THE HUNTINGDON GLOBE, A DEMOCRATIC FAMILY JOURNAL, DEVOTED TO LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWS, &C. whole Republic. It is supported by a large majority of the people and the States, but but there are important parts of the country where it can enforce no obedience. General Miramon maintains himself at the Capital ; and in some of the distant provinces there are military governors who pay little respect to the decrees of either government. In the meantime the accesses which always attend upon civil war, especially in Mexico, are constantly recurring. Outrages of the worst description are committed both upon persons and property. There is scarcely any form of injury which has not been suffered by our citizens in Mex ico during the last few years. We have been nominally at peace with that republic, but " so far as the interests of our commerce or of our citizens who have visited the country as merchants, ship-masters, or in other capaci ties, are concerned, we might as well have been at war." Life has been insecure, prop erty unprotected, and trade impossible ex cept at a risk of loss which prudent men can not be expected to incur. Important contracts, involving large expenditures, entered into by the central government, have been set at de fiance by the local governments. Peaceful American residents, occupying their rightful possessions, have been suddenly expelled from the country, in defiance of treaties, and by the mere force of arbitrary power. Even the course of justice has not been safe from con trol, and a recent decree of Miramon permits the intervention of government in all suits where either party is a foreigner. Vessels of the United States have been seized with out law, and a consular officer who protested against such seizure has been fined and im prisoned for disrespect to the authorities.— Military contributions have been levied in violation of every principle of right, and the American who resisted the lawless demand has had his property forcibly taken away, and has been himself banished. From a con flict of authority in different parts of the coun try, tariff duties which have been paid in one place, have been exacted over again in anoth er place. Large numbers of our citizens have been arrested and imprisoned without any form of examination or any opportunity fur a hearing, and even when released have only obtained their liberty after much suffering and injury and without any hope of redress. The wholesale massacre of Crabbe and his associates without trial in Sonora, as well as the seizure and murder of four sick Ameri cans who had taken shelter in the house of an American, - upon the soil of the United States was communicated to Congress at its last session. Murders of a still more atroci cions character have been committed in the very heart of Mexico, under the authority of Miramon's government, during the present year. Some of these were only worthy of a barbarous age, and, if they had not been clearly proven, would have seemed impossi ble in a country which claims to be civilized. Of this description was the brutal massacre in April last, by order of Gen. Marquez, of three American physicians, who were seized in the hospital at Tacubaya while attending upon the sick and the dying of both parties, and without trial, as without crime, were hurried away to speedy execution. Little less shocking was the recent fate of Ormond ,Chase, who was shot in Tepic on the 7th of August by order of the same Mexican Gener al, not only without a trial, but without any conjecture by his friends of the cause of his arrest. He is represented as a young man of good character and intelligence, who had made numerous friends in Tepic by the cour age and humanity which he had displayed on several trying occasions, and his death was as unexpected as it was shocking to the whole community. Other outrages might be enumerated, but these are sufficient to illus trate the wretched state of the - country and the unprotected condition of the persons and property of our citizens in Mexico. In all these cases our ministers have been constant and faithful in their demands for redress, but both they and this Government, which they have successfully represented, have been wholly powerless to make their demands effective. Their testimony in this respect, and in reference to the only remedy which in their judgments, would meet the exigence, has been both uniform and emphat ic. " Nothing but a manifestation of the power of the Government of the United States (wrote our late minister in 1856) and of its purpose to punish these wrongs will avail. I assure you that the universal belief here is that there is nothing to be apprehended from the Government of the United States, and that local Mexican officials can commit these outrages upon American citizens with abso lute impunity." " I hope the President" (wrote our present minister in August last) " will feel authorized to ask from Congress the power to enter Mexico with the military forces of the United States, at the call of the constitutional authorities, in order to protect the citizens and the treaty rights of the Uni ted States. Unless such a power is conferred upon him, neither the one nor the other will be respected in the existing state of anarchy and disorder, and the outrages already per petrated will never be chastised ; and, as I assured you in my No. 23, all these evils must increase