THE HUNTINGDON GLOBE, A DEMOCRATIC FAMILY JOURNAL, DEVOTIA_D TO LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWS, &C. TH I GLOBE. Cirenlation—the largest in the county illanrirEllinDOE,, P.A. Wedliesday, July 2, 1856 FOR PRESIDENT, JAMES BUCHANAN, of Pennsylvania • FOR TICE PRESIDENT, JOHN C. .BRECKINRIDGE, of icy FOR CANAL COWIISSIONER, GEORGE SCOTT, of Columbia county FOR AUDITOR GENERAL, JACOB FRY, Jr., of Montgomery co FOR SURVEYOR GENERAL, TIMOTHY IVES, of Potter county Interesting reading matter will be found on every page of this paper. SPEECH OF HON. WM. B. REED.—On our first page will be found an abstract of the speech of the Hon. IV - 1". B. REED, delivered at the great democratic ratification 'meeting in Philadelphia. We commend the speech to the attentive perusal of our readers, Whigs and Democrats. The speech of the Hon. JOIIN L. DAIVSON, Of Pa., delivered in the Cincinnati Conven tion on the announcement of the nomination of Buchanan will also be found on the first page. Read it. "TEN CENT JIMMY."—Such is the epithet applied to Mr. BUCHANAN by the know nothing and black-Republican organs—and they go on to say that he at one time advo cated a reduction of the pay for labor to a standard of "ten cents" a day, &c. These gentlemen know that Mr. Buchanan never ad vocated any such measure—they know that in making the charge they are trying to de ceive the people—yea, further, they know they are lying most foully. Were it not so, would they not produce the proof ? Would they not lay it before the people, and at a single stroke drive every man from his sup port—for no man opposed to the just and full reward of honest toil could expect any favor from the American people, no matter to what party he might belong ? The speech in which Mr. Buchanan is charged with advocating ten cents a day for labor was delivered in the U. S. Senate, in June 1840. If such doctrines were advoca ted in that speech, why not publish it, or at least the part of it containing this highly im portant matter. This would be honest. This would let the people see for themselves what Mr. Buchan an said. This would be much more fair than to publish the speech of John Davis of Massachusetts, in order to show what Mr. Buchanan said. What dishonesty! As well might the the ologian undertake to prove what the scrip tures say, by producing the writings of Vol taire, Tom Paine, and such atheists. The Old Line Whigs of Ohio We note down from our exchanges another goodly list of "Old Line Whigs" and other opponents ofthe Democracy, who at the pres ent time arc rallying under the banner of the Union borne alone in this compaign by Buchanan and Breckinridge, and whose suc cess is necessary to its preservation. The last number of the Belfontaine (O.) Gazette, published in Logan county in that State, comes to us with the names of Buchanan and Breckinridge at its mast-head for President and Vice-President of the United States.— The Gazette has always been under the man agement of its able editor, Mr. Hubbard, an Old-line Whig sheet, and last fall it even sup ported Chase for Governor. From the Ga zette's well written article defining its posi tion, we make the following extract: There is really but one absorbing question now before the people. In the solemn mag nitude of its presence all others are hushed. This question is at last presented in a tangi ble form. Shall the Union be preserved ? or shall the first step be taken toward the entire disruption of the States of the Union by a severance of the North from the South ? Looking at the political aspect of the times, with this question staring us in the face, we make our choice of candidates. The nomi nees of the Cincinnati Convention make the preservation of the Union the matter of per manent interest. Other principles are advo cated ; but, if any principles are to be com promised, all of them may be subservient ; but "the Union must be preserved." On the other hand, the precervation of the Union is a minor and secondary principle with those who have met in convention un der the title of Republicans. With them the preservation of the Union is to be tolerated as a matter of contingency. Mr. Banks com mitted the first overt act of treason in declar ing in the halls of Congress that he was in favor of "letting the Union slide," unless a favorite crotchet of his own and his associates could be indorsed. While we profess to be guided by our own judgment in matters of political interest, it is a source of pleasure to us to know that our opinions respecting the merits of the Demo cratic and Republican condidates is not uni que among the members of the old Whig par ty. When men of such eminence and hon esty as Rufus Choate and Robert C. Win throp, not to mention the scores upon scores of old and tried Whigs of our acquaintance, and in this vicinity, are coming out boldly for James Buchanan, we are satisfied that this is an oc casion that demands an energetic expression of every old Whig who still loves his country and race above any others. Dar The fourth exhibition of the United States Agricultural Society, will be held in Philadelphia, on the 7th, Bth, 9th, 