THE 1-IUN TINGDON GLOBE, A DEMOCRATIC FAMILY JOURNAL, DEVOTED TO LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWS, &C. THE GLOBE. Circulation—Mc bargest in the count✓ MO BVLIIP.II - 0041, P,A. :Wednesday, May 27, L 857. ronMOCRATIC NOMINATIONS. FOR GOVERNOR, Hon. Wltl. V. PACKER, of Lyconxing. FOR CANAL COMMISSIONER, IfIMROD STILICICIAAAID, of Chester. Sale of the Main Line. We give this week the reasons drawn up by a friend of the sale of the Main Line in favor or its passage. If the statements and figures there given cannot be successfully contradicted, and it seems no efforts were made by the opponents of the sale to do so, then we say the sooner it passes out of the hands of the State, the better. The Bakers are Coming. We are glad to announce to our readers that the Original Baker Family—three gen tlemen and two ladies—will give a vocal concert at the Court House, in this place, on Thursday Evening of this week. We do not hesitate to assure our citizens that this is no "humbug" affair—and that a rich musical treat is in store for all who may listen to the Bakers on this occasion. They are notori ous as very superior singers, and always give unbounded satisfaction. Let us give them a hearty reception—a full house. Concert will commence at 8 o'clock. Tick ets, 25 cents. One concert only in this place. d4~Speaks for itself—The letter in the late Huntingdon Globe, from the Mother Superior of somo Roman Catholic nunnery. Who says the Globe isn't a Jesuit sheet to the backbone ?—How can an honest, consistent Protestant give it his support. That is a question we leave with the Democratic Protestants of this county, 'who are subscribers to it. Yoa may as well send for the Boston Pilot or Hughes' organ in New York at once.—hunt. Journal. IlelThe letter alluded to, we copied from the Chambersburg Valley Spirit, and verily it " speolcs for itself," inasmuch as it gives the lie to another foul Know Nothing story, manufactured for the purpose of adding to and increasing the spirit of religious proscrip tion and intolerance. One by one are the malignant slanders of the Know-Nothings ex ploded, and every day gives evidence of the desperation of Know-Nothingism as it ap proaches the deep and wide grave dug for it, where its memory and crimes may be buried forever. We were always opposed to the spirit of Know Nothingism—to religious pro scription, in all its various forms, call us a "Jesuit" who will, and. as for the doctrine of exclusive dealing, we think it worthy of the little-souled whiffet who was born in a bar room and suckled and stunted on rot-gut whiskey. We are not surprised that Samuel G. Whit taker should scribble an item declaring the " Globe" to be a " Jesuit sheet," when we recollect his slanders against, and misrepre sentations of a respectable citizen of our bor ough, and a member of the church which Samuel, with much scandal, is allowed to be long to—for which in the columns of the Hun tingdon - American and Huntingdon Globe, there appeared a letter over the signature of the HOD - . A. W. BENEDICT, from which we ex tract as follows : "Samuel G. Whittaker, sought and obtained admission into the American Order, opening its door with a lie, af firming as he crossed its threshhold, that he was a man in years, although he was then an infant; declaring before the God ho - professed to honor, that he was twenty-one years of age, when his subsequent acknowledgment proved he was not. In such a Presence by himself invoked, with out a tremor on the tongue, the lie was boldly said." "Before the citizens among whom you mingle and hope to deceive; and before that God whose religion you pro fess, but whose precepts you disregard, and whose church you pollute, I charge you both, as having, with studious and malicious care, broken the ninth commandment—with bold, unqualified, cunningly devised, yet intentional lying. You tell the lie, knowing it to be a lie, and intending it as a lie." There, now, it will be seen that Samuel lied—very solemnly—for the purpose of en tering a conclave whose members were sworn to proscription of their Catholic neighbors and all others who should say nay to their perse cution. But w•e caution the - Know-Nothings against him. He is as much of a jesuit as any one we know of. It is true that some time ago he was a first-rate Thug and could lie and swear against the Catholics without restraint. He insulted them and courted re sentment. A respectable citizen ordered the impudent scamp away from his door—another after repeatedly ordering a discontinuance of his paper, which represented Catholic ladies as worthy inmates of bawdy-houses, kicked the filthy sheet out of his door into the street. He became low, respectable Protestants dis carded him, charitable Catholics forgave and