until every vestige of order and gov ernment disappears from the country." I have been reluctantly led to the same opin ion, and, in justice to my countrymen who have suffered wrongs from Mexico, and who may still suffer them, I feel bound to an nounce this conclusion to Congress. The case presented, however, is not mere ly a case of individual claims, although our just claims against Mexico have reached a very large amount. Nor is it merely the case of protection to the lives and property of the few Americans who may still remain in Mex ico, although the life and property of every American citizen ought to be sacredly pro tected in every quarter of the world. But it is a question which relates to the future as well as to the present and the past, and which involves, indirectly at least, the whole sub ject of our duty to Mexico as a neighboring State. The exercise of the power of the Uni ted States in that country to redress the wrongs and protect the rights of our own cit izens is none the less to be desired, because efficient and necessary aid may thus be ren dered at the same time to restore peace and order to Mexico itself. In the accomplish ment of this result the people of the United States must necessarily feel a deep and earn est interest. Mexico ought to be a rich and prosperous and powerful republic. She pos sesses an extensive territory, a fertile soil, and an incalculable store of mineral wealth. She occupies an important position between the Gulf and the ocean for transit routes and for commerce. Is it possible that such a coun try as this can be given up to anarchy and ruin without an effort from any quarter for for its rescue and its safety? Will the com mercial nations of the world, which have so many interests connected with it, remain wholly indifferent to such a result ? Can the United States, which ought to share the most largely in its commercial intercourse, allow their immediate neighbor thus to de stroy itself and injure them ? Yet, without support from some quarter, it is impossible to perceive how Mexico can resume her posi tion among nations and enter upon a career which promises any good results. The aid which she requires, and which the interests of all commercial countries require that she should have, it belongs to this Government to render, not only by virtue of our neighbor hood to Mexico, along whose territory we have a continuous frontier of nearly a thous and miles, but by virtue, also, of our estab lished policy, which is inconsistent with the intervention of any European Power in the domestic concerns of that republic. The wrongs which we have suffered from Mexico are before the world, and must deep ly impress every American citizen. A govern ment which is either unable or unwilling to redress such wrongs is derelict to its highest duties. The difficulty consists in selecting' and enforcing the remedy. We may in vain apply to the Constitutional Government at Vera Cruz, although it is well disposed to do us justice, for adequate redress. Whilst its authority is acknowledged in all the impor tant ports and throughout the sea-coasts of the Republic, its power does not extend to the City of Mexico and the States in its vi cinity, where nearly all the recent outrages have been committed on American citizens. We must penetrate into the interior before we can reach the offenders, and this can only be done by passing through the territory in the occupation of the Constitutional Govern ment. The most acceptable and least diffi cult mode of accomplishing the object will he to act in concert with that government.— Their consent and their aid might, I believe, be obtained ; but if not, our obligation to pro tect our own citizens in their just rights, se cured by treaty, would not be the less imper itive. For these reasons, I recommend to Congress to pass a law authorizing the Pres ident, under such conditions as they may deem expedient, to employ a sufficient milita ry force to enter Mexico for the purpose of obtaining indemnity for the past and securi- . ty for the future. I purposely refrain from any suggestion as to whether this force shall consist of regular troops or volunteers, or both. This question may be most appropriately left to the decision of Congress. I would merely observe that, should volunteers be selected, such a force could be easily raised in this country among those who sympathize with the sufferings of our unfortunate fellow-citi zens in Mexico, and with the unhappy con dition of that republic. Such an accession to the forces of the Constitutional Govern ment would enable it soon to reach the City of Mexico and extend its power over the whole republic. In that event there is no reason to doubt that the just claims of our citizens would be satisfied and adequate re dress obtained for the injuries inflicted upon them, The Constitutional Government have ever evinced a strong desire to do us justice, and this might be secured in advance by a preliminary treaty. It may be said that these measures will, at least indirectly, be inconsistent with our wise and settled policy not to interfere in the do mestic concerns of foreign Nations. But does not the present case constitute an ex ception ? An adjoining Republic is in a state of anarchy and confusion from which she has proved wholly unable to extricate herself. She is entirely destitute of the power to maintain peace upon her borders or to prevent the excursions