10th and 11th of October next. Twelve thousand dol lars will be distributed in premiums. THE TWO CONVENTIONS The Issues Made Up The full proceedings of the Philadelphia black republican convention are now open for such comments as their extraordinary character are so well calculated .to provoke. It can, in no proper sense, be regarded as a national convention, but, in the strictest sense of that term, it was sectional and geo graphical. The few exotics from Maryland, Virginia, and Kentucky, who appeared there as delegates, have no constituencies at home, and have no effect in relieving the conven tion from the character of a strictly sectional assemblage. Nineteen States, including all the free States and three or four slave States, (the latter only nominally represented,) had delegates present. Nearly one half of the States of the Union were without representa-r. tives ; and yet this Convention is not only claimed to be national, but to be animated by sentiments of devotion to the coAstitution and the Union. The contrast between the Philadelphia and Cincinnati conventions is too obvious to require comment. The one was composed almost exclusively of delegates from that portion of the Union where the institution of slavery does not exist—the other was com posed of delegates from every State and front every district of every State of the entire Union. In the character of their organiza tion and representation, therefore, the one was exclusively sectional, whilst the other was thorortghly national. This difference inthe character of the dele gations of the two conventions is not more striking than that which marks the contrast between the principles of the two organiza tions. In fact, the sectional character of the one, and the national character of the oth er, are the necessary results of the difference in their respective principles. The man who entertains the opinions of the black republi can in regard to the constitutional relations of our government to slavery cannot be other wise than a sectionalist, and hence a con vention composed of such delegates is neces sarily sectional. In like manner, the man who stands upon the democratic platform in regard to this question is necessarily a na tional man, and hence an assemblage of such, coming from every State in the Union, neces sarily constitute a national convention. The issues now made up by the action of these two conventions exhibit the difference in their principles in the clearest possible light. The most prominent of them are thus explicitly stated in their respective platforms: DEMOCRATIC PLATToRm.-I.—Rcsolvcd, That, claiming fel lowship with, and desiring the co-operation of, all who re gard the preservation of the linion under the constitution as the paramount issue, and repudiating all sectional par ties and platforms concerning domestic slavery, which seek to embroil the States and encite to treason and arm ed resistance to law in the Territories, and whose avowed purpose, if consummated, must end in civil war and dis union, the American democracy recognise and adopt the principles contained in the organic laws establishing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, as embodying the only sound and safe solution of the "slavery question," upon which the great national idea of the people of this whole country can repose in its determined conservatism of the Union—NON-INTERFERENCE BY CONGRESS WITII SLA VERY IN THE TERRITORIES OR IN TILE DISTRICT OF COLLLMRIA. 2. That this is the basis of the Compromise of 1850, con firmed by both the democratic and whig parties in nation al convention, ratified by the people in the election of 1852, and rightly applied to the organization• of Terri tories in 1854. 3. That by the uniform application of this democratic principle to the organisation of Territories, and to the ad mission of new States, with or without domestic slavery. as they may elect, the equal rights of all the States will be preserved intact, the original compacts of the constitu tion maintained inviolate, and the perpetuity and expan sion of the Union insured to its utmost capacity of em bracing, in peace and harmony, every future American State that may be constituted or annexed with a repub lican form of government. Resolved, That we recognise the right of the people of all the Territories, including Kansas mid Nebraska, act ing through the legally and fairly-expressed will of a ma jority of actual residents, and, whenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it, to form a constitution with or without domestic slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States. TUECE." EEPUBLICAti PLATFORM.-2. Resolved, That, with our republican fathers, we hold it to be a self-ev ident truth that all mon arc endowed with the inalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that - the primary object and ulterior design of our federal government were to secure those rights to all persons within its exclusive jurisdiction: that a.s our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our nation al territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, it becomes our duty to maintain this provision of the consti tution against all attempts to violate it for the purpose of establishing slavery in the United States by positive legis lation, prohibiting its existence or extension therein: that we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, of auy individual, or association of individuals, to give legal assistance to slavery in any Territory of the United States while the present constitution shall bo maintained. 