The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, July 30, 1856, Image 1
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Candidates for office are the representatives of principles ; and, while all may alike be actuated by good motives, and governed by patriotic intentions, yet all alike are liable to err; and reason, therefore, would dictate that the safest man to fill an executive office is the man possess ing the greatest experience, and who holds the most tried and best proved opinions on questions of national moment. Juclging,then, the candirlat prominen t be fore the American people fbr the office of President by this standard, what conclusions are naturally presented ? These candidates are FILLMORE, FREMONT and Ikcirs.xxx. Of the first we have not much to say, because we do not think he has any prospect of an election. The second is the one who is more directly arrayed against the candidate of the Democracy in the Northern States. We shall try to speak of him fairly—without pm judiee—without bitterness ; and we ask the thinking men of the country—the men who consider the preservation of the Union para mount to all other questions—what claim has he to your support? His past history is po litically, a blank. lie has performed 210 great services. He has partt;;ipated in no great contests of statesman.;hip. lie has no experience in civil government. lie knows no more about the political history or gov ernmental economy of the United States, thanthousands of village politiLians who have never aspired higher than to a county office. This is true. It cannot and not be de nied by those who are honest and candid in their political views. Is such a man fit for President of the United States? Is such a man capable, admitting that his intentions are the best in the world, to administer the Government of the only Republic on the face of the world, in times of trial and danger Common sense answers, emphatically, NO. But it is argued by his fronds that he can surround himself with aide and experienced statesmen, and that those men will guvern the country wisely and well. Where are these men to be found? Ile is the candidate of a Northern faction, and he is surrounded by Northern factionists. his most san guine supporters argue that such men as Sr ABB, of New York; S TEVENS. of Pennsylvania; IDDINCS,Of Ohio; BANKS, or 111 as sa chusetts— mcnwho would exult over the dissolution of the Union—would be safe connseMrs for a young and inexperienced President? And such men would be his councellors. They are now his friends. They are the men who nominated him, and if he should be elected, (a calami ty which may Heaven prevent!) they would control him even to the dissolution of our Government. Turn now to the candidate of the Democra cy. Does patriotism find anything in his past career of eminent public service, a ca reer extending through two score of years, at - which to pale ? Do those who cling to the Union, as the mariner clings to thelastplank when storms gather around him, anticipate that he who learned to love that sound com pact in the midst of such men as JACKSON, and CLAY, and WEBSTER, would do aught to weaken it or destroy it? No; his whole en ergy—his great experience—his very life, if need be, would be given for its perpetuation. JAMES Bucnsx.tx stands, too, upon the same platform which supported jEFTERSON, JACKSON and POLK. HO is surrounded by statesmen who have grown grey in the Na tional Councils, and whose patriotism is be yond suspicion. There never was a candi date presented by any _party, for the Presi dential office, whose history furnished a fair er face—whose position gave greater promise for the safety of the nation—whose friends were actuated by purer motives—than does the candidate of the National Dthnecracy.— For all these reasons, and they are as true as they are cogent, the good men of the coun try should vote for JAMES BUCHANAN. Why he Supports Mr. Buchanan The editor of the Lancaster American Press, (a paper which until recently strongly advocated thedoctrines of the American par . - ty,) gives the following reasons way he will support Mr. BUCHANAN. "Because he is our neighbor and friend, and because he has done more for the poor of this city than all of his traducers put to gether. " Because he is a statesman of the first ,order of intellect, and is vastly the superior :in every respect of all his competitors. " Because he is an honest man, and will ? administer the government honestly and faith fully. "Because he will lie the President, not of saction, or a section of the Union, but of the whole American people—and will know no North, no South, no East, no Wrest, but treat all alike, fairly and impartially, in the true spirit of the Constitution. "Because we know him, and can truly say that he is one of the purest, as he is among the ablest, statesmen now living. "For these and other reasons, which we might give had we the room, we prefer JAMES BUCHANAN for the Presidency, and shall