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giudjartaiT altb. Nrultintibgt
Why should not the good Men of the
Country Vote for Buchanan?
This is a question - which has been often
asked since the Cincinnati Convention ad
journed. It is a question of vast importance
to the country, and we will devote a little
space to its consideration.
In a Government organized as that under
- which we live, it is the imperative duty to
every man authorized to use the elective fran
chise, to weigh well the issues involved in a
political contest, and to cast his vote where it
will be most likely to promote the greatest
good of the whole country. Candidates for
office are the representatives of principles ;
and, while all may alike be actuated by good
motives, and governed by patriotic intentions,
yet all alike are liable to err; and reason,
therefore, would dictate that the safest man
to fill an executive office is the man possess
ing the greatest experience, and who holds
the most tried and best proved opinions on
questions of national moment.
Juclging,then, the candirlat prominen t be
fore the American people fbr the office of
President by this standard, what conclusions
are naturally presented ? These candidates
are FILLMORE, FREMONT and Ikcirs.xxx. Of
the first we have not much to say, because
we do not think he has any prospect of an
election. The second is the one who is more
directly arrayed against the candidate of the
Democracy in the Northern States. We
shall try to speak of him fairly—without pm
judiee—without bitterness ; and we ask the
thinking men of the country—the men who
consider the preservation of the Union para
mount to all other questions—what claim has
he to your support? His past history is po
litically, a blank. lie has performed 210
great services. He has partt;;ipated in no
great contests of statesman.;hip. lie has no
experience in civil government. lie knows
no more about the political history or gov
ernmental economy of the United States,
thanthousands of village politiLians who have
never aspired higher than to a county office.
This is true. It cannot and not be de
nied by those who are honest and candid in
their political views. Is such a man fit for
President of the United States? Is such a
man capable, admitting that his intentions
are the best in the world, to administer the
Government of the only Republic on the face
of the world, in times of trial and danger
Common sense answers, emphatically, NO.
But it is argued by his fronds that he can
surround himself with aide and experienced
statesmen, and that those men will guvern
the country wisely and well. Where are
these men to be found? Ile is the candidate
of a Northern faction, and he is surrounded
by Northern factionists. his most san
guine supporters argue that such men as Sr
ABB, of New York; S TEVENS. of Pennsylvania;
IDDINCS,Of Ohio; BANKS, or 111 as sa chusetts—
mcnwho would exult over the dissolution of the
Union—would be safe connseMrs for a young
and inexperienced President? And such men
would be his councellors. They are now his
friends. They are the men who nominated
him, and if he should be elected, (a calami
ty which may Heaven prevent!) they would
control him even to the dissolution of our
Government.
Turn now to the candidate of the Democra
cy. Does patriotism find anything in his
past career of eminent public service, a ca
reer extending through two score of years, at
- which to pale ? Do those who cling to the
Union, as the mariner clings to thelastplank
when storms gather around him, anticipate
that he who learned to love that sound com
pact in the midst of such men as JACKSON,
and CLAY, and WEBSTER, would do aught to
weaken it or destroy it? No; his whole en
ergy—his great experience—his very life, if
need be, would be given for its perpetuation.
JAMES Bucnsx.tx stands, too, upon the
same platform which supported jEFTERSON,
JACKSON and POLK. HO is surrounded by
statesmen who have grown grey in the Na
tional Councils, and whose patriotism is be
yond suspicion. There never was a candi
date presented by any
_party, for the Presi
dential office, whose history furnished a fair
er face—whose position gave greater promise
for the safety of the nation—whose friends
were actuated by purer motives—than does
the candidate of the National Dthnecracy.—
For all these reasons, and they are as true
as they are cogent, the good men of the coun
try should vote for JAMES BUCHANAN.
Why he Supports Mr. Buchanan
The editor of the Lancaster American
Press, (a paper which until recently strongly
advocated thedoctrines of the American par . -
ty,) gives the following reasons way he will
support Mr. BUCHANAN.
"Because he is our neighbor and friend,
and because he has done more for the poor
of this city than all of his traducers put to
gether.
" Because he is a statesman of the first
,order of intellect, and is vastly the superior
:in every respect of all his competitors.