of banditti into her territories'. In her fate and in her fortune— in her power to establish and maintain a set tled government—we have a far deeper in terest, socially, commercially, and politically than any other nation. She is now a wreck upon the ocean, drifting about as she is im pelled by different factions. As a good neighbor, shall we not extend to her a help ing hand to save her? If we do not, it would not be surprising should some other Nation undertake the task, and thus force us to in terfere at last, under circumstances of in creased difficulty, fur the maintenance of our established policy. I repeat the recommendation contained in my last annual message that authority may be given to the President to establish one or more temporary military posts across the Mexican lino at Sonora and Chihuahua, where these may be necessary to protect the lives and property of American and Mexican citizens against the incursions and depreda tions of the Indians, as well as the lawless rovers in that remote region. The establish mentof one such post at a point called Arispe, in Sonora, in a country now almost depopu lated by the hostile inroads of the Indians from our side of the line, would, it is believ ed, have prevented much injury and many cruelties during the past season. A state of lawlessness and violence prevails on that dis tent frontier. Life and property are there wholly insecure. Thepopulation of Arizona, now numbering more than ten thousand souls are practically destitute of government, of laws, or of any regular administration of justice. Murder, rapine, and other crimes are committed with impunity. I, therefore, again call the attention of Congress to the necessity for establishing a territorial gov ernment over Arizona. The treaty with Nicaragua of the 16th of February, 1857, to which I referred in my last annual message, failed to receive the ratification of the government of that Repub lic, for reasons which I need not enumerate A similar treaty has been since concluded be tween the parties bearing date on the 16th March, 1859, which has already been rati fied by the Nicaraguan Congress. This will be immediately submitted to the Senate for their ratification. Its provisions cannot, I think, fail to be acceptable to the people of both countries. Our claims against the governments of Costa Rica and Nicaragua remain unredres sed, though they are pressed in an earnest manner, and not without hope of success. I deem it to be my duty once more earn estly to recommend to Congress the passage a law authorising the President to employ the naval force at his command for the pur pose of protecting the lives and property of American citizens passing in transit across the Panama, Nicaragua, and Tehuantepec routes, against sudden and lawless outbreaks and depredations. I shall not repeat the ar guments employed in former messages in support of this measure. Suffice it to say that the lives of many of our people; and the security of vast amount of treasure passing and repassing over one or more of these routes between the Atlantic and Pacific, may be deeply involved in the action of Congress on this subject. I would, also, again recommend to Con gress thatauthority be given to the President to employ the naval force to protect Amer ican merchant vessels, their crews and car goes, against violent and lawless seizure and confiscation in the ports of Mexico and the Spanish American States when these. coun tries may be in a disturbed and revolutionary condition. The mere knowledge that such an authority had. been conferred, as I have already stated, would of itself, in a great de gree prevent the evil. Neither would this require any additional appropriation for the naval service. The chief objection urged against the grant of this authority is, that Congress, by confer ing it, would violate the Constitution—that it would be a transfer of the war-declaring power to the Executive. If this were well founded, it would, of course, be conclusive.— A very brief examination, however, will place this objection at rest. Congress possess the sole and exclusive power, under the Constitution, " to declare war." They alone can "raise and support armies," and "provide and maintain a navy. But after Congress shall have provided the force necessary to carry it on, the President as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, can alone employ this force in making war against the enemy. This is in plain language, and history proves that it was the well-known intention of the framers of the Constitution, It will not be denied that the general "power to declare war" is without limita tion, and embraces within itself not only what writers on the law of nations term a public or perfect war, but also an imperfect war—and, in short, every species of hostili ty, however confined or limited. Without the authority of Congress, the President can not fire a hostile gun in any case, except to repel the attacks of an enemy. It will not be doubted that under this power Congress could, if they thought proper, authorize the President to employ the force at his command to seize a vessel belonging to an American citizen which had been illegally and unjust ly captured in a foreign port and restore it to its owners. But can Congress only act after fact—after the mischief has been done ? Have they no power to confer upon the President the authority in advance to furnish instant