditures during the next
fiscal year ending 30th June, 1861, are $66,-
714,928 79. Of this amount, $3,306,621 34
will be required to pay the interest on the
public debt ; leaving the sum of $63,328,307
45 for the estimated ordinary expenditures
during the fiscal year ending 30th June, 1861.
Upon these estimates a balance will be left
in the Treasury on the 30th June, 1861, of
$13,891,870 61.
But this balance, as well as that estimated
to remain in. the treasury on the Ist July,
1860, will be reduced by such appropriations
as shall be made by law to carry into effect
certain Indian treaties during the present fis
cal year, asked for by the Secretary of the
Interior, to the amount of $539,350, and upon
the estimates of the Postmaster General for
the service of his Department the last fiscal
year, ending 30th June, 1859, amounting to
$4,296,009, together with the further esti
mates of that officer for the service of the
present fiscal year, ending 30th June, 1860,
being $5,526,324, making an aggregate of
Should these appropriations be made as re
quested by the proper Departments, the bal
ance in the Treasury on the 30th June, 1861,
will not, it is estimated, exceed $3,530,196
I transmit herewith the reports of the Sec
retaries of War, of the Navy, of the Interior,
and of the Postmaster General. They each
contain valuable information and important
recommendations well worthy of the serious
consideration of Congress.
It will appear from the report of the Sec
retary of War that the army expenditures
have been materially reduced by a system
of rigid economy, which in his opinion, offers
every guaranted that the reduction will be
permanent. The estimates of the Depart
ment for the next year havo been reduced
nearly two millions of dollars below the esti
mates for the present fiscal year, and half a
million of dollars below the amount granted
for this year at the last session of Congress.
The expenditures of the Post Office Depart
ment during the fiscal year, ending on the
30th June, 1859, exclusive of payments for
mail service specially provided by Congress
out of the general treasury, amounted to
$14,964,493 33, and its receipts to $7,968,-
484 07 ; showing a deficiency to be supplied
from the treasury of $6,996,009 26, against
$5,235,677 15 for the year ending 30th June,
1858. The increased cost of transportation
growing out of the expansion of the service
required by Congress explains this rapid aug
mentation of the expenditures. It is grati
fying, however, to observe an increase of re
ceipts for the year ending on the 30th June,
1859, equal to $481,691 21, compared with
those in the year ending on 30th June, 1858.
It is estimated that the deficiency for the
current fiscal year will be $5.988,424 04, but
that for the year ending 30th June, 1861, it
will not exceed $1,342,473 90, should Con
gress adopt the measures of reform proposed
and urged by the Postmaster General. Since
the month of March, retrenchments have
been made in the expenditures amounting to
$1,826,471 annually, which, however, did
not take effect until after the commencement
of the present fiscal year. The period seems
to have arrived for determining the question
whether this Department shall become a per
manent and ever-increasing charge upon the
Treasury, or shall be permitted to resume the
self-sustaining policy which had so lung con
trolled its administration. The course of
legislation recommended by the Postmaster
General for the relief of the Department from
its present embarrassments, and for restoring
it to its original independence, is deserving
of your early and earnest consideration.
In conclusion, I would again commend to
the just liberality of Congress the local inter
ests of the District of Columbia. Surely the
city bearing the name of Washington, and
destined, I trust, for ages to be the capital of
our united, free, and prosperous Confederacy,
has strong claims on our favorable regard.
WASHINGTON CITY, Dec. 19, 1859.
Phil4idelphia, Sept. 29,1859
SOCIETY:—The subscribers, your committee to examine the
contents of a Salamander Safe, of Evans Sc Watson, after
being exposed to a strong fire on the Fair Grounds for eight
hours, respectfully represent—
That after seven cords of oak wood and three of pine
had been consumed around the Safe, it was opened in the
presence of the committee, and the contents taken out, a
little warmed, but not even scorched.
Several Silver Medals heretofore received by the manu
facturers, and a largo quantity of documents were in the
Safe, and came out entirely uninjured.
The experiment satisfied us of the capacity of Safes of
this kind to protect contents from any tire to which they
may bo exposed.
The Committee awarded a Diploma and Silver Medal.
Jonx W. GmAar,
Wmatrcrort, Del., Sept. 17, ISs9.—Messrs.Evin & WAT- ,
BON, Philadelphia.