" Because he is an honest man, and will
? administer the government honestly and faith
fully.
"Because he will lie the President, not of
saction, or a section of the Union, but of the
whole American people—and will know no
North, no South, no East, no Wrest, but treat
all alike, fairly and impartially, in the true
spirit of the Constitution.
"Because we know him, and can truly say
that he is one of the purest, as he is among
the ablest, statesmen now living.
"For these and other reasons, which we
might give had we the room, we prefer JAMES
BUCHANAN for the Presidency, and shall do
what we can to promote his election."
Aper- Raleigh says, if thou marry for beau
ty, thou bindest thyself all thy life for that
which perchance will neither last nor please
you one year.
OM
WILLIAM LEWIS,
VOL. XIL
The Abolition Disunion Ticket
Such is the caption under which we pub
lish the ticket nominated at Philadelphia—
Fremont and Dayton. We did it deliberate
ly; and in spiteof the writhings of our adver
saries, we mean that it shall so stand till the
close of the campaign. It is a true and just
designation of the ticket, and we proceed now
to prove it from the record.
First, the platform upon which it stands is
Abolition and Disunion.
It denies the great principle of popular
sovereignty, lying as it does at the founda
tion of our institutions—their first principle
—the very breath they draw.
It demands the intervention of Congress in
the domestic institutions and concerns of the
people of the Territories.
It insists that Congress has and shall exer
cise "sovereign power" over these Territo
ries in all cases whatsoever, just as the Brit
ish crown and Parliament set up a like claim
over the Colonies in 1765 and 1776.
it asserts the right and duty of Congress,
by virtue of this sovereign power, to inter
meddle with the marriage relations in the
Territories. Great Britain never went half
so far.
It declares that no more slave States shall
be admitted into the Union.
It maintains the right of any faction in a
State or Territory to set up, by voluntary
movement at any time, a Constitution and
machinery of Government, in opposition to
and subversion of the Constitution and laws
already in force, and the officers already in
power—a claim utterly at war with every prin
ciple of law and order, and pregnant with
anarchy and bloodshed.
It violates the Constitution of the United
States and the legal and moral obligations of
every citizen, by giving "aid and comfort" to
the treason and outrage and their perpetra
tors in Kansas.
Such is its platform ; of Abolitionism
and inevitably leading to a dissolution of the
Union and civil war.
Who
,were, the men who made, and who
are they who now support, this at:ket ?
JOSHUA Ti. GIDDINGS
was at the Convention, a leading spirit in all
its acts, reeking as he is with the stench of
twenty years of Abolitionism. Ifea.r him:
"I look forward to the day when there
shall be a servile insurrection in the South:
when the black man, armed with British bay
onets, and led on by British officers, shall as
sert his freedom, and wage a war of extermi
nation against his niaster; when the torch of
the incendiary shall light up the towns and ci
ties of the South, and blot out the lash - cstige of
of slavery. And though I may not mock at their
calamity, nor laugh when their fear cometh.yet
I will hail it as the dawn of a political
um."
was there, the Abolition candidate for Presi
dent against Scott and Pierce in 1852. What
is his record ? On the 7th of Fehuary, 1850.
he presented, insisted upon, and along with
Chase and Seward alone, voted to receive, re
fer and. consider a petition demanding of
Congress "an immediate dissolution of the
Union," because a Union with slaveholders
is violative of divine law and human rights.
Cass, Corwin, Benton, Clay and Webster,
with forty-six other Senators, voted against
it. On the 23d of March, 1848, he presented
a batch of eight petitions at once, demanding
the same thing.
SALMON P. CH.A.SE,
was there by letter ; and originally as a can
didate, afterwards a zealous supporter of
Fremont for nomination. For his record let
the columns of the Dayton Journal last fall
answer. lie is an original old line Aboli
tionist, in favor of negro suffrage and negro
equality ; opposed tg the constitutional pro
visions for the rendition of fugitive slaves;
in favor of excluding all slaveholders from of
fice; believes that slavery in the States would
not continue after a year the accession of the
anti-slavery party to power, and thinks that
it ought to be abolished by the constitutional
power of Congress and the State Legisla
tures."