3. Roared, That the constitution confers upon Congre:es sovereign power over the Territories of the United States for their government. and that in the exercise of this pow er it is both the right and the duty of Congress to pro hihit in the 'Territories those twin relics of barbarism— pol gamy and slavery. 5. Iteolve. I, That Kansas should be immediately admit ted as a State of the Union, with her present free consti tution, as at onco tho most effectual way of securing to her citizens the enjoyment of the rights and privileges to which they arc entitled, and of ending the civil - strife now raging in her Territory. The two distinctive points of antagonism between the platforms maybe thus briefly sta ted. The democrats maintain that the constitu tion has conferred upon Congress no power to "legislate slavery into a Territory nor to exclude it therefrom," but they "leave the people thereof perfectly freetofbrm and reg tdate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution of the United States." The black republiet. , ns maintain that the constitution confers on Congress sovereign power over the Territories for their govern ment, and that it is both the right and the duty of Congress to prohibit slavery therein. It will be observed that both parties claim to stand upon the constitution; the demo crats contending for a limitation of the pow ers of Congress, and the black republicans for the exercise of "sovereign power" by Congress. We doubt whether the old feder al doctrine of consolidation and centraliza tion was ever more openly avowed than it is now done in claiming for Congress "sover eign power" over the Territories. It is worse than federalism in its most odious form—it is absolute despotism—for which the black republicans contend. On the other hand, the democrats presentthe distinctive issue which has marked their whole career as 4 party— they deny the constitutional power of Con gress to interfere with the domestic institu tions of a people who are directly interested in their regulation, and who are entitled, up on .every principle of justice and reason, to exercise their own discretion on the subject. It is the issue between congressional sover eignty and popular sovereignty, under the constitution, in the Territories. The other prominent point of difference in the two platforms relates to the mainten ance of the constitutional authority of the laws in Kansas. The democrats maintain that until the laws of Kansas are repealed, or are declared invalid by judicial action, they must be enforced and executed, and that in dividual or associated resistance to them-by force is to be regarded as insurrection, or re bellion, or treason, and treated accordingly. The black republicans assume to determine the invalidity of the Kansas laws without ju dicial investigation, and uphold their party in the Territory in insurrectionary and rebel lious resistance to their execution. This raises an issue which, in our estima- tion, is far more important than that invol ved in the question whether slavery shall or shall not he established in Kansas. To as sert the right of any portion of the people of Kansas, on their individual judgments, to resist the laws of the Territory or of Con gress as invalid for fraud or oppression, is to maintain a doctrine which strikeS at the foundation of all government, and proclaims mob law or military power as the true arbi ter of legislation. When carried to the ex tent of an armed resistance of the constitu ted authorities itbecomes treason, and it well becomes all, whether in Kansas or out of it, who contribute material aid in money or in Sharpe's rifles, to carry on such resistance, to consider whether the crime of treason does not lie at their door. The laws of Kansas, passed in pursuance of the constitution and the organic law of the Territory, are as obligatry as the laws of a State or of Congress. The mode of test- - ing their validity is the same in the one case as the other. Who would ever justify an in dividual, or any number of individuals, in resisting with force a law of a State or of Congress because, in the opinion of such in dividuals, it was passed by fraud? Who would hesitate to pronounce such resistance either insurrectionary, rebellious, or treason able, according to the character of the resis tance ? And who would' hesitate to say that the whole power of the government, State or federal, should be applied to enforce such law ? The case is in no respect different when the laws of a Territory are resisted ; and hence the broad issue is made up be tween the democrats and the black republi cans—the one maintaining that the laws must be executed, the other excusing or jus tifying