Gentlemen :—Tho Salamander Fire-Proof Safe of your
manuffientre, purchased by us from your Agent, Ferris &
Garrett, of our city, some nine months ago, was severely
tried by burglars last Saturday night, and although they
had a sledge hammer, cold chisels, drill and gunpowder,
they did not succeed in opening the Safe. The lock being
one of "Hall's Patent Powder-proof," they could not get
the powder into it, but drilled a hole in the lower panel
and forced in a large charge, which was ignited, and al
though the door, inside and out, showed the explosion not
to have beet a small one, it was not forced open. We sup
pose they were the greater part of the night at work on
it. We are much gratified at the result of the attempt to
enter it, and if the above facts are of any service, you are
at liberty to use them. Yours, truly,
KNOXVILLE, Tennessee,March 13th, 1859.
Messrs. EVANS & WATSON, Philaelphia:
Gentlemen—lt affords me great pleasure to say to you
that the Salamander Safe which I purchased of you in
February, 1858, proved to be what you recommended it—
a sure protection from fire. My storehouse, together with
several others, was burned to the ground in March last.—
The Safe fell through into the cellar, and was exposed to
intense heat for six or eight hours, and when it was taken
from the ruins and opened, all its contents where found to
be in a perfect state, the books and the papers not being
injured any whatever. I can cheerfully recommend your
Sales to the community, believing, as I do, that they are
as near fire-proof as it is possible for any Safe to be made.
~ ( 0-A large assortment of the above SAFES always on
hand, at 304 Chestnut street, (late 24 South Fourth street,)
Philadelphia- • [Nov. 16, 1859.1
Continued success of the
Prom all sections of the country subscribers to this pop
ular Art institution, (now in its sixth year,) are being re
ceived in a ratio unparalleled with that of any previous
Any person can become a member by subscribing $3,
which will entitle him to
lst.—The beautiful Steel Engraving, " Shakspeare and
Ills Friends."
2d.—A copy of the elegantly Illustrated Art Journal,
one year.
3d.—A Free Season Admission to the Galleries, 548
Broadway, New York.
In addition to which, over four hundred valuable Works
of Art are oven to subscribers as Premiums, comprising
choice Paintings, Sculptures, Outlines; &c., by the first
American and Foreign Artists.
The superb Engraving, which every subscriber will re
ceive immediately on receipt of subscription, entitled
is of a character to give unqualified pleasure and satisfac
tion. No work of equal value was ever before placed
within reach of the people at such a price. The Engra
ving is of very large size, being printed on heavy plate
paper, 30 by 38 inches, making a most superb ornament
suitable for the walls of either the library, parlor, or office.
It can be sent to any part of the country, by mail, with
safety, being packed in a cylinder, postagepre-paid.
• Think of it! Such a work, delivered free of charge, and
the Art Journal, one year, for three dollars I
Subscriptions will be received until the evening of Tues
day the 31st of January, 1860, at which time the books
will close and the Premiums be given to subscribers.
No person is restricted to a single subscription. Those
remitting $l5 are entitled to six memberships.
Subscriptions from California, the Canadas, and all For
eign Provinces, must be $3 50 instead of $3, in order to
defray extra postages ' &e.
Persons wishing to form clubs will apply for a circular
of terms, &c.
The beautifully Illustratrd Art Journal, giving full par
ticulars, will be sent on receipt of 18 cents, in stamps or
coin. Address
C. L. DERBY, Actuary C. A. A.,
546 and 548 Broadway, Now York.
Subscriptions also received by 3..7. LAWRENCE, Hono
rary Secretary for Huntingdon and vicinity.
N0v.16, 1859.
G. A. Miller has now on hand a well selected stock of
fresh Groceries, Dry Goods, Confectionaries, Hats & Caps,
Boots & shoes, Notions, &a., all of which ho is ready to
dispose of at reasonable prices.
The public generally aro invited to call and examine
his goods.
Thankful for the patronage he has received, he respect
fully solicits a continuance of the same.
- - -.
Store room in the old Temperance Hall, Main street_
Don't miss the place.
Huntingdon, Nov. 2, 1859. ~
IT is a fact that Fisher & McMurtrie are
gelling Rag Carpet at only 25cte. per yard, and all
ol Carpet at 75cte. per yard.
_ .. ___
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