WILLIAM U. SEWARD,
was there, first as a candidate, and after
wards as one of Fremont's warmest support
ers. Indeed it is well known that to Chase,
Seward and Greeley, Fremont is mainly in
debted for his nomination—they defeated
McLean. "When Henry Wilson mentioned.
the name of Seward," says the correspondence
of the Pittsburg Gazette, "the whole conven
tion rose to its feet, gave the New York Sen
ator three times three, and would not have
been warmer in their applause if he had just
been nominated for President by acclama
tion." And now hear him on sectional par
ties :
"Slavery is not and never can be perpetu
al. It will be Overthrown either peacefully
and lawfully under this constitution, or it
will work the subversion of the constitution,
together with its own overthrow. The House
of Representatives is already yours, as it al
ways must be when you choose to have it.—
The Senate of the United States, is equally
within your power if you only will persist
ently for two years have it. Notwithstand
ing all the wrong that has been done, not an
other slave State can now come into the Union.
Make only one year's constant. decisive effort
and you can determine what States shall be
admitted.
"It is written. in the constitution cf the
United States that five slaves shall count
equal to three freemen, as a basis of repre
sentation ; and it is written, also, in viola
tion of the divine law, that we shall surren
der the fugitive slave. You blush not at these
things, because they are as familiar as house
hold words. 44- " 4- There is a higher law
than the constitution, which regulates our
authority over the domain. * It (sla
very) can be and must be abolished, and you
and 1 must do it. * Correct your own
error s that slavery has any constitutional
guarantees which may not be released and
ought not to be relinquished. You
From the Dayton Daily Eagle
JOHN P. HALE,
will soon bring the parties of the country into
an effective aggression upon slavery."
BENJAMIN F. WADE,
is a supporter of Fremont and. a leader of the
party. Hear him. :
"Ile thought there was but one issue be
fore the people, and that was the question of
American slavery. He said the 'Whig party is
not only dead, but stinks. It shows signs occa
sionally of convulsive spasms, as is sometimes
exhibited in the dead snake's tail after the
head and body have been buried.
"There is really no union now between the
North and the South, and he believed no two
nations upon the earth entertained feelings of
more bitter rancor towards each other than
these two sections of the republic. The only
salvation of the Union, therefore, was to be
found in divesting it entirely from all taint of
slavery."
NATHANIEL P. BANKS,
the "Union Slider," Speaker of the Abolition
House of Representatives, is a leader of the
Fremont party, and was withdrawn from the
candidacy of the Know Nothing seceder's
convention to make way for Fremont. Hear
him :
"Although I am not one of that, class of
men who cry for the perpetuation of the
Union, though I am willing in a certain state
of circumstances, to let it slide, I have no
fear for its perpetuation. But let me say if
the chief object of the people of this country
lie to maintain and propagate chattel proper
ty in man, in other words, human slavery,
this Union cannot and ought not to stand."
HORACE MANN,
is a supporter of Fremont. Hear him
"In conclusion I have only to add that such
is my solemn and abiding conviction of the
character of slavery, that, under a full sense
of my responsibility to my country and my
God, I deliberately say, better disunion—bet
ter a civil or a servile war—better anything
that God iu his providence shall send—than
an extension of the bonds of slavery."
11E NRY WILSON,
is a leader of the Fremont party, and was
present and spoke at the Philadelphia con
vention, where he was recived with unbound
ed applause. Hear him :
"Let us remember that more than three
millions of bondmen, groaning under name
less woes, demand that we shall reprove each
other, and that we labor for their deliver
ance. * *
"I tell you here to night that the agitation
of this question of human slavery will con
tinue while the foot of a slave presses the soil
of the American republic."
CH ARLE S SUMNER,
the "illustrious sorehead" of Massachusetts,
is a leader and a martyr of the Fremont par
ty. His blood is to be the seed of the party.
Hear him
`•The good citizen as he reads the require
ments of this act—the fugitive slave—is fill
ed with horror. Here the path of
duty is clear. lAM 1301.7.N1l TO DIS0131:1" THIS
ACT. * * * -X- * -X
"Sir, I will not dishonor this home of the
Pilgrims and of the Revolution by admitting
—nay, I cannot believe—that this bill will
be executed here."