forcible resistance to the laws. We repeat, that this issue is of more importance to the well-being of the government than the question whether slavery shall or shall not be established in Kansas. In this connexion, it is proper to remark that there is no issue between the democrats and the black republicans on the question whether slavery shall be established in Kan sas or not. The issue is, whether Congress or the people of the Territory shall determine that question. To charge the democratic par ty - with advocating the Kansas law and in sisting on the enforcement of the laws in the Territory for the purpose of establishing sla very there is to make a false issue. They advocate the Kansas law because it does jus tice to all sections of the Union, and allows the majority of the actual settlers to have or not to have slavery, as they choose. They in sist on the execution of the laws in Kansas because they are passedby a legislative tribu nal whose enactments must be regarded as valid until set aside by legal means. They do not approve the exertions of President Pierce to enforce the laws there because there by they wish or expect him to promote the establishment of Aavery. His orders are di rected to the military officers for the enforce ment of the laws and the protection of the rights of the free-States as well as the pro slavery men. The south does not ask the President to discriminate between pro-sla very and anti-slavery men in the execution of the laws. What they demand is, that the Kansas law in its true spirit shall be jitith fully carried out—that the actual inhabitants shall be protected in their right to decide the character of their domestic institution's for themselves. These arc the true and para mount issues made up between the two par ties, and on them the democrats enter the canvass with standard-bearers in whose wis dom, experience, statesmanship, and patriot ism they have implicit confidence, and of whose success they have no doubt. Mr. Buchanan's Letter of Acceptance -IVe publish the Correspondence between the Committee of the late Democratic Nation al Convention to inform Mr. Buchanan of his nomination and Mr. Buchanan. The let ter of acceptance will be read with especial interest at this time; embodying as it does a calm, clear and statesmanlike view of our National affairs, and presenting with force and sound reasoning the duties and respon sibilities of the Democratic party of the coun try in the present critical juncture:— LANCASTER., June 13th, 1856. SIR: —The National Convention of the Democratic party, which assembled at Cin cinnati, on the first Monday in June, unani mously nominated you as a candidate for the office of President of the United States. We have been directed by the Convention to convey to you this intelligence, and to re quest you, in their name, to accept the nomi nation for the exalted trust which. the Chief Magistracy of the Union imposes. The Convention, founding their action up on the time-honored principes of the Demo cratic party, have announced their views in relation to the chief questions which engage the public mind ; and, while adhering to the truths of the past, have manifested the poli cy of the present in a series of resolutions, to which we invoke your attention. The Convention feel assured, in tendering to you this signal proof of the respect and es teem of your countrymen, and they truly re flect the opinion which the people of the United States entertain of your eminent char acter and distinguished public services.— They cherish a profound conviction that your elevation to the first office in the Re public, will give a moral guarantee to the country, that the true principles of the Con stitution will be asserted and maintained; that the public tranquility will be establish ed; that the tumults of faction will be still ed; that our domestic industry will flourish; that our foreign affairs will be conducted with such wisdom and firmness as to assure the prosperity of the people at home, while the interests and honor of our country are wisely, but inflexibly maintained in our in tercourse with other nations ; and especially, that our public experience and the confi dence of your countrymen will enable you to give effect to Democratic principles, so as to render indissoluble the strong bonds of mu tual interest and national glory which unite our confederacy and secure the prosperity of your people. While we offer to the country our sincere congratulations upon the fortunate auspices of the future, we tender to you, personally, the assurances of the respect and esteem of Your fellow citizens, JOHN E. WARD, HARRY HIBBARD, W. B. LAWRENCE, A. G. Bnowx, JNO. L. MANNING, JOHN FORSYTH, W. PRESTON, J. RANDOLPH TUCKER, HORATIO SEYMOUR. lion. J..ums BucuANAN. WHEATLAND, NEAR LANCASTER, June 16, 1856. GENTLEMEN :-I have the honor to ack nowledge the receipt of your communication of the 12th inst., informing me officially of my nomination by the Democratic National Convention, recently held in Cincinnati, as the Democratic candidate for the office of President of the United States. I shall not attempt to express the grateful