took pity on him. Since, his abuse is more moderate, and is only practiced in order to cloak his future traitorous designs, while at the same time he privately courts the friend ship of Catholics and assures them of his most prodigious respect and excessive admi ration I He has been caught! It is openly asserted that he has been overcome by those who took pity on him and into whose society he was inveigled with the intention of teach ing him, by precept and example, the true principles of their religion which he so ma lignantly assailed, and improving his man ners and conduct generally. The result is a contemplated bridal party, at which Samuel is to be the gay groom, and the bride one of the fair virtuous daughters of the Romish church Isnot Samuel G. Whittaker making rapid strides towards the confessional, kissing the Pope's big toe, and so on? Now what "consistent" Protestant Repub lican, or what Know Nothing, can give the Huntingdon Journal his support without vio lating his sacred conscience? We pause for a reply ! The Washington Poisoning Affair. The Albany Statesman, in noticing an ar ticle of the N. Y. l'ost, on what it calls the "National hotel Malady" at Washington, designed to prove that the mysterious sick ness had a miasmic origin, and. to remove the prevailing suspicions that poison was admin istered to the guests in the food, says that in connection with this deadly sickness at the National Capitol, the resolutions offered by the Negro, Frederick Douglass,at a Fremont Black Republican meeting at Syracuse last Fall, send a thrill of horror through the hu man frame. Before the hand of the Poison er was visible at Washington, we well recol lect it commented with indignation upon the deep disgrace of suffering such resolutions to be introduced even at a political meeting.— They were as follows: Resolved, That since the traffickers in the bodies and souls of men have resolved. upon the endless enslavement of their victims, and with diabolical meanness and wickedness have deprived them of all power to procure arms, with which to win their freedom in an open and honorable manner, the slave is jus tifiable in the use of any or every secret process far destroying the life of the oppressor, by which he can reasonably hope to secure his freedom. Resolved, That the slaveholder should be made to dream of death in his sleep, and to apprehend death in his dish and tea pot; POI SON should meet him at his table, anclthe Si lent Angel of .Death should every-where be in voked to affright him in the midst of his mur derous slave-holding revelry. THE NATIONAL HOTEL DISEASE.—As addi tional deaths from this terrible are announced, the public mind becomes more and more aroused to a desire to learn the cause of it. There seems to be an almost settled conviction now, that it is caused by poison in the - victuals, placed there to destroy the President and perhaps a number of dis tinguished gentlemen who were stopping at the house. William Hubbull, of Philadel phia, who was one of the victims, says, in a letter to the New York Times: " I went to Washington on the 19th of March and staid until the 27th, was experi menting in explosive shells from the Battery of the Navy Yard. On the 18th of April, I returned, stopped at a hotel; on Wednesday, the 22d, feeling very unwell, I hastened home. By Sunday my disease had become so - violent, and I sinking so rapidly, that I suspected poi son. On sending to my physician, Dr. C. ' Henry, he at once pronounced the symptoms those of arsenic, and gave me homeopathic preparations of iron, antidotes to arsenic, and in thirty hours they stopped the violence of the poison. I have continued taking antidotes to arsenic fur the past ten days and am slow ly recovering. The active effect of the poison is evidently neutralized; but mine was an un usually violent case, and its effects have been very severe. If those persons who are suff ering whom you speak of, do not neutralize the poison by antidotes, I think it will either destroy the intestines, or cause inflamation, which will repeatedly manifest itself until the poison is exhausted. I suppose that some of the slaves there gave the poison intentionally in revenge for the defeat of their party, and to cripple or destroy the President and his friends, or persons supportnig the elected party. I have no doubt that the arsenic was given intentionally; I have - my suspicion and circumstantial grounds for them. I was not in 'Washington when the effects of the poison appeared at the National Hotel; but my phy sician, who had several cases from there says that the symptoms are the same, only in my case more violent." •‘3.