RUFUS P. SPAULDING,
was a member and leader of the convention.
Hear him:
"In the case of the alternative being pre
sented of the continuance of slavery or a dis
solution, of the Union, lam for dissolution,
and I care not how quick it conies."
"lION. ERASTUS HOPKINS,"
or Massachusetts was a member of the con
vention. Hear him :
"If peaceful means fail us, and we 'arc
driven to the last extremity where ballots are
useless, then we'll make bullets effective.—
[Tremendous applause."]
GEN. JAMES WATSON WEBB,
was a leader iu the convention. Hear him
in a speech on the floor :
"On the action of this convention depends
the fate of the country ; if the 'Republicans,'
fall at the ballot-box, we will be forced to
drive back the slaveocracy with fire and
sword." [Cheers.]
Just in the same spirit and no more bold
ly speaks William Lloyd Garrison. Hear
loin:
"This Union is a lie. The American Union
is an imposture, a covenant with death and
an agreement with hell. * lam for its
overthrow ! Up with the flag of disunion,
that we may have a free and glorious repub
lic of our own, and when the hour• shall come
the hour will have arrived that shall witness
the overthrow of slavery."
Hear also 11. M. Addison of the American
Advertiser, in the same strain:
"I detest slavery, and say - unhesitatingly
that I am in favor of its abolition by some
means, if it scud all the party organizations
in the Union, and the Union itsel 1; to the
Del il, if it can only exist by holding mill
ions of human beings in the most abject and
cruel system of slavery thakever cursed the
earth, it is a great pity it was ever
,Ihrnied,
and the sooner it isatlissolved the,better.
ANSON BURLINGAME,
of Nassaehusetts. member of Congress, is also
a leader of the Fremont Party. Hear him :
"The times demand and we must have an
anti-slavery constitution and an anti-slavery
Bible, and an anti-slavery God."
We might multiply these extracts - without
number, and we resume and add a few more
pearls to this Abolition necklace. Suffice it
for the present to say that, throughout the
whole Convention which nominated Fremont,
(in which, by the way, nearly one-half of the
States of this Union were not represented,)
the only watchword was, " rally the :Nur th
rally the whole North." With such a plat
form and such leaders and exponents, utter
ing such atrocious sentiments, have we not
justly and rightly styled the Fremont ticket
"the Abolition Disunion ticket ?" Will not
sober-minded pion who love their county, the
Union and the Constitution, pause and reflect
whither we arc drifting, and what it is to
support such a ticket ?
-PERSEVERE. -
HUNTINGDON, PA., JULY 30, 1856.
Know-Nothing IVlanifesto against Col.l .Answer. Besides unbaptised infidels v,1105.,
Fremont. marriage with Catholics is null, the church
forbids marriage with heretics and excommu
nicated persons, so long as the excommunica
tion is in force. The church gives lier
sue a
merlts only to those within her bosom.
cnuantEx MUsT BE PLEDGED TO ROMAN ISM.
From the Golden. Manual—being a • Guide
to Catholic Devotion. D. Saddler,
with the approbation of the Right Rev. Arch
bishop Hughes. Page 582:
Catholic, in marrying a person of ano
:her religion, cannot be allowed to enter into
any agreement that any of the children shall
be brought up to any but the Catholic faith.
TILE RITUAL FOR THE CELEBRATION OF THE SAC
RAMENT 01' MATRIMONY.
From the Golden Manual, published in
London, with the approval of " tNichola. , ,
Archbishop of Westminister :" and in New
York (Saddler & C 0.,) with the approbation
of the Most Rev. John Hughes, Archbishop,
N. Y.
N.Y.:—
From the New York Express, (K. N. paper.)