feelings which I entertain towards my Democratic fellow citizens for having deemed me worthy of this, the highest political honor on earth—an honor such as the people of no other country have the power to bestow. Deeply sensible of the vast and varied re sponsibility attached to the station, especial ly at the present crisis in our affairs, I have carefully refrained from seeking the nomina tion either by word or by deed. Now that it has been offered by the Democratic party, I accept it with diffidence in my own abili ties, but with an humble trust, that in the event of my election, I may be enabled to discharge my duty in such a, manner as to allay domestic strife, preserve peace and friendship with foreign nations, and promote the best interests of the Republic. In accepting the nomination,lneed scarce ly say that I accept in the same spirit, the resolutions constituting the platform of prin ciple erected by the Convention. To this platform I intend to confine myself through out the canvass, believing that I have no right, as the candidate of the Democratic party, by answering interrogatories, to pre sent new and different issues before the peo ple. It will not be expected that in this answer, I should specially refer to the subject of each of the resolutions and I shall therefore con fine myself to the two topics now most pro minen:ly before the people. And in the first place, cordially concur in the sentiments expressed by the Convention on the subject of civil and religious liberty. No party founded on religious or political in tolerance towards one class of American ci tizens, whether born in our own or in a for eign land, can long continue to exist in this country. We are all equal before God and the Constitution ; and the dark spirit of des potism and bigotry would create odious dis tinctions among our fellow-citizens, will be speedily rebuked by a free and enlightened public opinion. The agitation on the question of domestic slavery has too long distracted and divided the people of this Union, and alienated their affections from each other. This agitation has assumed many forms since its commen cement, but it now seens to be directed chief ly to, the Territories; and, judging from its present character, I think we may safely an ticipate that it is rapidly approaching a "fi nality." The recent legislation of Congress respecting domestic slavery, derived, as it has been, from the original and pure foun tain of legitimate political power, the will of the majority, promises, ere long, to allay the dangerous excitement. This legislation is founded upon principles as ancient as free government itself, and in accordance with them, has simply declared that the people of a territory, like those of a State, shall decide for themselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits. The Nebraska Kansas act does no more than give the force of the law to this ele mentary principle of self-government ; de claring it to be "the true intent and mean ing of this act to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it there from; but to leave the people thereof per fectly free to form and regulate their domes tic institutions in their own way, subject on ly to the Constitution of the United States." This principle will surely not be controverted* by any indivdual of any party professing de votion to popular Government. Besides, how vain and illusory would any other prin ciple prove in practice in regard to the Ter ritories. This is apparent from the fact, ad mitted by all, that after a Territory shall have entered the Union and become a State, no Constitutional power would then exist which could prevent it from either abolish ing or establishing slavery, as the case may be, according to its sovereign will and pleas ure. Most happy would it he for the country if this long agitation were at an end. During its whole progress it has produced no prac tical good to any human being, whilst it has been the source of great and dangerous evil. It has alienated and estranged one portion of the Union from the other, and has even seri ously threatened its very existence. To my own personal knowledge, it has produced -the impression among foreign nations that our great and glorious confederacy is in constant danger of dissolution. This does us serious injury, because acknowledged power and sta bility always command respect among na tions, and are among the best securities against unjust aggression and in favor of the maintenance of honorable peace. May we not hope that it is the mission of the Democratic party, now the only survi ving conservative party of the country, ere long to over-throw all sectional parties and restore the peace, friendship and mutual con fidence which prevailed in the good old time, among the different members of the confede racy. Its character is strictly national, and it therefore asserts no principle for the gui dance of the Fcderal Government which is not adopted and sustained by its members in each and every State. For this reason it is everywhere the same determined foe of all geographical parties, so much and so justly dreaded by the Father of