do what we can to promote his election." Aper- Raleigh says, if thou marry for beau ty, thou bindest thyself all thy life for that which perchance will neither last nor please you one year. OM WILLIAM LEWIS, VOL. XIL The Abolition Disunion Ticket Such is the caption under which we pub lish the ticket nominated at Philadelphia— Fremont and Dayton. We did it deliberate ly; and in spiteof the writhings of our adver saries, we mean that it shall so stand till the close of the campaign. It is a true and just designation of the ticket, and we proceed now to prove it from the record. First, the platform upon which it stands is Abolition and Disunion. It denies the great principle of popular sovereignty, lying as it does at the founda tion of our institutions—their first principle —the very breath they draw. It demands the intervention of Congress in the domestic institutions and concerns of the people of the Territories. It insists that Congress has and shall exer cise "sovereign power" over these Territo ries in all cases whatsoever, just as the Brit ish crown and Parliament set up a like claim over the Colonies in 1765 and 1776. it asserts the right and duty of Congress, by virtue of this sovereign power, to inter meddle with the marriage relations in the Territories. Great Britain never went half so far. It declares that no more slave States shall be admitted into the Union. It maintains the right of any faction in a State or Territory to set up, by voluntary movement at any time, a Constitution and machinery of Government, in opposition to and subversion of the Constitution and laws already in force, and the officers already in power—a claim utterly at war with every prin ciple of law and order, and pregnant with anarchy and bloodshed. It violates the Constitution of the United States and the legal and moral obligations of every citizen, by giving "aid and comfort" to the treason and outrage and their perpetra tors in Kansas. Such is its platform ; of Abolitionism and inevitably leading to a dissolution of the Union and civil war. Who ,were, the men who made, and who are they who now support, this at:ket ? JOSHUA Ti. GIDDINGS was at the Convention, a leading spirit in all its acts, reeking as he is with the stench of twenty years of Abolitionism. Ifea.r him: "I look forward to the day when there shall be a servile insurrection in the South: when the black man, armed with British bay onets, and led on by British officers, shall as sert his freedom, and wage a war of extermi nation against his niaster; when the torch of the incendiary shall light up the towns and ci ties of the South, and blot out the lash - cstige of of slavery. And though I may not mock at their calamity, nor laugh when their fear cometh.yet I will hail it as the dawn of a political um." was there, the Abolition candidate for Presi dent against Scott and Pierce in 1852. What is his record ? On the 7th of Fehuary, 1850. he presented, insisted upon, and along with Chase and Seward alone, voted to receive, re fer and. consider a petition demanding of Congress "an immediate dissolution of the Union," because a Union with slaveholders is violative of divine law and human rights. Cass, Corwin, Benton, Clay and Webster, with forty-six other Senators, voted against it. On the 23d of March, 1848, he presented a batch of eight petitions at once, demanding the same thing. SALMON P. CH.A.SE, was there by letter ; and originally as a can didate, afterwards a zealous supporter of Fremont for nomination. For his record let the columns of the Dayton Journal last fall answer. lie is an original old line Aboli tionist, in favor of negro suffrage and negro equality ; opposed tg the constitutional pro visions for the rendition of fugitive slaves; in favor of excluding all slaveholders from of fice; believes that slavery in the States would not continue after a year the accession of the anti-slavery party to power, and thinks that it ought to be abolished by the constitutional power of Congress and the State Legisla tures." WILLIAM U. SEWARD, was there, first as a candidate, and after wards as one of Fremont's warmest support ers. Indeed it is well known that to Chase, Seward and Greeley, Fremont is mainly in debted for his nomination—they defeated McLean. "When Henry Wilson mentioned. the name of Seward," says the correspondence of the Pittsburg Gazette, "the whole conven tion rose to its feet, gave the New York Sen ator three times three, and would not have been warmer in their applause if he had just been nominated for President by acclama tion." And now hear him on sectional par ties : "Slavery is not and never can be perpetu al. It will be Overthrown either peacefully and lawfully under this constitution, or it will work the subversion of the constitution, together with its own overthrow. The House of Representatives is already yours, as it al ways must be when you choose to have it.