COL. FREMONT'S MARRIAGE-HE MUST HAVE
BEEN A ROMAN CATHOLIC
There is a point now made one of great im
portance in the Presidential election—by the
denial on the part of Col. Fremont's friends,
and by authority, as we understand it, front
him—that he is, or ever has been, a Roman
Catholic. The point is one of this importance,
in a political view, first, because many Amer
icans who support him in New England, es
pecially support him upon the ground that
he is anti-Roman Catholic—and second, be
cause, if he ever has been a Roman Catholic,
he denies the fact, and has ostensibly changed
his religion. The Rev. Mr. Beecher says, in
his Independence, apparently by authority :
"Until he was fourteen, Col. Fremont was
educated in the hope and expectation that he
would become an Episcopal minister. At
sixteen, he was confirmed in the Episcopal
church, and has, ever since, when within
reach of the church, been an attendant and
communicant. And since his temporary so
journ in New York, he has been an attend
ant at Dr. Anthon's church until recently ;
and now he worships at Grace church. Mrs.
Freemont was reared strictly in the Presby
terian Church, and united with the Episcopal
Church upon her marriage with Col. Fre
mont. Their children have been baptized in
the Episcopal church," &c., &e.
These are strong statements—there is pro
digious wrong somewhere, and we propose to
find out where.
There are two periods in a man's life whoa
his religion, or the feeling for the religion he
was educated in, first discloses itself—the
first, when he marries for life; the second,
when on his deathbed. It is admitted—and
nowhere denied—that when Lieutenant Fre
mont married Miss Benton, Father Vau ilor
seigh, of Washington, a Roman Catholic
priest, of character and high standing In his
church there, married them. Nobody com
pelled Mr. Fremont thus to go to a Roman
Catholic priest. He went there of his own
free will and choice. True, it is said. that in
Consequence of the social influence of Senator
Benton, in Washington, no other than a Ro
man Catholic priest could marry the runaway
pair ; but it is not proven, and. it is not true,
or if true, it does not vitiate the fact that a
Roman Catholic priest cannot under the ordi
nances and councils of his church, unite par
ties in " the holy sacrament of matrimony,"
unless one of them, at least, professes to he
of that church.
To„understand the laws and the councils,
and the customs of the Catholic church, we
must take our readers a little way into the
theology of that church.
Marriage is with the Roman Catholic a
sacrament, The Protestants have but two
Sacraments; the Roman Catholics have seven,
and among them is matrimony. Vence, a
Roman Catholic priest would no more admin
ister the sacrament of matrimony to a par;:y
not of his church, than he would the Lord's
Supper, or confirmation, or baptism, for mat
rimony is, in the Romish church, just as much
a sacrament as the Lord's supper. The
highest written authority of the Roini;dl
church is the famous Council of Trent, and
there it is decreed :
DECREE
3d. Whosoever shall say that the sacra
ments of the new law were not all instituted
by Jesus Christ our Lord or that they are
more or less in number than seven; that is to
say, baptism, confirmation, the Lord's Sup
per, penance, extreme unction, orders and
matrimony ; or that any one of these seven
is not truly and properly a sacrament, let
him be accursed.
Marriage among most Protestants—not all,
however, is but a civil contract, but in the
Romish Church, it is an obligation, to be ta
ken only before priests—it is n sacrament.—
The Romish Church is rigid, and stricter in
its rule of marriage than any other religious
denomination. Marriage in that church is
an indissoluble tic, and never to be loosed
even by the civil law of divorce. The mar
riage of heretics by a priest is a crime, ex
cept under some special Papal dispensation
—just as much of a crime as it would be to
administer the Lord's Supper to heretics.--
When Colonel Fremont, therefore, vuluntaiily
went before Father Van llorseigh, and asked
him, as a Priest of Rome, to marry him to a
Protestant woman, he must have been, or
pretended to be, a Roman Catholic, and lie
must have promised to bring up the offspring,
if any, in the Romish Church. That prom
ise Col. Fremont fulfilled in an adopted daugh
ter, now a grown woman, for he educated her
in the convent on the heights of Georgetown,
D. C., and he cannot deny, or authorize any
one to deny the fact. The sacramental obli
gations of the marriage have been fulfilled
till a late period; and if they are not fulfilled
now, it is because of late, a change has taken
place in. Col. Fremont's profession of religion
—it may be' for the purpose of obtaining- the
Protestant vote for President.