- 'Governor Pollock has signed the death warrant of David Stringer McKim, fixing the 21st day of August as the day of his execution. Our excellent citizen Dr. J. B. LUDEN, left town yesterday evening on his way to Europe, accompanied by his lady. They will pass the summer travelling through England, France, Germany, &c., and return to their home in the fall. May they have a pleasant journey. DISTURBING A RELIGIOUS ASSEMBLY.—Ann Amelia Elliotts and Catharine Hanson, two ladies of color, were arrested on Monday evening and taken before Esquire Harrison, on a charge of disturbing the congregation of the " African M. E. Church," on Sunday evening. They were sent to j ail—their port monnaies being quite empty. It Cannot Succeed It is simply nonsense for the Philadelphia Sun, and other papers professing American ism, to urge the election of Davin WILMOT. That gentleman is now politically dead, in the State, and his funeral will take place in October, when he will be so deeply buried as never to be heard of again as a politician.— The signs of the times indicate that PACKER'S majority will be tremendous, and it is idle to induce the true American party to strike a blow in favor of the Bradford Abolitionist. His fate is sealed! His defeat inevitable.— Patriot & Union. Dred Scott. This "cullud individual" was expected to raise considerable excitement in the political world. It seems, however, that ho "wont do to tie to." The Democracy have gained large ly in every election that has been held since the Supreme Court decided his case. Our opponents will Dread Scott more yet before the nest elections are over. They misled the people upon the Kansas matter, but this ques tion is too plain for their profitable use.— The people know that the Democratic party is right upon that matter.. There is no more use for poor old BRED. yA woolen factory is about to be estab lished at Johnstown, Cambria county. ,1" - -The ]Emperor Napoleon has entered his 50th year. From the Pennsylvanian Row we are to Conquer the World We have heretofore advocated the policy of encouraging the consumption of iron, as the means best adapted. to develop the vast mineral resources of the United States, and have urged, that as far as practicable, the Government should give the preference to American iron for the various objects in which iron is employed by it. This we have always regarded as a very certain means of increasing the consumption of iron and giv ing vitality and prosperity to the trade, with out injury to any other great interests of the country. But beneficial as we expected this policy, initiated by the late Democratic Administra tion, would prove to the iron interests of the country, we did not anticipate the stupen dous results predicted in the subjoined ex tract from an article recently published by an influential New York journal. The arti cle referred to is well worth the serious and attentive perusal of the iron manufacturers of Pennsylvania at this time, in view of the approaching Gubernatorial and Judicial elec tion. If this popular Democratic measure was sufficient last year to induce the iron masters to support Mr. BuenaNAN, as the great body of them did, it has lost none of its importance at the present moment. The wise policy adopted by the late Democratic Administration, in reference to the iron trade, wo are assured will be continued by the present: We publish in another column some specu lations as to the probable effect of the intro duction of the Iron Building upon the pro duction and consumption of this great staple, which we commend to the careful attention of our readers. It will be found replete, not only with matters of general interest, but with suggestions of the gravest moment to the statesman at the head of affairs in this Republic. Quoting from the recent report of the Committee on Manufactures of the United States Senate, in favor of the adoption of iron buildings for public uses in the United States, and from other statistical authority, the writer certainly makes out a tolerably conclusive argument in support of the hy pothesis that the expansion of the iron mar ket consequent upon this new application of iron must at no distant day give to the American manufacturers the control of the iron trade of the world, so long almost wholly monopolized by those of Great Britain. As suming what appears to be so conclusively demonstrated by facts and figures, it may not be uninteresting to glance at the ()Teat commercial and political revolutions which this invention will probably bring about. It appears, by British and. American sta tistics, that although the value of all the ex ports of Great Britain is double that of the exports of the United States, we should at once take the precedence of her as an ex porting nation ; if we could only manage to get from her a single branch of her export trade—that of raw iron and iron fabrics— we, of course, retaining what we now have. It should be remembered that the trade is as yet in its infancy, and there is a growing tendency to substitute that metal for nearly every solid material hitherto used, not only in connection with building, but in the arts generally. A well informed writer says : " From 1740 to 1855, the production of iron increased seventy fold. If the same rate of increase should prevail for the next one hundred and fifteen years, the annual make would reach 490,000,000 tons; and it is to be observed that the ratio of increase has been an increasing one for each period of ten years since 1740, and not a decreasing one. Commencing with 1806, it required till 1824, a perikd of eighteen years, to double the production in Great Britain. By 1836 it was again doubled, requiring only twelve years. In 1847, it was again doubled, requiring eleven years. In 1855, a period of eight years, it had risen from 2,000,000 tons to 3,500,000, at which rate it would double in ten years." The present annual production of iron, by all nations, is estimated at 7,000,000 tons, of the value, as raw material—that is in pig, bars and plates—of about $350,000,000. But we must multiply this sum by a high figure to represent the value which is imparted to a large proportion of it which is converted into various kinds of iron fabrics. Of this immense product it is safe to assume that near one-half is consumed by nonproducing nations, thus forming the basis of the inter national iron trade which has heretofore been almost wholly monopolized by Great Britain. Should the demand for and pro duction of iron increase for the future as it has in the past, the iron trade proper must attain to a magnitude in less than fifty years which will exceed the whole presentinterna tional commerce of the world. But this estimate of the probable future increase of the demand for iron is based wholly upon the ordinary sources of con sumption. When we consider the new ap plications of this metal to house and ship building, and to an increasing variety of other purposes undreamed of a few years ago, it must be apparent that this estimate is quite moderate. The results which we have adjourned for fifty years may very pos sibly be realized during the next fifteen or twenty. At any rate the period can not be very far distant when the monopoly of the iron trade alone will give commercial su premacy to any nation that possesses it. In another and more enlarged view of it, the iron trade looms up, in the no distant future, a mighty potentiality in the bands of our people for the subjugation of the world. The estimates which we have just made of its probable future increase are predicated upon the supposition that non-producing na tions will hereafter consume proportionably no more iron than they now do, and that, consequently, we shall not be called upon to most any larger proportion of the demand than is now supplied by Great Britain. But if the pressure upon the market has had the effect of doubling the price of coal and iron stone, and advancing the wages of labor in Great Britain during the last few years, it must be obvious that the vast increase of de mand foreshadowed by new applications of iron must correspondingly enhance the cost of producing it in that and other countries, so that it will at last rise even far above what we can afford to make it for; and if it be true, as eminent statisticians tell us, that we possess near three-fourths of all the coal and iron ore on the habitable globe, and that we cau produce 50,000,000 tons per annum with as little drain upon our natural resour ces as Great Britain can produce what she now does, 3,500,000 tons, other countries will soon find it to their interest to abandon the manufacture of iron and buy it of us, for it is an invariable law of trade that the coun try which has the greatest natural resources for the production of any article of commerce can, and does always, if occupied by an in dustrious and commercial people, monopolize or control the trade in that article, when the demand exceeds the supply of less favored nations. By the preceding extract, it will have been seen by our readers that an extraordinary impulse was given to the iron trade of the country by the policy pursued by the late Administration, in employing iron as a build ing material. The adoption of that policy, and the practical results which followed it, proves that a high tariff, which, in the nature of things, must be fluctuating and unstable, is far less to be relied on than a policy which tends so largely to increase the consumption of iron. Let our iron masters ponder upon this fact, and they will come to the conclu sion, we feel assured, that it is better to identify themselves permanently with the Democratic party, which has struck out this new scheme of protection, than to adhere to a party whose favorite measure proved so un stable. This scheme of protection, adopted and carried into successful practice by the late Secretary of the Treasury, will, we have as surance, be perfected and extended by his able and popular successor. Mormonism. The outrages committed by Brigham Young and his deluded worshippers have gone be yond endurance. Daily we see chronicled the debasing influences exerted under the power of that arch traitor. Decency seems to have been banished from the land of " saints," and the degrading effects of biga my sweep away the chastity and pureness of scores and hundreds who are without the pale of the Mormon church, but imprisoned and fettered by the edicts of that corrupting High Priest. Federal authority and the claims of society have been placed at defiance, and might, not right, compels the juries to ren der verdicts in accordance with the wishes of the Mormon leader, and such as will advance the interests of the church, and the Gentiles aro forced to meekly submit to the commands of a tyrant, or his authorized subjects, and make his edict their law. There are but few seceders, although many have long since become disgusted and disaf fected, and would leave those degrading and brutalizing scenes and indecencies, but they are in the hands of a despot whose boldness knows no limit, and in whose hands rebellion and death are one and the same. The alli ance between the church and many of the "brethren" and "sisters" would be annulled if they had a protecting hand to guard their lives in escape. In many instances, youth ful and innocent females are driven to join the corps and swell the already heart-strick en band of some polygamous wretch, whose " spiritualists," perhaps, are six or eight in number. Notwithstanding the numerous and aggra vated outrages, of which we read, the half has not yet been told, neither indeed can it be; because it is almost impossible to get ad vices from that territory containing anything derogatory to the interests of Brigham Young or his crew. At present, the mails are entirely under Mormon control, which prevents honest dis closures of the sad state of things in Utah.— It is stated, in a correspondence of the New York Daily Times, that the mail route from Independence to Salt Lake was let to a Mor mon named Kimball, who has since sold out his contract to Brig,hain Young. If this be the case, the despotism with its already accu mulated strength, will have nothing to stifle its march to growth in power, inasmuch as that their doings will not be reported with out the territory. Can federal authority be thus trampled beneath the feet of a horde of petty tyrants, and allow them to continue to swell-their number and defy the claims of common decency and the laws of God and man, and permit them to proclaim edict after edict, to flood the annals of our land with re ports of inhuman practices and debasing monstrosities ? Nov, that Mormonism, its corrupting prac tices and infidel influences are known, and that it is comparatively in its infancy, feder al authority clothed with power, should march into the heart of error and supersti tion, tear down their strong holds and plant the banner of freedom and America upon the soil. ~,. Republicanism as it Is. Republicanism, as it was during the last Presidential election,was imposing and formid able. Swayed by the same fanatical spirit which filled the Crusaders or impelled the fol lowers ofMahomet, they rushed into the battle without order or discipline, it is true, but with a blind confidence that victory would perch on their standard. The case is different now.— The Kansas delusion is Over—STRINGFELLOW and LINE, ATCHINSON and ROBINSON probably have shaken hands and entered into specula tions together, and no more shrieks for mur_ dered Free State men or burning buildings are borne on the breeze. All is quiet. The telegraph brings no more reports of battles fought or anticipated. In short the food on which Republicanism lived has been taken from it, and it is dying of starvation. In Connecticut its force has been so much weak ened that it can never fight another success ful battle. In lowa it has been vanqished ; and in this State, next fall, with all the aid it may receive from the American organization, it will be overpowered and borne down by the Democratic phalanx as easily as raw troops would be overthrown by drilled veterans.— The people have opened their eyes and ears— they both see and hear—and therefore Repub licanism is powerless. DETERMINED TO HAVE THE NEWS FIRST. —The New York Times recalls the story of a country editor, who, finding the body ofaman hanging to a lamp-post one night after his own paper had gone to press, cut it down and and carried it home to prevent his rival from publishing the news, and was himself indict ed for the murder. Sale of the Main Line. [The subjoined Argument and Analysis of the bill for the sale of the Main Line of the Public Improvements, was prepared at the instance of gentlemen favorable to the bill, and who wished the public to know the real grounds. upon which its passage was urged.] What is the Main Line worth? What is its real intrinsic value ? We do not mean to the Commonwealth, for to it, it has never paid expenses. A close, fair and honest examina tion of the result of its working will show that ever since it has been built, it has been a heavy annual tax upon the other resources of the Treasury. The yearly nett loss to the State since it was said to be completed, has been in the neighborhood of quarter of a mil lion of dollars. For the accuracy of this statement, we ask a careful analysis of the reports of the Auditor General, State Treas urer and Canal Commissioners. We do not impeach their reports, but we simply wish to see their gross discrepancies reconciled. We merely hold that those reports, (and you may bring the originals from the Departments,) exhibit, not only an inconsistency, but a va riance so gross that suspicion at least is fully aroused. A comparison of the reports de monstrates in the most positive form, that the I Main Line has not only not paid expenses, but has been a steady and enormous charge I upon the other revenues of the State. More than twenty-five years of this management, under all parties, satisfies us that it cannot be corrected. If this is the case, could not the State pay a large bonus to get rid of it ? To the State it has proved a heavy and dead loss. All experiments have failed to correct it. But the practical question is, what is it worth to individuals? What is its real value under the provisions of the bill that passed the House of Representatives ? That is the real question. The valuable portions of the Main Line of the Public Works, are the Col umbia railroad, and the Eastern Division of the canal, from the Junction of the Susque hanna canals with the Main Line to Colum bia. The Columbia railroad cost originally four and a half millions of dollars. The common estimate of the value of the road has been five millions of dollars. The fact, that in a few months the Lebanon Valley and Reading railroad will connect Harrisburg with Philadelphia, by a route but three miles lon ger, and far superior in grades and curvature, will bring the value of the Columbia railroad down to its original cost. It will take at least half a million to remedy its defective loca tion. Assuming then that the Columbia rail road is worth four millions and a half of dol lars, and that the Eastern Division, from the Junction of the Susquehanna canal, with the Main Line to Columbia, is worth an addition al million, we have five and a half millions of dollars, as the actual value of the paying Portion of the Main Line. Passing west from the Junction on the Main Line, we find that by the provisions of this bill, the party purchasing, is required to keep in navigable condition forever, one hundred and twenty-one miles west of the Junction, and reaching to the town of Hollidaysburg. This Juniata canal has been one of the great draw-backs of the Main Line. It never has paid and never can pay. It should never have been built. It is in such a dilapidated condition at this time, that immense appro priations must soon be made to re-build de cayed parts of it. From the fact, that a large and valuable portion of country on what is called the Upper Juniata canal would be de prived of all facilities for getting to market, and thrown back to the condition it was in thirty years ago, if it were abandoned, it is made one of the conditions of the bill for the sale, that this line shall be kept up. An ex amination of the cost of working it, will show that this one hundred and twenty-one miles of unprofitable work, will more than absorb the profits of the Eastern division. The Wes tern division is worse than worth nothing.— Yet the bill requires a large expenditure upon an unfinished railroad between the canal at Blairsville and the Allegheny river at Free port, in order that the people on the Western division shall not have withdrawn fi-onz them any of their present facilities. The finishing up of this link gives those who live upon and near that canal a complete railroad commu nication with Pittsburg. The party purcha sing, when they conclude to abandon it, are bound to give it to the citizens of the coun try through which it passes. We are thus, under the several provisions and conditions of this bill, brought down to the Columbia railroad as the actual value of the Main Line. The minimum fixed in the bill, is seven and a half millions, and, if the Pennsylvania rail road purchase, an additional million and a half ; in consideration of which that compa ny is to be released from the tonnage tax, the tax on her bonds, dividends and property.— This is simply the State tax, and leaves the right of the cities, counties, boroughs and townships to tax, as it was. Why fix a min imum of seven and a half millions of dollars in a bill, by the provisions of which it can be shown, no party can afford to give more than four and a half millions? For the simple reason that you could not pass a bill in the House of Representatives at a low minimum. It would undoubtedly have been sounder pol icy to have offered them without limit at auc tion, or fixed a bona fide minimum of four and a half millions of dollars. But no such bill could pass the House. In the event of the Pennsylvania railroad purchasing, the price is nine millions of dollars. 'What does this additional four millions and a half repre sent ? The first tax that is taken off her is the tonnage tax. Last year the tonnage tax amounted to one hundred and ninety-seven thousand two hundred and ninety-eight dol lars and ninety-five cents. We believe this tax to be unsound and vicious in principle ; but that part of it we will not argue. At the time that the charter of the Pennsylva nia railroad was granted, this tax was un posed to protect the Main Line of the Public Improvements from the competition, of the Pennsylvania railroad. Has the Main Line been injured? Has its value been impaired by the extension of the Pennsylvania railroad from Harrisburg to Pittsburg? We say, no. Modern improvements in New York and Ma ryland, above and below it, have destroyed its value. The Main Line is better off this day than it would have been if the Pennsyl vania railroad had never been built. We will illustrate this fact. By the Main Line before the construction of the Pennsylvania railroad, a passenger started from Philadelphia in the morning, and was brought to Harrisburg by noon, then shipped by canal boat to Hollidaysburg, a distance of one hundred and thirty-five miles, at the rate of three and a half miles an hour. In half a day more he was passed over the ten planes on the Allegheny Portage railroad to Johnstown ; again transhipped at Johns town to a boat, and in thirty hours more, found himself at Pittsburg. The other mode of passenger transportation was by stages, over the roughest roads for two hundred miles, from Harrisburg to Pittsburg, at the same rate of three and a half miles an hour. If the Pennsylvania railroad had not been made, of the thousands of passengers weekly, al most daily passing over the Columbia rail road to the western States, and even the wes tern counties of our own State, not a solita ry one would at this day have passed over it. This is a fact past all denial. The Baltimore and Ohio, and the New York and Erie rail roads, would have taken from the Columbia railroad the great throng of through travel that now seeks the west by this route. Has the Pennsylvania railroad injured the ColuM- -, bia railroad in this respect ? The question needs no answer. The Stato road is a large debtor to the PennsylVania railroad on thiit head. She would have been at this day, if it had not been for the extension west, a mere local road, doing a petty local passenger and freight business. The same result can be shown in reference' to all the light and valuable goods—the goods that remunerate the carrier best—the profit; able kind of freight. Would a pound of it at this day have taken the disjointed line of canal and railroad, and been ten days reach- , ing its destination, when it could pass direct by a railroad both above and below it in two? Why even the Pittsburg merchants would have become the patrons of the Maryland railroad. The building of the Pennsylvania railroad has saved all this trade to the road owned by the Commonwealth. These are facts that defy contradiction. We now come to the heavy and cheap articles, cotton in bales, tobacco, rice and flour. There was a time when the Main Line transported heavily from the west these articles. Would she have still had this trade if the Pennsylvania rail road had not been built? With the Baltimore and Ohio railroad tapping the Ohio river be low Pittsburg, would not all these heavy ar ticles have passed east by that route? Would they—could they have passed on up to Pitts burg—been re-shipped to a fifty ton canal boat at that point, carried east to Johnstown by the Main Line, then transferred to cars, and passed over the Portage to Hollidaysburg; again transhipped to boats, and boated to Columbia ; changed at that point, and again placed on the cars, and transported to Phila delphia ? Tapped as the Ohio river is below Pittsburg by our southern rival this freight would all have gone by Baltimore. The hand ling of these goods on their transit four times between Philadelphia and Pittsburg, and the great delay and uncertainty upon a broken line of canal and railroad transportation, would have swept all the through trade, light and heavy, passenger and freight, to the Bal timore and Ohio road. The Pennsylvania railroad has saved to the State road even the heavy articles to which canals are now con fined, except the local iron and coal trade. If any improvement is directly chargeable with killing the Main Line, it is the Baltimore and Ohio road. With the local business along the Main Line the Pennsylvania railroad may, to some extent, have interfered. But when you come to balance the account of what it has taken from the State works, and what it has brought to them, and held for them, the c,verwhelming portion of the indebtedness is due from the now valuable portion of the State improvements to the Pennsylvania rail road. This is a bitter conclusion but a true one, notwithstanding every active interest has arrayed itself against this road. Its construc tion has saved to the State the value of the Columbia railroad. It has preserved to the Commonwealth one link in the Main Line of the public words. Why then discriminate against it? Why restrict the trade of this road by a tonnage tax ? Wrong in principle as that tax is, and calculated to fetter and manacle our commercial enterprize, howfia grant becomes that wrong, when, instead of injuring the Main Line, as it was thought it would do when the charter was granted, it has been clearly shown that its construction alone saved the Columbia railroad from be coming a road of mere local trade and traffic. The principle which originated the tax is vi cious and unsound. The ground of necessi ty or expediency upon which it was imposed has wholly disappeared. Why then should thetax not betaken off ? In all justice it should be removed. The question then again recurs, what does the four and a half millions of dollars, above the value of the Columbia railroad, which under this bill is the only valuable portion of the Main Line, represent? Not the tonnage tax, for that is false in principle and unjust in practice. We have now reached the point where that excess over the intrinsic and ac tual value of the Main Line begins to repre sent something tangible—something real.— By the provisions of this. bill she is released from her State tax, not her county, city, bo rough or township tax. How is she released ? How exonerated ? How granted a great, ex traordinary and dangerous immunity, as it will be alleged? By the payment into the Treasury, annually, until 1890, of $225,000. Then the payment of the principal of that sum, four and a half millions of dollars. Is this an exoneration ? Is this a release ? Let us look at the figures, and they are open to the most rigid scrutiny. What are the State taxes of this road? To what do they amount at a time when the State debt is Arty mil lions? State tax on S per cent. dividend on $12,616,- 000 stock $50,561 00 State tax on 6 per cent. mortgage bonds $7,- 551,000 State and county taxes along the line, exclu sive of Philadelphia 0,006 26 State and county taxes in Philadelphia, say 15,000 00 99,043 26 Ninety-nine thousand and forty-three dollars and twenty-six cents is her aggregate tax, county, borough and State. We pass by the fact that under the provisions of this bill, she is still the subject of city, county and township rates and levies. We wish to make the case as strong as possible. She therefore pays two hundred and twenty-five thousand dollars per annum, to be released of a tax that amounts, say to one hundred thousand dollars per annum, and in 1890 she proposes to pay the principal of this—four millions and a hall of dollars. Is this a release She agrees to pay this sum—not for the value of the public improvements; not alone to be released from taxation—but to get you to take the hampers off her trade; to unshackle her business, and let her fight a battle with her New York and Maryland rivals upon an equality. To fight a battle, the favorable is sue of which must redound to the prosperity of that great State, with whose soil and ma terial prosperity all her interests are so close lyidentified. The principle of releasing from taxation where an immense consideration is offered, is a new one. It may be open to ob jections. Doubtless it is. But where a par ty comes forward, and voluntarily agrees to pay more than double the amount of the tax annually for thirty years, and at the expira tion of that time double the principal, and 23,553 00
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