— The Senate of the United States, is equally within your power if you only will persist ently for two years have it. Notwithstand ing all the wrong that has been done, not an other slave State can now come into the Union. Make only one year's constant. decisive effort and you can determine what States shall be admitted. "It is written. in the constitution cf the United States that five slaves shall count equal to three freemen, as a basis of repre sentation ; and it is written, also, in viola tion of the divine law, that we shall surren der the fugitive slave. You blush not at these things, because they are as familiar as house hold words. 44- " 4- There is a higher law than the constitution, which regulates our authority over the domain. * It (sla very) can be and must be abolished, and you and 1 must do it. * Correct your own error s that slavery has any constitutional guarantees which may not be released and ought not to be relinquished. You From the Dayton Daily Eagle JOHN P. HALE, will soon bring the parties of the country into an effective aggression upon slavery." BENJAMIN F. WADE, is a supporter of Fremont and. a leader of the party. Hear him. : "Ile thought there was but one issue be fore the people, and that was the question of American slavery. He said the 'Whig party is not only dead, but stinks. It shows signs occa sionally of convulsive spasms, as is sometimes exhibited in the dead snake's tail after the head and body have been buried. "There is really no union now between the North and the South, and he believed no two nations upon the earth entertained feelings of more bitter rancor towards each other than these two sections of the republic. The only salvation of the Union, therefore, was to be found in divesting it entirely from all taint of slavery." NATHANIEL P. BANKS, the "Union Slider," Speaker of the Abolition House of Representatives, is a leader of the Fremont party, and was withdrawn from the candidacy of the Know Nothing seceder's convention to make way for Fremont. Hear him : "Although I am not one of that, class of men who cry for the perpetuation of the Union, though I am willing in a certain state of circumstances, to let it slide, I have no fear for its perpetuation. But let me say if the chief object of the people of this country lie to maintain and propagate chattel proper ty in man, in other words, human slavery, this Union cannot and ought not to stand." HORACE MANN, is a supporter of Fremont. Hear him "In conclusion I have only to add that such is my solemn and abiding conviction of the character of slavery, that, under a full sense of my responsibility to my country and my God, I deliberately say, better disunion—bet ter a civil or a servile war—better anything that God iu his providence shall send—than an extension of the bonds of slavery." 11E NRY WILSON, is a leader of the Fremont party, and was present and spoke at the Philadelphia con vention, where he was recived with unbound ed applause. Hear him : "Let us remember that more than three millions of bondmen, groaning under name less woes, demand that we shall reprove each other, and that we labor for their deliver ance. * * "I tell you here to night that the agitation of this question of human slavery will con tinue while the foot of a slave presses the soil of the American republic." CH ARLE S SUMNER, the "illustrious sorehead" of Massachusetts, is a leader and a martyr of the Fremont par ty. His blood is to be the seed of the party. Hear him `•The good citizen as he reads the require ments of this act—the fugitive slave—is fill ed with horror. Here the path of duty is clear. lAM 1301.7.N1l TO DIS0131:1" THIS ACT. * * * -X- * -X "Sir, I will not dishonor this home of the Pilgrims and of the Revolution by admitting —nay, I cannot believe—that this bill will be executed here." RUFUS P. SPAULDING, was a member and leader of the convention. Hear him: "In the case of the alternative being pre sented of the continuance of slavery or a dis solution, of the Union, lam for dissolution, and I care not how quick it conies." "lION. ERASTUS HOPKINS," or Massachusetts was a member of the con vention. Hear him : "If peaceful means fail us, and we 'arc driven to the last extremity where ballots are useless, then we'll make bullets effective.— [Tremendous applause."] GEN. JAMES WATSON WEBB, was a leader iu the convention. Hear him in a speech on the floor : "On the action of this convention depends the fate of the country ; if the 'Republicans,' fall at the ballot-box, we will be forced to drive back the slaveocracy with fire and sword." [Cheers.] Just in the same spirit and no more bold ly speaks William Lloyd Garrison. Hear loin: "This Union is a lie. The American Union is an imposture, a covenant with death and an agreement with hell. * lam for its overthrow ! Up with the flag of disunion, that we may have a free and glorious repub lic of our own, and when the hour• shall come the hour will have arrived that shall witness the overthrow of slavery." Hear also 11. M. Addison of the American Advertiser, in the same