The Roman Catholic celebration of the
matrimony- sacrament (Rites celcbrandi mat
rivionii is one of the august
ceremonies of that church. The priest puts
on his cassock and white stole, and he brings
out his missal, and holy water to sprinkle the
marrying parties, and he then unites the
parties according to the rites of the Holy
Mother Church, and the priest sprinkles the
marriage ring with holy water, in the sign of
the cross.
THE PREPARAT,ION FOR MARRIAGE
From the RomamCatholic Catechism of the
Christian Religion, chap. 0, sec. 5, page 378
—llonaho's edition:
Question. 1 [ow should we prepare ourselves
for marriage ?
Answer. By prayer, good works, and the
reception of the sacrainent.
Other authorities say by ••confession," and
through. the confessional.
WI TO CAN TAKE THE SACRAMENT
From the Chatechism of the Christian Ile-
Patrick Donaho. Boston edition,
165:2. Page 375 :
Question. Who arc the persons with whom
the Church forbids to, to contract marriage?
.f.
41" 1..751
t* : .
-. - R:: ,ii.. * ,,
...:%,.: ....-,-.: ...6:-. \,...,....
t,,,..,
0 - ' g a
iz. , ;-.: ~,,,,, t , ..'.4
-,..
~,,„
•
The priest, vested in a surplice and white
stole, accompanied by at least one clerk, to
carry the book and a vessel of holy water,
and ley two or three witnesses, asks the Juan
and the Nvoman, separately, as follows, ill the
vulgar tongue, eeneernin . o• their consent.
And first he asks the bridegroom.who must
stand at the right hand of die woman:—
N., wilt thou take here pres , erit, f;Jr
thv lawful wife, according to the rite of our
holy Mother Church?
Response—l. will.
Then the priest asks the bride:—
N., wilt thou take N., here present, for
thy lawful husband, according to the rite of
our holy Mother Church:'
Response—l will.
Then the woman is given away by her
father or friend: and if she has never been
married liefore, she has her hand I.IIICOX erect:
but if she is a widow, she has it covered.
The man receives her to keep in God's faith
and his own; . and, holding her by the right
hand in his own right ham', pli!.:ids her his
troth, saying after the priest as follow;.:--
1, N, take thee, N. to my wedded wife, to
have and to hold, from this day forward, fin•
better, for worse, for richer, for poorer, in
sickness and in health, till death do us part,
if holy church will it permit, and ther,.•to 1
plight thee my troth.
Then they loose their hands; and joining
them again, the woman says, after the
priest:—
I, N, take thee, N, to my wedded hus
band, to have aud to hold, from this day for
ward, for better, for worse, &e., if holy
church will it permit, and thereto I plight
thee my troth.
Their troth being thus pledged to each
other on both sides, and their right hands
joined, the priest says:—
Ego cold:ago \•OS in I join you together in
matrimonium, in marria!re, in the name
nomine Patris, 1• et of the Father, 1 - and of
et Spiritus Sane- the Son, and of the
ti. Amen. llolv Ghost. Amen.
Then he sprinkles them with holy water.
This done, the bridegroom places upon the
book gold and silver, (which ara presently to
he delivered into the hands of the bride.) and
also a ring which the p' jest blesses.
[The nuptial benediction, which here fol
lows, is omitted in mixed marriage. Vide
"llitualis Romani." j
Then the priest sprinkles the ring with
holy water, in the form of a cross : and the
bridegroom having received the ring nom
the hand of the priest, gives gold and silver
to the bride, and says :
"With this ring 1 thee wed," &c.
Then the bridegroom places the ring on
the thumb of the left hand of the bride, say
ing :--"In the name of the Father:" then on
the sewn finger, saying, "and of the Son ;"
then on the third finger, saying, "and of the
Holy Ghost;" lastly, on the fourth linger,
saying, "-linen," and there he leaves the
ring.
[The service is continued in regular mar
riages with benediction, prayers and some :
times the singing of mass.]
From these documents and facts, thus au
thenticated, the following Conclusions litf
low :-
Ist. That the Council of Trent makes ma
trimony a sacrament in the Romish Church.
That a Itomish priest cannot adminis
ter a sacrament but to a Roman Catholic.
3d. That Col. Fremont, therefore, at the
time of his marriage, roust, at least, have
professed to be a Roman Catholic: and was,
therefore, sprinkled with holy water, and ac
cepted other forms and rites of the Roman
Catholic Church, as such a Catholic.
4th. That then he must have talt(n all the
obligations of that sacrament, with the pledge
to educate his offspring in Ilomanism.
sth. That in educating an adopted daught
er in the convent at Georgetown he carried
out the obligations of the sacrament.
But, says the "Independent :"
"It is said that a daughter has hem :-ont
to a Catholic institution for education. So
far from it, she has nevi:r been sent 'away
from hopie at all, but has been educated bv
her own mother."
ThiS is a quibble. The statemant was that
his adopted daughter :.vas educated at the
convent at the heights of Georgetown, and we
dare a denial from Col. Fremont.
If Col. Fremont, in view of the Presiden
cy, has rccentiv changed Ids religion, and
only with a view to that office, so much the
worse, but the fact is undeniable, overwhel
ming and crushing, that to be married by the
Roman priest, Father Van llorsciali, Mr.
Fremont must have professed the Roman
Catholic religion, and hence accepted all the
rules and rituals of the Roman Catholic
Church ! Ile may have broken :the sacra
ment of his marriage within a 'few week s
past ; and he may have become a convert to
Protestantism in good faith, in order to win
the American vote, but there is record of 110-
manism, in the most solemn act of hs life.
and it cannot be got over or got under: it can
not be tied down or covered up, :111(1 we, as
journalists, but do our duty in pnblishin‘ ,
truths, no matter how much abuse may fol
low.
If three feet make a yard, how many
will it take to make a flower garden?
Editor and Proprietor
NO. 6.
Front the I.VaAthigtutt Set,tinel
Will Posterity Believe It ?
When we look at the position of this great
couf,;deracy—at its capacity for the attain
ment of internal good, and of external glory
—at its constitution, the result of confiictinf ,
interests, controlled by the sway of a noble
isi:il/01.11---whyli we see it spreading ita power
ft. , tin ocean to ocean, and rising to thC majesty
of guiding the policy of the American conti
nent, and reaching fOrth by the resistlesa
power of its Wondrous destiny to a controlling
Influence in the commerce and policy of the
world—when we know that American inter
ests demand the em ca.gy and wisdom of an
enlarged statesmanship--and then turning
from this broad view of our true policy and,
our respoltsibilitics to our action, what is it
that presses upon our astonished vision ?
With interests of such stupendous magni
tude, lvhat has the go\ eminent accomplished
in seven months ? It has elected an agitator
of internal strife to preside over its delibera
tions ; (•) is :keeping the entir - 3 country in
commotion - by instigatine: lawlessn.2ss against
the constitut run, and has consummated a cen
sure upon on, lit for an assault
and battery ! Oh : nmst lame and impotent
conelasion
When in the light 4,f coming su full
of moment. our history shall lie written, will
posterity beli. - Ive that our government has
turned aside from its highest duty to wt:E•to
its energy upon the schomes of faution and
the clots traitors ? Oh ! shame, where is
thy lAre;h?
Aml, as if to turn tho drama of ..A.merkan
destiny into low farce. a great party an
nounces itself as leader in its development,
by proposing as its highest aitu a division of
the country into ittling .Mules and ,SAttes,
thus dividing instead of concentrating its
power to achieve Um n.,i l at purposes oi' its
existence : a:id to give a greatcr dignity and
it m - ire imposing grandeur to the whole
scheme, the most important part in the farce
is assigned au unknown actor, whose past
appearance treads close upon the heels of his
first, and whose chief qualifications are his
entire maitness and his open treachery against
the interest and honor of the state which
g.ave hint birth.
Orem liens calf crc
D o we need experience in tine office of Pres
ident? We over to the people a man of the
lat.:jest opel•leirce in the country. Will they
r•et him a;,icle for one who has had the 97195 i
b . ill if ed
While Mr. Bat:ha:lan has had, forty years,
Fremont ha:, had duis experience in
political 1.11.‘:
Do we need intellectual abilit v ? pre
sent in the person of our candidate that na
tive sense, to which cultivation and profound
study have addcd stores of know - ledge, and
the most reliable wimicin and sagacity. As
a statesman cif a Hilly, ltc has no superior,
perhaps no equal. in the country.
ln what way has Fremont manifested this
great des/Arai/in?? Where are the evidences
or the fruits of his ability ? Would any man
in the country have picked him out as one in
len thouxernd, who would be barely fit to fill.
the Presidential chair ?
in experience. in abilit:v, in integrity, in
tried statesmanship, Mr. Buchanan cannot,
without disparagement. be compared with
Col, Fremont. Comparion, in such a case,
becomes a painful contfast.
Why, then, should a igttriutic party seek
the election of Fremont over Buchanan ? is
it not palpable that the clique of tricksters,
who sock power by their country's distrac
tion ; who arouse human passions, that upon
their swelling waves they may rain advance
ment: wlo 6-eciionalizex.trioxALlTY, in order
to natio/F(o2e ..yeefiGuall.s.m; that these men
only use this puppet of their contrivance, to
attain their infamous ends, either of the deg
radation of fifteen Commonwealths of the
Union, or of thy; destruction of the Union,
itself?
People of the North' you occniky the battle .
ground of this fierce e..inflict. Scourge with
patriotic energy these en optics of public peace
—these traitors to the constitution and to the
Union. 'curn your eyes to noble purposes ;
mid give other direction to the policy of your
Countr y. "ch,, , drstiuy qf' _lnicricct cannot be
to fritter away lb; encr,vg npon a squabble
abort/ (..if the litter, there arc but
three million slave:, ;tint tiny, happy and
contented. Of the it hitc race, there are
twenty-five in iOn-^-- 1.1-. e fir from being,
happy :mil contented, and are kept in contin
ual -hot water,'' by this system of minding
other people's business for-them.
Let us he done with the theme of slavery!
The South will manage it arixht—lmowing
more about it than the North can do, they
may lie trusted ;S•ith its regulation, we judge.
But the " Slave Power'." In the Union it
is a minority. It is said, however, that it has
an insidious way of making dongle jiwes out
of Nortk,:rn men—and therein consists its
power.
It does so happen, we rejoice to say, that
hitherto and now, the uppral of that 1112110Iity
le? the ,ieorn compact, of the vonetitution, /gas
be e n heard i;ed heeded by eyallfott and 6.7itkiicl
)tea at the North.
The South only gets - what the contract en
titles it tJ—no more—should. it get less
Fremont and his party 'say so. 3 - ors wilt say
cfhericise. For the: bargaii7 must be Zvi,. The
hond must be held sacred—or the partner
ship is, and Must he. at au end. It is idle
to disguise it. The South are of that Anglo-
Saxon race Which will not submit to wrong,
and will resist a violation of faith.
Tr10: , 0 \Vila would trample upon Southern
rights are not to be trusted by Wu. The man
who br.=ks faith, and in doing so. may per
jure his Senatorial soul. has lost the capacity
ever to he trusted n iiu. The power which
would wield the North to (lestroy the South
is therefore as worthy of Northern distrust as
of Southern contempt and aversion.
WO \Valli yOLI . Crf the. traitor. who commend
themselves to you by veucheni of their own
i,roili , ate treason! east them from your con
fidence. They woalti strike the lio.orn which
warms them
Now, is it not too preposterous fur human
credence hereafter, that such a rriion should
lie diverted 'from its great objects to a sense
less lyrangle about the African race ? that
such a Union should be perrerted to a yiola
tion of a :Acton compact between States of a
kindred origin, to result in ;its (I.3struction ?
Will posterity believe the sadly true—but
almost incredible—story?
Make it untrue—make it incrediblel—let
the true story be, that you crushed the vipers
of abolition and faction—that - you restored
peace—pat down agittition—aild the two see"-
tions, once more in harmony, united with a
common enzrgy tip realize that brilliant des
tiny 'which will fill history our glory,
and posterity with wonder and admiration: '
wag entered a turner's shop add
asked him—
" Can you turn out a joke?"
The turner did so I , y turning the joker out
of the shop.
eo.sts us more than hunger, thiris.-,
and cold.