redress should such a case afterwards occur? Must they wait until the mischief has been done, and can they apply the remedy only when it is to late? To con fer this authority to meet future cases under circumstances strictly specified, is as clearly within the war-declaring power as such an authority conferred upon the President by act of Congress after the deed had been done. In the progress of a great nation many exi gencies must arise imperatively requiring that Congress should authorize the President to act promptly on•certain conditions which may or may not afterwards arise. Our his tory has alreadypresented a number of such cases. I shall refer only to the latest. Under the resolution of June 2d, 1858, "for the adjustment of difficulties with the repub lic of Paraguay," the President is "author ized to adopt such measures and use such force as in his judgement may be necessary and advisable to the event of a refusal of just satisfaction by the government of Paraguay." "Just satisfaction" for what? For the " at tact on the-Water Witch," and " other mat ters referred to in the annual message of the president." Here the power is expressly granted upon the condition that the govern ment of Paraguay shall refuse to render this " just satisfaction." In this and other sim ilar cases Congress have conferred upon the President power in advance to employ the army and navy upon the happening of con tingent future events ; and this most certain ly is embraced within the power to declare war. Now, if this conditional and contingent power could be constitutionally conferred upon the President in the case of Paraguay, why may it not be conferred for the purpose of protecting the lives and property of Amer ican citizens in the event that they may be violently and unlawfully attacked in passing over the transit routes to and from California, or assailed by the seizure of their vessels in a foreign port? To deny this power is to render the navy in a great degree useless for the protection of the lives and property of American citizens in countries where neither protection nor redress can be otherwise ob tained. The Thirty-fifth Congress terminated on the 3d of March, 1859, without having passed the " act making appropriations fur the ser vices of the Pust Office Department during the fiscal year ending the 30th June, 1860." This act also contained an appropriation "to supply deficiencies in the revenue of the Post Office Department for the year ending the 30th of June,1859." I believe this is the first instance since the origin of the Federal Gov ernment, now more than seventy years ago, when any Congress went out of existence without having passed all the general appro priation bills necessary to carry on the gov ernment until the regular period for the meeting of a new Congress. This event im posed on the Executive a grave responsibility. It presented a choice of evils. Had this omisssion of duty occurred at the first session of the last Congress the remedy would have been plain. I might then have instantly recalled them to complete their work—and this without expense to the Gov ernment. But on the 4th of March last, there were fifteen of the thirty-three States which had not elected any representative to the present Congress. Had. Congress been called together immediately, these States would have been virtually disfranchised. If an intermediate period had been selected, several of the States would have been com pelled to hold extra sessions of their Legis latures, at great inconvenience and expense, to provide for elections at an earlier day than that previously fixed by law. In the regular course, ten of these States would not elect until after the beginning of August, and five of these ten not until October and Novem ber. On the other hand, when I came to exam ine carefully the condition of the Post Office Department, I did not meet as many or as great difficulties as I had apprehended. Had the bill which failed been confined to the ap propriations for the fiscal year ending on the 30th June next, there would have been no reason of pressing importance for the call of an extra session. Nothing would become due on contracts (those with railroad com panies only excepted) for carrying the mail for the first quarter of the present fiscal year, commencing on the first of July, until the first of December—less than one week be fore the meeting of the present Congress.— The reason is that the mail contractors for this current year did not complete their first quarter's service until the 30th Septem ber last ; and by the terms of their contracts, sixty days more are allowed for the settle ment of their accounts before the Department could be called upon for payment. The great difficulty and the great hardship consisted in the failure to provide for the pay ment of the deficiency in the fiscal year end ing the 30th June, 1859. The Department had entered into contracts, in obedience to existing laws, for the service of that fiscal year, and the contractors were fairly entitled to their compensation as it become due.