strain: "I detest slavery, and say - unhesitatingly that I am in favor of its abolition by some means, if it scud all the party organizations in the Union, and the Union itsel 1; to the Del il, if it can only exist by holding mill ions of human beings in the most abject and cruel system of slavery thakever cursed the earth, it is a great pity it was ever ,Ihrnied, and the sooner it isatlissolved the,better. ANSON BURLINGAME, of Nassaehusetts. member of Congress, is also a leader of the Fremont Party. Hear him : "The times demand and we must have an anti-slavery constitution and an anti-slavery Bible, and an anti-slavery God." We might multiply these extracts - without number, and we resume and add a few more pearls to this Abolition necklace. Suffice it for the present to say that, throughout the whole Convention which nominated Fremont, (in which, by the way, nearly one-half of the States of this Union were not represented,) the only watchword was, " rally the :Nur th rally the whole North." With such a plat form and such leaders and exponents, utter ing such atrocious sentiments, have we not justly and rightly styled the Fremont ticket "the Abolition Disunion ticket ?" Will not sober-minded pion who love their county, the Union and the Constitution, pause and reflect whither we arc drifting, and what it is to support such a ticket ? -PERSEVERE. - HUNTINGDON, PA., JULY 30, 1856. Know-Nothing IVlanifesto against Col.l .Answer. Besides unbaptised infidels v,1105., Fremont. marriage with Catholics is null, the church forbids marriage with heretics and excommu nicated persons, so long as the excommunica tion is in force. The church gives lier sue a merlts only to those within her bosom. cnuantEx MUsT BE PLEDGED TO ROMAN ISM. From the Golden. Manual—being a • Guide to Catholic Devotion. D. Saddler, with the approbation of the Right Rev. Arch bishop Hughes. Page 582: Catholic, in marrying a person of ano :her religion, cannot be allowed to enter into any agreement that any of the children shall be brought up to any but the Catholic faith. TILE RITUAL FOR THE CELEBRATION OF THE SAC RAMENT 01' MATRIMONY. From the Golden Manual, published in London, with the approval of " tNichola. , , Archbishop of Westminister :" and in New York (Saddler & C 0.,) with the approbation of the Most Rev. John Hughes, Archbishop, N. Y. N.Y.:— From the New York Express, (K. N. paper.) COL. FREMONT'S MARRIAGE-HE MUST HAVE BEEN A ROMAN CATHOLIC There is a point now made one of great im portance in the Presidential election—by the denial on the part of Col. Fremont's friends, and by authority, as we understand it, front him—that he is, or ever has been, a Roman Catholic. The point is one of this importance, in a political view, first, because many Amer icans who support him in New England, es pecially support him upon the ground that he is anti-Roman Catholic—and second, be cause, if he ever has been a Roman Catholic, he denies the fact, and has ostensibly changed his religion. The Rev. Mr. Beecher says, in his Independence, apparently by authority : "Until he was fourteen, Col. Fremont was educated in the hope and expectation that he would become an Episcopal minister. At sixteen, he was confirmed in the Episcopal church, and has, ever since, when within reach of the church, been an attendant and communicant. And since his temporary so journ in New York, he has been an attend ant at Dr. Anthon's church until recently ; and now he worships at Grace church. Mrs. Freemont was reared strictly in the Presby terian Church, and united with the Episcopal Church upon her marriage with Col. Fre mont. Their children have been baptized in the Episcopal church," &c., &e. These are strong statements—there is pro digious wrong somewhere, and we propose to find out where. There are two periods in a man's life whoa his religion, or the feeling for the religion he was educated in, first discloses itself—the first, when he marries for life; the second, when on his deathbed. It is admitted—and nowhere denied—that when Lieutenant Fre mont married Miss Benton, Father Vau ilor seigh, of Washington, a Roman Catholic priest, of character and high standing In his church there, married them. Nobody com pelled Mr. Fremont thus to go to a Roman Catholic priest. He went there of his own free will and choice. True, it is said. that in Consequence of the social influence of Senator Benton, in Washington, no other than a Ro man Catholic priest could marry the runaway pair ; but it is not proven, and. it is not true, or if true, it does not vitiate the fact that a Roman Catholic priest cannot under the ordi nances and councils of his church, unite par ties in " the holy sacrament of matrimony," unless one of them, at least, professes to he of that church. To„understand the laws and the councils, and the customs of the Catholic church, we must take our readers a little way into the theology of that church. Marriage is with the Roman Catholic a sacrament, The Protestants have