his Country. From its very nature it must continue to exist so long as there is a Constitution and. a Union to preserve. A conviction of those truths has induced many of the purest, the ablest and most independent of our former opponents who have differed with us in times gone by upon old and extinct party issues, to come in to our ranks and devote themselves with us to the cause of the Constitution and the Un ion. Under these circumstances I most cheeful ly pledge myself, should the nomination of the Convention be ratified by the people, that all the power and influence, constitutionally possessed by the Executive, shall be exerted, in a firm but conciliatory spirit, during the single term I shall remain in office, to restore the same harmony among the sister States which prevailed before this apple of discord, in the form of slavery agitation, had been cast into their midst. Lot the members of the family abstain from intermeddling with the exclusive domestic concerns of each other, and cordially unite, on the basis of perfect equality among themselves, in promoting the great national object of common interest to all, and the good work will be instantly ac complished. In regard to our foreign policy, to which you have referred in your communication—it is quite impossible for any human foreknowl edge to prescribe positive rules in advance, to regulate the conduct of the future adminis tration in all the exigencies which may arise in our various and ever changing rehltions with foreign powers. The Federal govern ment must, of necessity exercise a sound discretion in dealing with international ques tions as they may . occur ; but this, under the strictest responsibility which the Executive must always feel to the people of the United States and the judgment of posterity. You will therefore excuse me for not entering in to particulars; whilst I heartily concur with you in the general sentiment, that our foreign affairs ought to be conducted with such wis dom and firmness as to assure the prosperity of the people at home, whilst the interests and honor of our country are wisely, but in flexibly maintained abroad. Oui foreign pol icy ought ever to be based upon the princi ples of doing justice to all nations, and re quiring justice from them in return ; and from this principle I shall never depart. Should I be placed in the Executive Chair, I shall use my best exertions to cultivate peace and friendship with all nations, believing this to be our highest policy as well as our most imperative duty ; but at the same time, I shall never forget that in ease the necessity should arise, which I do not now apprehend, our national rights and national honor must be preserved at all hazards and at any sacri fice. Firmly convinced that a special Providence governs the affairs of nations, let us humbly implore His continued blessing upon our country, and that He may avert from us the punishment we justly deserve for being dis contented and ungrateful whilst enjoying privileges above all nations, under such a Constitution and such a Union as has never been vouchsafed to any other people. Yours, very respectfully, JAMES BUCHANAN. Hon. John E. Ward, W. A. Richardson, Har ry Hibbard, W. E. Lawrence, A. G. Brown, J ohu L. Manning, John Forsyth, W. Preston, J. Randolph Tucker and Horatio Seymour, Committee, &c. Address cf the Democratic State Cen tral Committee. The Democratic State State Central Com mittee of Pennsylvania performs a pleasing duty in directing the attention of the people -to the nominations made by the National Convention, on the Gth of June, 1856. The incidents which preceded, accompanied and followed that decision of the representatives of the National Democracy, have inspired the felicitations of patriotic men in every part of the country. The voice of the peo ple, faithfully represented at Cincinnati, gratefully responds to the action of the Con vention. The result had scarcely been an nounced before it was welcomed in every State of the confederacy, and the rejoicings of the people confirmed the earnest, all per vading and deep seated sentiment in favor ofour distinguished statesman. Since the time when the masses proclaimed their prefer ence for the hero of New Orleans no such-de monstration has been witnessed in the Uni ted States. The harmonious example of the august body which selected our candidates was promptly followed by the endorsement of the most distinguished intellects in the Democracy party. The voice of the venera ted CASS, first raised aethe Capital of the Union in support of these candidates, was re-echoed by the patriotic Donon.N.s, and the upright Chief Magistrate of the Nation.— The great cities of the North and of the West, and of the far South, caught up the enthusiasm which ratified the nominations at the Convention itself, and a national ovation, unprecedented in our annals, was crowned with the voluntary tributes to our cause of many of the most eminent men heretofore in the ranks of the opposition. The people, as if animated by one instinct, flocked from different sections of the Union to the scene of action to declare their prefer ence for JAMES BUCHANAN. They had fol lowed his record during a long life, until, at last, as tlne after another the venerated re presentatives of National doctrines disap peared from the stage of action, he became their spontaneous choice for the highest of fice in their gift. At a period when faction reigns supreme in one branch of Congress and threatens to usurp control in the other ; when the most alarming doctrines are asserted and carried into effect in several of the States of the Union; such a man as Mr. Buchanan be comes a national necessity. Thirty-five years of distinguished servicesto his country in the National Council, thirty-five years unsullied by a single mistake, thirty-five years of al most constant association with the eminent patriots of other days—thirty-five, years of championship of the Constitution—render him peculiarly the candidate for the coming struggle. Pennsylvania after presenting her favorite son at the liar of other National Conventions, and after yielding with unmur muring patience to their decisions, finds, at last, that her fidelity to principle not been forgotten, and that the nation at large accepts her candidate amid the warmest expressions of confidence and pride. May we not say, fellow-citizens, to our brethren in other States that when the day of trial comes, the Keystone of the Arch will be found more firmly fixed than ever in her position, and will affirm the action of the Convention by a majority unequaled even in her annals? The candidate of the Democratic party for the Vice Presidency, the Hon. John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, is eminently worthy of the universal joy which greeted his nomination. Mr. Breckinridge was thirty-five years of age on the 21st of Janua ry last, and is now the candidate for the sec ond office in the gift of the American people. It would be difficult to find a man in whom public and private usefulness so rarely com mingle. Notwithstanding the early age at which he will be called to occupy the high position, lie possesses in a singular degree, that firmness of character, that directness and purity of purpose, which, whenever ex hibited, are always sure to be honored by the most sagacious people in the world. Mr. Breckinridge has served in the Legislature of his State, and was four years a distin guished and eloquent member of the popular branch of Congress. His speeches in the lat ter body placed him in the front rank of American statesmen, and won for him a per manent place in the.affections of his political friends. He was selected by President Pierce as the American Minister at the Span ish Court, which high position he was com pelled to decline. Previous to entering upon his Congress ional career, he volunteered for the Mexican war, and during a long and trying campaign, he secured tha respect and confidence of his fellow soldiers. He has nearer sought public favor. The people have always called him forth ; and it is because he has withheld himself from exciting . contests for popular preferment, that the distinctions he wears so gracefully have been so freely bestowed. In this respect he resembles Mr. Buchanan, whose nomination was the result of no efforts of his own but the offspring - of that popular opinion which commanded the respect of that convention because it was based upon a motive which entitled it to the highest con sideration. The manner in which Mr. Breckinridge refused to become a candidate for the Vice Presidency, his fidelity to the choice, excited in his behalf,- a sentiment of admiration which could not be restrained until it found vent in the expression which made him the Democratic nominee for that distinguished position. It is vain to describe the . spectacle which transpired when Mr. Buchanan's name was finally agreed upon. The rivalry to second, the enthusiasm to support, the eagerness to endorse, the significant unity of sentiment and of action which characterized that inter esting period of the Convention, cannot be. described. Scarcely had this event been an nounced to an expectantpeople, before the' . discordant branches of the Democracy of New York were brought together and for' the first time in many years started forwant upon their way once more united as a balm of brothers. It was amid such auguries and under such circumstances that James Bu chanan became the nominee of the Democra cy for the Presidency. Before the struggles for the nominations came on, the platform of principles was adop ted. It is constructed upon an enduring ba sis ; it is founded deep in undying faith and fidelity to the Constitution ; it renews, in language of fervent patriotism, our devotion to the union of the States ; it re-asserts our gratitude to the sages of the past; it enun ciates our duties with respect to coming events and points out the dazzling destiny in reserve for us on the North American continent. The unanimous assertion of these doctrines, in advance of the nomination, was an assurance to the country that with the Democracy principles arc always paramount; and expediency and policy entirely secondary and subordinate. And now, citizens of Pennsylvania, we have placed before you our principles and our candidates. Freely as the convention has spoken the candidates themselves have responded: Mr. Buchanan by therecord of his life and the recent declaration of Ins opinions ; Mr. Breckinridge by his manly and beautiful address upon the floor of the convention. Nothing is left to inference.— Intolerance is rebuked ; proscription pro scribed ; abolitionism denounced ; the rights of the States re-affirmed ; the principle of the Nebraska bill endorsed. There is a com pleteness in the dignity and in the emphasis with which all this has been done, which show that it has been the work of men who felt that they were dealing with an intelli gent people, and acting as the trustees of an exact and jealous, but at the same time con ! fading and conscientious Democracy. The adversaries of the Democratic party have dissolved the American Union in advance, so far as by their own action they can con summate that direful result.. They can no longer assemble in National Convention ; they congregate as the representatives of a fragment of one half of our happy country, and they arrogate to themselves the mastery of the other half by attempting to consoli date a fierce and fanatical sec; i u:,l n.e:ority in every department of the government--- They declare that the country is on the eve of unprecedented convulsions, and they pro claim their purpose to arrest these convul sions by ignoring and insulting fifteen sover eign States of the Uuion.They talk of peace, and in their conventions proclaim a policy which must end incisil war. They appeal to heaven to sanctify a movement, which, if suc cessful, would destroy the fairest fabric of freedom on the globe. They invite our coun trymen to support their cause in the midst of the most irreverent blasphemies of the Constitution. They prate of exclusive Ame ricanism, while they accept as leaders, men who profane the sages of the past with incon ceivable calumnies. But they deserve credit for their boldness. They do not attempt to conceal the fearful end which, should they succeed, must crown their efforts. True to the history of all sectional parties, they unite men not by a love of country but by a ha tred of national principles. Their bond of action is a sympathy of antagonisms, not a harmony of patriotic sentiments; and to con summate their purposes they would sacrifice every great material interest of society. They have already succeeded in dividing the Chris tian Church, and now they would lay their hands upon the bulwarks of our liberties ; they would wrest the Constitution from the glorious purpose to which it was dedicated by its founders ; and they would erect at Wash ington a sectional despotism whose presiding divinities would be hostility to the equality of the States and the equality of the citizens, and relentless war upon the domestic institu tions of the south. The democratic party, on the other hand, represents our whole country. Standing up on the firm foundations of the Constitntion, its doctrines are the same on the shores of the Pacific and the banks of the St. Law rence. It addresses itself to no local feeling; it involves no sectional support ;it protects. the rights guaranteed by the fundamental law, no matter what portion of the people is directly interested in their preservation. Its mission is a peaceful mission. Should the nomination of the Cincinnati Convention be sustained, as we confidently believe they will be, the Democratic party will entitle itself to the renewed confidence and gratitude of the nation by exterminating every element of dis cord that now disturbs our happy land. Un der the guidance of a kind Providence, we shall have in the Presidential chair a patriot who will labor conscientionsly and courage ously to render his administration worthy of the expectations of his country. This accom plished, he will have appropriately closed his long career, and have made his name a bles sed memory and a proud example throughout coming generations. The central committee in conclusion direct the attention of the Democrats of the State to the important work of an immediate and thorough orpnization. The Committee is doing and will continue to do its whole duty; but in a cause like ours and in a canvass like the present, every individual Democrat should be active and vigilant ; every school district should be explored by our youngmen, and every nook and corner of the State filled with truthful documents. That organization is always the best which derives its vigor from systematized primary associations. Our adversaries are skilled in the work of circula ting their dogmas among the people. They long enlisted fanatical demagogues and agi tators in their ranks, and they boast of hav ing planted some of their most dangerous doctrines in our goOd old State. If we add to these facilities, the dark and secret plot of .an oath-bound order, we shall be able at a glance to understand what a foe we have to contend with. Let us, then, arouse the sleep ers if any there he. Let us continue the gen erous rivalry _ and patriotic unity which new
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