— The deficiency as stated in the bill, amounted to $3,338,728, but after a careful settlement of all these accounts, it has been ascertained that it amounts to $4,296,009. With the scanty means at his command the Postmaster General has managed to pay that portion of this deficiency which occurred in the first two quarters of the past fiscal year, ending on the 31st December last. In the meantime the contractors themselves, under these try ing circumstances, have behaved in a man ner worthy of all commendation. They bad one resource in the midst of their embarrass ments. After the amount due each of them had been ascertained and finally settled ac cording to law, this became a specific debt of record against the United States, which en abled them to borrow money on this unques tionable security. Still they were obliged to pay interest in consequence of the default of Congress, and on every principle of justice, ought to receive interest from the Govern ment. This interest should commence from the date when a warrant would have issued for the payment of the principal had an ap propriation been made for this purpose.— Calculated up to the first December, it will not exceed $96,660—a sum not to be taken into account when contrasted with the great difficulties and embarrassments of a public and private character, both to the people and the States, which would have resulted from convening and holding a special session of Congress. For these reasons I recommend the passage of a bill, at as early a day as may be practi cable, to provide for the payment of the amount, with interest, due to these last men tioned contractors, as well as to make the neces sary appropriations for the service of the Post Office Department for the current fiscal year. The failure to pass the Post Office bill ne cessarily gives birth to serious reflections.— Congress, by refusing to pass the general ap propiation bills necessary to carry on the Government, may not only arrest its ac tion, but even destroy its existence. The army, the navy, the judiciary, in short every department of the Government, can no lon ger perform their functions if Congress refuse the money necessary for their support. If this failure should teach the country the ne cessity of electing a fail Congress in sufficient time to enable the President to convene them in any emergency, even immediately after the old Congress has expired, it will have been productive of great good. In a time of sudden and alarming danger, foreign or do mestic, which all nations must expect to en counter in their progress, the very salvation of our institutions may be staked upon the assembling of Congress without delay. If, under such circumstances, the President should find himself in the condition in which he was placed at the close of the last Con gress, with nearly half the States of the Union destitute of representatives, the conse quences might be disastrous. I, 'therefore, recommend to Congress to carry into effect the provisions of the Constitution on this sub ject, and to pass a law appointing some day previous to the 4th of March in each year of odd number for the election of represen tatives throughout all the States. They have already appointed a day for the elec tion of electors for President and Vice Presi dent, and this measure has been approved by the country. I would again express a most decided opinion in favor of the construction of a Pa cific railroad, for the reasons stated in my last two annual messages. When I reflect upon what would be the defenceless condition of our States and Territories west of the Rocky mountains in case of a war with a na val power sufficiently strong to interrupt all intercourse with them by the routes across the Isthmus, I am still more convinced than ever of the vast importance of this railroad. I have never doubted the constitutional com petency of Congress to provide for its con struction, but this exclusively under the war making power. Besides, the Constitution ex pressly requires as an imperative duty, that "the United States shall protect each of them (the States) against invasion." I am at a a loss to conceive how this protection can be afforded to California and Oregon against such a naval power by any other means. I repeat the opinion contained in my last an nual message, that it would be inexpedient for the Government to undertake this great work by agents of its own appointment and under its direct and exclusive control. This would increase the patronage of the Execu tive to a dangerous extent, and would foster a system of jobbing and corruption which no vigilance on the part of Federal officials could prevent. The construction of this road ought, therefore, to be intrusted to incorporated companies, or other agencies, who would ex ercise that active and vigilant supervision over it which can be inspired alone by a sense of corporate and individual interest.— I venture to assert that the additional cost of transporting troops, munitions of war, and necessary supplies for the army across the vast intervening plains to our possessions on the Pacific coast, would be greater in such a war than the whole amount required to con struct the road. And yet this resort would, after all, be inadequate for their defence and protection. We have yet scarcely recovered from the habits of extravagant expenditure, produced by our over-flowing Treasury, during several years prior to the commencement of my Ad ministration. The financial reverses which we have since experienced ought to teach us all to 'scrutinize our expenditures with the greatest vigilance, and to reduce them to the lowest possible point. The Executive De partments of the Government have devoted themselves to the accomplishment of this ob ject with considerable success, as will appear from their different reports and estimates.