but two Sacraments; the Roman Catholics have seven, and among them is matrimony. Vence, a Roman Catholic priest would no more admin ister the sacrament of matrimony to a par;:y not of his church, than he would the Lord's Supper, or confirmation, or baptism, for mat rimony is, in the Romish church, just as much a sacrament as the Lord's supper. The highest written authority of the Roini;dl church is the famous Council of Trent, and there it is decreed : DECREE 3d. Whosoever shall say that the sacra ments of the new law were not all instituted by Jesus Christ our Lord or that they are more or less in number than seven; that is to say, baptism, confirmation, the Lord's Sup per, penance, extreme unction, orders and matrimony ; or that any one of these seven is not truly and properly a sacrament, let him be accursed. Marriage among most Protestants—not all, however, is but a civil contract, but in the Romish Church, it is an obligation, to be ta ken only before priests—it is n sacrament.— The Romish Church is rigid, and stricter in its rule of marriage than any other religious denomination. Marriage in that church is an indissoluble tic, and never to be loosed even by the civil law of divorce. The mar riage of heretics by a priest is a crime, ex cept under some special Papal dispensation —just as much of a crime as it would be to administer the Lord's Supper to heretics.-- When Colonel Fremont, therefore, vuluntaiily went before Father Van llorseigh, and asked him, as a Priest of Rome, to marry him to a Protestant woman, he must have been, or pretended to be, a Roman Catholic, and lie must have promised to bring up the offspring, if any, in the Romish Church. That prom ise Col. Fremont fulfilled in an adopted daugh ter, now a grown woman, for he educated her in the convent on the heights of Georgetown, D. C., and he cannot deny, or authorize any one to deny the fact. The sacramental obli gations of the marriage have been fulfilled till a late period; and if they are not fulfilled now, it is because of late, a change has taken place in. Col. Fremont's profession of religion —it may be' for the purpose of obtaining- the Protestant vote for President. The Roman Catholic celebration of the matrimony- sacrament (Rites celcbrandi mat rivionii is one of the august ceremonies of that church. The priest puts on his cassock and white stole, and he brings out his missal, and holy water to sprinkle the marrying parties, and he then unites the parties according to the rites of the Holy Mother Church, and the priest sprinkles the marriage ring with holy water, in the sign of the cross. THE PREPARAT,ION FOR MARRIAGE From the RomamCatholic Catechism of the Christian Religion, chap. 0, sec. 5, page 378 —llonaho's edition: Question. 1 [ow should we prepare ourselves for marriage ? Answer. By prayer, good works, and the reception of the sacrainent. Other authorities say by ••confession," and through. the confessional. WI TO CAN TAKE THE SACRAMENT From the Chatechism of the Christian Ile- Patrick Donaho. Boston edition, 165:2. Page 375 : Question. Who arc the persons with whom the Church forbids to, to contract marriage? .f. 41" 1..751 t* : . -. - R:: ,ii.. * ,, ...:%,.: ....-,-.: ...6:-. \,...,.... t,,,.., 0 - ' g a iz. , ;-.: ~,,,,, t , ..'.4 -,.. ~,,„ • The priest, vested in a surplice and white stole, accompanied by at least one clerk, to carry the book and a vessel of holy water, and ley two or three witnesses, asks the Juan and the Nvoman, separately, as follows, ill the vulgar tongue, eeneernin . o• their consent. And first he asks the bridegroom.who must stand at the right hand of die woman:— N., wilt thou take here pres , erit, f;Jr thv lawful wife, according to the rite of our holy Mother Church? Response—l. will. Then the priest asks the bride:— N., wilt thou take N., here present, for thy lawful husband, according to the rite of our holy Mother Church:' Response—l will. Then the woman is given away by her father or friend: and if she has never been married liefore, she has her hand I.IIICOX erect: but if she is a widow, she has it covered. The man receives her to keep in God's faith and his own; . and, holding her by the right hand in his own right ham', pli!.:ids her his troth, saying after the priest as follow;.:-- 1, N, take thee, N. to my wedded wife, to have and to hold, from this day forward, fin• better, for worse, for richer, for poorer, in sickness and in health, till death do us part, if holy church will it permit, and ther,.•to 1 plight thee my troth. Then they loose their hands; and joining them again, the woman says, after the priest:— I, N, take thee, N, to my wedded hus band, to have aud to hold, from this day for ward, for better, for worse, &e., if holy church will it permit, and thereto I plight thee my troth. Their troth being thus pledged to each other on both sides, and their right hands joined, the priest says:— Ego cold:ago \•OS in I join you together in matrimonium, in marria!re, in the name nomine Patris, 1• et of the Father, 1 - and of et Spiritus Sane- the Son, and of the ti. Amen. llolv Ghost. Amen. Then he sprinkles them with holy water. This done, the bridegroom places upon the book gold and silver, (which ara presently to he delivered into the hands of the bride.) and also a ring which the p' jest blesses. [The nuptial benediction, which here fol lows, is omitted in mixed marriage. Vide "llitualis Romani." j Then the priest sprinkles the ring with holy water, in the form of a cross : and the bridegroom having received the ring nom the hand of the priest, gives gold and silver to the bride, and says : "With this ring 1 thee wed," &c. Then the bridegroom places the ring on the thumb of the left hand of the bride, say ing :--"In the name of the Father:" then on the sewn finger, saying, "and of the Son ;" then on the third finger, saying, "and of the Holy Ghost;" lastly, on the fourth linger, saying, "-linen," and there he leaves the ring. [The service is continued in regular mar riages with benediction, prayers and some : times the singing of mass.] From these documents and facts, thus au thenticated, the following Conclusions litf low :- Ist. That the Council of Trent makes ma trimony a sacrament in the Romish Church. That a Itomish priest cannot adminis ter a sacrament but to a Roman Catholic. 3d. That Col. Fremont, therefore, at the time of his marriage, roust, at least, have professed to be a Roman Catholic: and was, therefore, sprinkled with holy water, and ac cepted other forms and rites of the Roman Catholic Church, as such a Catholic. 4th. That then he must have talt(n all the obligations of that sacrament, with the pledge to educate his offspring in Ilomanism. sth. That in educating an adopted daught er in the convent at Georgetown he carried out the obligations of the sacrament. But, says the "Independent :" "It is said that a daughter has hem :-ont to a Catholic institution for education. So far from it, she has nevi:r been sent 'away from hopie at all, but has been educated bv her own mother." ThiS is a quibble. The statemant was that his adopted daughter :.vas educated at the convent at the heights of Georgetown, and we dare a denial from Col. Fremont. If Col. Fremont, in view of the Presiden cy, has rccentiv changed Ids religion, and only with a view to that office, so much the worse, but the fact is undeniable, overwhel ming and crushing, that to be married by the Roman priest, Father Van llorsciali, Mr. Fremont must have professed the Roman Catholic religion, and hence accepted all the rules and rituals of the Roman Catholic Church ! Ile may have broken :the sacra ment of his marriage within a 'few week s past ; and he may have become a convert to Protestantism in good faith, in order to win the American vote, but there is record of 110- manism, in the most solemn act of hs life. and it cannot be got over or got under: it can not be tied down or covered up, :111(1 we, as journalists, but do our duty in pnblishin‘ , truths, no matter how much abuse may fol low. If three feet make a yard, how many will it take to make a flower garden? Editor and Proprietor NO. 6. Front the I.VaAthigtutt Set,tinel Will Posterity Believe It ? When we look at the position of this great couf,;deracy—at its capacity for the attain ment of internal good, and of external glory —at its constitution, the result of confiictinf , interests, controlled by the sway of a noble isi:il/01.11---whyli we see it spreading ita power ft. , tin ocean to ocean, and rising to thC majesty of guiding the policy of the American conti nent, and reaching fOrth by the resistlesa power of its Wondrous destiny to a controlling Influence in the commerce and policy of the world—when we know that American inter ests demand the em ca.gy and wisdom of an enlarged statesmanship--and then turning from this broad view of our true policy and, our respoltsibilitics to our action, what is it that presses upon our astonished vision ? With interests of such stupendous magni tude, lvhat has the go\ eminent accomplished in seven months ? It has elected an agitator of internal strife to preside over its delibera tions ; (•) is :keeping the entir - 3 country in commotion - by instigatine: lawlessn.2ss against the constitut run, and has consummated a cen sure upon on, lit for an assault and battery ! Oh : nmst lame and impotent conelasion When in the light 4,f coming su full of moment. our history shall lie written, will posterity beli. - Ive that our government has turned aside from its highest duty to wt:E•to its energy upon the schomes of faution and the clots traitors ? Oh ! shame, where is thy lAre;h? Aml, as if to turn tho drama of ..A.merkan destiny into low farce. a great party an nounces itself as leader in its development, by proposing as its highest aitu a division of the country into ittling .Mules and ,SAttes, thus dividing instead of concentrating its power to achieve Um n.,i l at purposes oi' its existence : a:id to give a greatcr dignity and it m - ire imposing grandeur to the whole scheme, the most important part in the farce is assigned au unknown actor, whose past appearance treads close upon the heels of his first, and whose chief qualifications are his entire maitness and his open treachery against the interest and honor of the state which g.ave hint birth. Orem liens calf crc D o we need experience in tine office of Pres ident? We over to the people a man of the lat.:jest opel•leirce in the country. Will they r•et him a;,icle for one who has had the 97195 i b . ill if ed While Mr. Bat:ha:lan has had, forty years, Fremont ha:, had duis experience in political 1.11.