— To these I invite the scrutiny of Congress, for the purpose of reducing them still lower, if this be practicably, consistent with the great public interests of the country. In aid of the policy of retrenchment, i pledge my self to examine closely the bills appropriating lands or money, so that if any of these should inadvertantly pass both Houses, as must sometimes be the case, I may afford them an opportunity for reconsideration. At the same time we ought never to forget that true pub lie economy consists, not in withholding the means necessary to accomplish important na tional objects confided to us by the Constitu tion, but in taking care that the money ap propriated for these purposes shall be faith fully and frugally expended. It will appear from the report of the Sec retary of the Treasury that it is extremely doubtful, to say the ]east, whether we shall be able to pass through the present and the next fiseal year without providing additional revenue. This can only be accomplished by strictly confining the appropriations within the esti mates of the different Departments, without making an allowance for any additional ex penditures which Congress may think proper in their discretion, to authorize, and without providing for the redemption of any portion of the $20,000,000 of Treasury notes which have been already issued. In the event of a deficiency, which I consider probable, this ought never to be supplied by a resort to ad ditional loans. It would be a ruinous prac tice in the days of peace and prosperity to go on increasing the national debt to meet the ordinary expenses of the Government.— This policy would cripple our resources and impair our credit in case the existence of war should render it necessary to borrow money. Should such a deficiency occur as I appre hend, I would recommend that the necessary revenue be raised by an increase of our pres ent duties on imports. I need not repeat the opinions expressed in my last annual mes sage as to the best mode and manner of ac complishing this object, and shall now merely observe that these have since undergone no change. The report of the Secretary of the Treas ury will explain in detail the operations of that Department of the Government. The receipts into the treasury from all sources during the fiscal year ending .30th June, 1859, including the loan authorized by the act of 14th June, 1858, and the issue of treasury notes authorized by existing laws, were eighty-one million six hundred and ninety-two thousand four hundred and sev enty-one dollars and one cent, which sum with the balance of $6,398,310 10, remaining in the treasury at the commencement of that fiscal year, made an aggregate for the ser vice of the year of $88,090,787 11. The public expenditures during the fiscal year ending 30th June, 1859, amounted to $83,751,511 57. Of this sum $17,405,285 44 were applied to the payment of interest on the public debt and the redemption of the issues of treasury notes. The expenditures for all other branches of the public service during that fiscal year were therefore $06,- 341,226 13. - - The balance remaining in the treasury on the Ist July, 1859, being the commencement of the present fiscal year, was $4,339,275 54. The receipts into the treasury during the first quarter of the present fiscal year, com mencing July Ist, 1859, were twenty million six hundred and eighteen thousand eight hundred and sixty-five dollars and eighty-five cents, ($20,618,865 85.) Of this amount, three million eight handred and twenty-one thous and three hundred dollars ($3,821,300) was received on account of the loan and the issue of treasury notes—the amount of sixteen mil lion seven hundred and ninety-seven thousand five hundred and sixty-five dollars and eighty five cents ($16,797,565 85) having been re ceived during the quarter from the ordinary sources of public revenue. The estimated receipts for the remaining three quarters of the present fiscal year to 30th June, 1860, are fifty million four hundred and twenty-six thousand four hundred dollars, ($30,426,400.) Of this amount it is estimated that five mil lion seven hundred. and fifty-six thousand four hundred dollars ($5,756,400) will be re ceived for Treasury notes which may be re issued under the fifth section of the act of 3d March last, and one million one hundred and seventy thousand dollars ($1,170,000) on ac count of the loan authorized by the act of June 14, 1858—making six million nine hun dred and twenty-six thousand four hundred dollars ($6,926,400) from these extraordina ry sources, and forty-three million five hun dred thousand dollars ($43,500,000) from the ordinary sources of the public revenue—mak ing an aggregate, with the balance in the Treasury on the Ist July, 1859, of seventy five million three hundred and eighty-four thousand five hundred and forty-one dollars and eighty-nine cents ($75,384,541 89) for the estimated means of the present fiscal year ending 30th June, 1860. The expenditures during the first quarter of the present fiscal year were $20,007,174 76.) $4,664,366 76 of this sum were ap plied to the payment of interest on the pub lic debt and the redemption of the issues of treasury notes, and the remainder, being 15,- 342,808, were applied to ordinary expendi tures during the quarter. The estimated ex penditures during the remaining three quar ters, to June 30, 1860, are $40,995,558 23. Of which sum $,886,621 34 are estimated for the interest on the public debt. The as certained and estimated expenditures for the fiscal year ending 30th June, 1860, on account of the public debt, are, accordingly, $7,550- 998 10 ; and for the ordinary expenditures of the Government $53,451,744 89, making an aggregate of $61,002,732 99 ; leaving an es timated balance in the treasury on the 30th June, 1860, of $14,381,808 40. The estimated receipts during the next fiscal year ending 30th June, 1861, are $66,- 225,000, which with the balance estimated, as before stated, as remaining'in the Treasu ry on the 30th June, 1860, will make an ag gregate for the service of the next fiscal year of $80,606,808 40. The estimated expenditures during the next fiscal year ending 30th June, 1861, are $66,- 714,928 79. Of this amount, $3,306,621 34 will be required to pay the interest on the public debt ; leaving the sum of $63,328,307 45 for the estimated ordinary expenditures during the fiscal year ending 30th June, 1861. Upon these estimates a balance will be left in the Treasury on the 30th June, 1861, of $13,891,870 61. But this balance, as well as that estimated to remain in. the treasury on the Ist July, 1860, will be reduced by such appropriations as shall be made by law to carry into effect certain Indian treaties during the present fis cal year, asked for by the Secretary of the Interior, to the amount of $539,350, and upon the estimates of the Postmaster General for the service of his Department the last fiscal year, ending 30th June, 1859, amounting to $4,296,009, together with the further esti mates of that officer for the service of the present fiscal year, ending 30th June, 1860, being $5,526,324, making an aggregate of $10,361,683. Should these appropriations be made as re quested by the proper Departments, the bal ance in the Treasury on the 30th June, 1861, will not, it is estimated, exceed $3,530,196 61. I transmit herewith the reports of the Sec retaries of War, of the Navy, of the Interior, and of the Postmaster General. They each contain valuable information and important recommendations well worthy of the serious consideration of Congress. It will appear from the report of the Sec retary of War that the army expenditures have been materially reduced by a system of rigid economy, which in his opinion, offers every guaranted that the reduction will be permanent. The estimates of the Depart ment for the next year havo been reduced nearly two millions of dollars below the esti mates for the present fiscal year, and half a million of dollars below the amount granted for this year at the last session of Congress. The expenditures of the Post Office Depart ment during the fiscal year, ending on the 30th June, 1859, exclusive of payments for mail service specially provided by Congress out of the general treasury, amounted to $14,964,493 33, and its receipts to $7,968,- 484 07 ; showing a deficiency to be supplied from the treasury of $6,996,009 26, against $5,235,677 15 for the year ending 30th June, 1858. The increased cost of transportation growing out of the expansion of the service required by Congress explains this rapid aug mentation of the expenditures. It is grati fying, however, to observe an increase of re ceipts for the year ending on the 30th June, 1859, equal to $481,691 21, compared with those in the year ending on 30th June, 1858. It is estimated that the deficiency for the current fiscal year will be $5.988,424 04, but that for the year ending 30th June, 1861, it will not exceed $1,342,473 90, should Con gress adopt the measures of reform proposed and urged by the Postmaster General. Since the month of March, retrenchments have been made in the expenditures amounting to $1,826,471 annually, which, however, did not take effect until after the commencement of the present fiscal year. The period seems to have arrived for determining the question whether this Department shall become a per manent and ever-increasing charge upon the Treasury, or shall be permitted to resume the self-sustaining policy which had so lung con trolled its administration. The course of legislation recommended by the Postmaster General for the relief of the Department from its present embarrassments, and for restoring it to its original independence, is deserving of your early and earnest consideration. In conclusion, I would again commend to the just liberality of Congress the local inter ests of the District of Columbia. Surely the city bearing the name of Washington, and destined, I trust, for ages to be the capital of our united, free, and prosperous Confederacy, has strong claims on our favorable regard. JAMES BUCHANAN. WASHINGTON CITY, Dec. 19, 1859. EVANS & WAT SON'S SALAMANDER SAFES, 304 CHESTNUT STREET. PHILADELPHIA /MTH.= TRIUMPH! ir Phil4idelphia, Sept. 29,1859 To THE PRESIDENT OF THE PENNSYLVANIA AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY:—The subscribers, your committee to examine the contents of a Salamander Safe, of Evans Sc Watson, after being exposed to a strong fire on the Fair Grounds for eight hours, respectfully represent— That after seven cords of oak wood and three of pine had been consumed around the Safe, it was opened in the presence of the committee, and the contents taken out, a little warmed, but not even scorched. Several Silver Medals heretofore received by the manu facturers, and a largo quantity of documents were in the Safe, and came out entirely uninjured. The experiment satisfied us of the capacity of Safes of this kind to protect contents from any tire to which they may bo exposed. The Committee awarded a Diploma and Silver Medal. GEO. W. WOODWARD, Jonx W. GmAar, J. P. RUTHERFORD, ALFRED S. GULETT. STILL ANOTHER Wmatrcrort, Del., Sept. 17, ISs9.