‘: Do we need intellectual abilit v ? pre sent in the person of our candidate that na tive sense, to which cultivation and profound study have addcd stores of know - ledge, and the most reliable wimicin and sagacity. As a statesman cif a Hilly, ltc has no superior, perhaps no equal. in the country. ln what way has Fremont manifested this great des/Arai/in?? Where are the evidences or the fruits of his ability ? Would any man in the country have picked him out as one in len thouxernd, who would be barely fit to fill. the Presidential chair ? in experience. in abilit:v, in integrity, in tried statesmanship, Mr. Buchanan cannot, without disparagement. be compared with Col, Fremont. Comparion, in such a case, becomes a painful contfast. Why, then, should a igttriutic party seek the election of Fremont over Buchanan ? is it not palpable that the clique of tricksters, who sock power by their country's distrac tion ; who arouse human passions, that upon their swelling waves they may rain advance ment: wlo 6-eciionalizex.trioxALlTY, in order to natio/F(o2e ..yeefiGuall.s.m; that these men only use this puppet of their contrivance, to attain their infamous ends, either of the deg radation of fifteen Commonwealths of the Union, or of thy; destruction of the Union, itself? People of the North' you occniky the battle . ground of this fierce e..inflict. Scourge with patriotic energy these en optics of public peace —these traitors to the constitution and to the Union. 'curn your eyes to noble purposes ; mid give other direction to the policy of your Countr y. "ch,, , drstiuy qf' _lnicricct cannot be to fritter away lb; encr,vg npon a squabble abort/ (..if the litter, there arc but three million slave:, ;tint tiny, happy and contented. Of the it hitc race, there are twenty-five in iOn-^-- 1.1-. e fir from being, happy :mil contented, and are kept in contin ual -hot water,'' by this system of minding other people's business for-them. Let us he done with the theme of slavery! The South will manage it arixht—lmowing more about it than the North can do, they may lie trusted ;S•ith its regulation, we judge. But the " Slave Power'." In the Union it is a minority. It is said, however, that it has an insidious way of making dongle jiwes out of Nortk,:rn men—and therein consists its power. It does so happen, we rejoice to say, that hitherto and now, the uppral of that 1112110Iity le? the ,ieorn compact, of the vonetitution, /gas be e n heard i;ed heeded by eyallfott and 6.7itkiicl )tea at the North. The South only gets - what the contract en titles it tJ—no more—should. it get less Fremont and his party 'say so. 3 - ors wilt say cfhericise. For the: bargaii7 must be Zvi,. The hond must be held sacred—or the partner ship is, and Must he. at au end. It is idle to disguise it. The South are of that Anglo- Saxon race Which will not submit to wrong, and will resist a violation of faith. Tr10: , 0 \Vila would trample upon Southern rights are not to be trusted by Wu. The man who br.=ks faith, and in doing so. may per jure his Senatorial soul. has lost the capacity ever to he trusted n iiu. The power which would wield the North to (lestroy the South is therefore as worthy of Northern distrust as of Southern contempt and aversion. WO \Valli yOLI . Crf the. traitor. who commend themselves to you by veucheni of their own i,roili , ate treason! east them from your con fidence. They woalti strike the lio.orn which warms them Now, is it not too preposterous fur human credence hereafter, that such a rriion should lie diverted 'from its great objects to a sense less lyrangle about the African race ? that such a Union should be perrerted to a yiola tion of a :Acton compact between States of a kindred origin, to result in ;its (I.3struction ? Will posterity believe the sadly true—but almost incredible—story? Make it untrue—make it incrediblel—let the true story be, that you crushed the vipers of abolition and faction—that - you restored peace—pat down agittition—aild the two see"- tions, once more in harmony, united with a common enzrgy tip realize that brilliant des tiny 'which will fill history our glory, and posterity with wonder and admiration: ' wag entered a turner's shop add asked him— " Can you turn out a joke?" The turner did so I , y turning the joker out of the shop. eo.sts us more than hunger, thiris.-, and cold.