—Messrs.Evin & WAT- , BON, Philadelphia. Gentlemen :—Tho Salamander Fire-Proof Safe of your manuffientre, purchased by us from your Agent, Ferris & Garrett, of our city, some nine months ago, was severely tried by burglars last Saturday night, and although they had a sledge hammer, cold chisels, drill and gunpowder, they did not succeed in opening the Safe. The lock being one of "Hall's Patent Powder-proof," they could not get the powder into it, but drilled a hole in the lower panel and forced in a large charge, which was ignited, and al though the door, inside and out, showed the explosion not to have beet a small one, it was not forced open. We sup pose they were the greater part of the night at work on it. We are much gratified at the result of the attempt to enter it, and if the above facts are of any service, you are at liberty to use them. Yours, truly, GREAT FIRE I—ANOTHER TRIUMPH!! KNOXVILLE, Tennessee,March 13th, 1859. Messrs. EVANS & WATSON, Philaelphia: Gentlemen—lt affords me great pleasure to say to you that the Salamander Safe which I purchased of you in February, 1858, proved to be what you recommended it— a sure protection from fire. My storehouse, together with several others, was burned to the ground in March last.— The Safe fell through into the cellar, and was exposed to intense heat for six or eight hours, and when it was taken from the ruins and opened, all its contents where found to be in a perfect state, the books and the papers not being injured any whatever. I can cheerfully recommend your Sales to the community, believing, as I do, that they are as near fire-proof as it is possible for any Safe to be made. ~ ( 0-A large assortment of the above SAFES always on hand, at 304 Chestnut street, (late 24 South Fourth street,) Philadelphia- • [Nov. 16, 1859.1 (a_ I TII ANNUAL ANNOUNCEMENT ! Continued success of the COSMOPOLITAN ART ASSOCIATION. Prom all sections of the country subscribers to this pop ular Art institution, (now in its sixth year,) are being re ceived in a ratio unparalleled with that of any previous year. Any person can become a member by subscribing $3, which will entitle him to lst.—The beautiful Steel Engraving, " Shakspeare and Ills Friends." 2d.—A copy of the elegantly Illustrated Art Journal, one year. 3d.—A Free Season Admission to the Galleries, 548 Broadway, New York. In addition to which, over four hundred valuable Works of Art are oven to subscribers as Premiums, comprising choice Paintings, Sculptures, Outlines; &c., by the first American and Foreign Artists. The superb Engraving, which every subscriber will re ceive immediately on receipt of subscription, entitled " SLIAKSPEARE AND lIIS FRIENDS," is of a character to give unqualified pleasure and satisfac tion. No work of equal value was ever before placed within reach of the people at such a price. The Engra ving is of very large size, being printed on heavy plate paper, 30 by 38 inches, making a most superb ornament suitable for the walls of either the library, parlor, or office. It can be sent to any part of the country, by mail, with safety, being packed in a cylinder, postagepre-paid. • Think of it! Such a work, delivered free of charge, and the Art Journal, one year, for three dollars I Subscriptions will be received until the evening of Tues day the 31st of January, 1860, at which time the books will close and the Premiums be given to subscribers. No person is restricted to a single subscription. Those remitting $l5 are entitled to six memberships. Subscriptions from California, the Canadas, and all For eign Provinces, must be $3 50 instead of $3, in order to defray extra postages ' &e. Persons wishing to form clubs will apply for a circular of terms, &c. The beautifully Illustratrd Art Journal, giving full par ticulars, will be sent on receipt of 18 cents, in stamps or coin. Address C. L. DERBY, Actuary C. A. A., 546 and 548 Broadway, Now York. Subscriptions also received by 3..7. LAWRENCE, Hono rary Secretary for Huntingdon and vicinity. N0v.16, 1859. I)ON'T FORGET, IS AT G. A. MILLER'S STORE. GROCERIES, DRY-GOODS, BOOTS & SHOES, FIATS & CAPS. FRESH CONFECTIONARIES, &C, AS CHEAP AS THE CIIEkPEST! AND AS GOOD AS TEE BEST! G. A. Miller has now on hand a well selected stock of fresh Groceries, Dry Goods, Confectionaries, Hats & Caps, Boots & shoes, Notions, &a., all of which ho is ready to dispose of at reasonable prices. The public generally aro invited to call and examine his goods. Thankful for the patronage he has received, he respect fully solicits a continuance of the same. - - -. Store room in the old Temperance Hall, Main street_ Don't miss the place. Huntingdon, Nov. 2, 1859. ~ IT is a fact that Fisher & McMurtrie are gelling Rag Carpet at only 25cte. per yard, and all ol Carpet at 75cte. per yard. _ .. ___ 1 - .: ~),- 1 1, -- )4 i' .. i‘lf - iiiy,'-: ...,H , i 3 till It.itl,irls, ;:g;,li - • - - . 1 ; ItY , ; rti 1 -7 , ! Ir l ii 3 41.; :lli, iq : 1, 1 V I . '''.. . ~..., .;. . - ' BAYNARD & JONES THOMAS 3. POWELL TILE PLACE TO CALL
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers