The Centre reporter. (Centre Hall, Pa.) 1871-1940, March 21, 1935, Image 2

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    I ——
SEEN~ HEARD
around the
National Capital
Sms By CARTER F TLD ie
Washington.—No final decision on
Section 7A—the Wierton case—can be
obtained for one year. That is the in-
side view at the Department of Justice.
Lawyers there do not see any way of
ghort-circuiting the Circuit Court of
Appeals, and thus getting the case be-
fore the Supreme Court of the United
States at once.
This means that NRA must be ex:
tended by congress without penefit of
knowledge as to what the final ruling
is to be. As a result the administra-
tion will press for extension for two
years, as originally proposed, without
any attempt to rewrite or clarify Sec-
tion TA. This had been agreed upon
by virtually every element concerned
before the decision in the Wierton case
—at a time, as a matter of fact, when
Washington thought the Wierton case
would be won by the government
It is all the more essential now, be
cause nobody ean tell in advance how
to rewrite Section TA so as to bring it
within the high court's views as to con-
stitutional limits, Prevailing opinion
here is that when the case is finally
decided by the Supreme court the de-
cision will reverse the Wilmington
court, and uphold the government.
And that the decision will be by the
same five to four majority that divided
the court in upholding the government
on the gold clause case,
Jut naturally opinion in Washington
would be that, especially as it was felt
so strongly that the case would be de-
cided for the government in the lower
court. That is the way Washington,
dominated by so many New Deal law-
yers and Department of Justice attor-
neys, functions as to its legal thought.
It is the reason Washington thought
it was a ten to one bet that the high
court would uphold the government on
the gold case, although actually the de-
cision was by the tight vote of five to
four, so that any one justice on the
majority side could have changed It.
Not Before Christmas
After the Supreme court decision of
will undoubtedly be a new attempt to
rewrite Section TA if the high
gst Tt
cours
ment.
3ut before that a lot
have run under the country's bridges.
It may well be
of the
changed.
lest opinion that
NRA will remal
will
} some form of
with us
philosophy. business.
for reasons as far apart
want
many instances the chief desire is to
prevent > .
Many lines of
as the poles,
some phase of it
competitors from “chiseling.”
3
tive at all. For example, in the goal
industry the saving grace of the code,
as far as members of the Industry are
concerned, is the price fixing provision,
whereas in lines price fixing 1s
anathema In the coal trade, however,
it is generally admitted that the indus
try could never have been brought to-
gether on any code whatever had it not
been for the price fixing element.
Then along comes the Guffey bill,
which if enacted would remove this one
string that is holding the Industry to
gether for the code. Business as a
whole, if the National Association of
Manufacturers can be accepted as
speaking for it, is opposed to the Guf
fey bill, which would virtually make
coal a public utility and impose drastic
government regulation. The United
Mine Workers are strongly for the bil
many
might be expected to speak for
operators, been absolutely silent.
and is expected to remain 80 jut In
dividuals in the organization In Wash
ington have declared heatedly that the
bill Is an outrage.
tadicals, worried about the consti
tutionality of NRA In view of the
Wierton decision, are strongly for the
Guffey bill, and anything else like it
for other industries. They are inter
ested in the march toward stricter and
stricter control of everything by the
government.
has
Utilities Campaign
For the first time since the public
utilities eame under attack, they have
begun utilizing in an organized way
the power of their army of stockhold-
ers. And they had to choose a time
when there was another issue, which
was very much more appealing-—pub-
licity for income tax returns.
The effects on the mall are prodigl-
ous. They threaten to swell postal re
celpts so much that Postmaster General
James A. Farley will not have to re
sort to fancy bookkeeping to prove that
the department is no longer in the red.
Just as an illustration, Senator Mar
cus A. Coolidge of Massachusetts has
been averaging 1,000 letters a day.
Slightly more than 600 of théwe urge
that the law providing for publicity
for income tax returns be repealed, and
more than 300 protest against the dras-
tie legislation Intended to eliminate
holding companies.
In fact, the old-timers say you have
to go back to the days of 16 and 1917,
when the United States was drifting
{nto war, and there was an organized
propaganda against it, to get anything
like a comparable volume of mail
Many senators profess that they pay
no attention to letters, which are ob
viously inspired by some such propa
ganda. But when the letters come
from voters in their states whose
pames are big enough to mean some
thing to thelr secretaries. this
attitude becomes a mere pose,
are affected,
And in these two Instances—repeal
of the publicity provision of the in-
come tax and the holding company
Jegisiation—naturally a considerable
percentage of the letters and telegrams
come from influential people, of whom
a smaller percentage are apt to be on
friendly terms, sometimes politieal sup-
porters, of the senators receiving the
mall
Fight Over “Pink Slip”
As a result of the present deluge, it
is actually a probability and not just
a mere possibility, that the “pink slip”
provision will be repealed. Not with-
out a fight. Senator Robert AM. La Fol-
lette and Senator George W. Norris,
both of whom at different times forced
through income tax return publicity
provisions, will both fight repeal. They
will be joined by many others. But
expectancy now is that the provision
will be repealed just the same. The
representatives never Was
In each case where
nloof
They
house of
very strong for it.
it was enacted, the resulting provision
was a compromise forced by the house,
oth and La Follette
and still want, the Income tax returns
to be made a matter of public record.
They resent the “pink slip” idea, which
merely makes public a small part of
the entire return, but also encourages
newspaper publication of the reported
incomes, 5
lest Information is that President
Roosevelt has no objection to repeal.
The treasury does not like the pro
vision. It forces a tremendous amount
of additional work, and so far as the
treasury is concerned, does very little
good. The big push for the present
law resulted from the disclosure that
Morgan, Mitchell and others had not
paid any income tax in certain years
This was made possible by the law
permitting losses to be deducted from
income. That law has since changed.
Net losses In excess of $2000 a year
cannot be deducted any longer.
So the treasury holds that the pub-
lleity would not accomplish the cure
for the disease which caused its pass
age, the patient having already been
cured. All of which will provide
plenty of excuse for senators anxious
to please a good many of thelr influ.
Not to mention
NewWspAPers,
denounced the
to kid
Norris wanted,
ential constituents
many influential
which have recently
%
very
slip provision as a guide
His Position Stronger
President Roosevelt is not weaker in
strategic position than he was before
He is immens
he
the
dispatches
Stronger because
definitely tow ard
position outlined in these
Nover
typically
*ing In
right after her's election
the happy Rooseveltian
position of between two ex
tremes,
Let
It meant
the World
ng but local sentiment in
us ismiss court
hich elected the dissenting
i i =
the
will
senators Law
mean
he nl
lineup on
treaty
motives will
For example,
even if Huey Long loved and adored
Franklin Roosevelt, he would still have
St
rence seawany niso
nothing.
entirely geographical
to vote against that treaty, because alk
New Or
the treaty would burt
most to a man the people of
leans think
city by diverting business it now hao
dies to the new route,
But consider a much more important
question—the prevailing wage fight In
the work relief bill
Immediately after the last election It
was apparent that hope for any suc
the 1036 eampaign, as far as the Repub
lican party was concerned, was very
tow, indeed. It also appeared that the
so far nebulous
loosevelt, with most fear as to 1036
eliminated, became to prevent an eco
nomic situation developing which would
endanger him. In short, If in
way business could be made better, so
that the hope of prosperity’'s coming
back under his guidance should be
strong by 10936, there wonld be almost
no threatening opposition te him In
that year at all
In the Middle
He had attained his old favorite po
gitlon—in the middle; with extremes
on either side—each of which would
far rather have Roosevelt continue in
the saddle than to have the other ex.
treme victorious, Just as in the pre
convention maneuvering in 1932 Roose
velt wound up with the supposedly dry
South enthusiastically for him. It had
turned to him despite his wetness be
ecanse it feared Al Smith might be
named otherwise,
The fact that Roosevelt, after the
1034 endorsement, stood squarely in
between the radicals and the extreme
conservatives was obvious, but had not
been demonstrated forcibly to the coun:
try. Many shrewd business leaders
realized it. And at the same time gave
up hope, In the face of those election
returns, of getting back to the old or
der by 1036. So they were ready to
support the President, mildly.
Then came the work relief bill, and
the prevailing wage issue. And to the
amazement of conservative business
men, hoping Roosevelt could beat the
radicals, the most talked about candi
date for the Republicans in 1036, Sen
ator Vandenberg of Michigan—-one of
the few Republicans to weather the
1084 1andsiide-voted with the radicals
Sata a tot of other Republicans gen
erally regarded as conservative. And
pow friends of the President are busy
bullding backfires, apparently to turn
a few votes in the senate so as to pre
vent this long step towards Socialism.
Copyright ~WNU Service
gOmMme
THE CENTRE REPORTER,
THE NEW STANDARD CHEM
ROLET
HE New Standard Chevrolet unites
quality with economy to a degree never
before approached in Chevrolet history.
You will know this when you view its trim
beauty . . . experience its brisk power and
getawey—and find out how much money
it will save you in operating costs as well
as in purchase price. See and drive this
fine car at your earliest convenience,
*465
AMD UP. List price of
New Standard Roadster
at Flint, Mich., $465.
With bumpers, spare
tire and tire lock, the
list price in $20.00 addi-
tional, Prices subject to
change without notice,
*'560
AND UP. List price of
Master De Luze Coupe
at Flint, Mich. 3560.
With bumpers, spare
tire and tire lock, the
lint price ie $25 00 addi
tional. Prices subject to
change without notice
Knee Action optional at
$20.00 extra.
DEALER ADVERTISEMENT
-
near Savage, Minn.
Ea
Scenes and P
HE AWAITS NEW HANDS
to volup-
strol. The
muscle cor “miracle”
wrought by Henry J. Kess-
N. J. The noted ortho-
nade a muscle loop in the boy's
which mputated just
Under it was passed
of Newark,
arm WAS
i
Dr. D. G. Werner, pastor of the
Advent Lutheran church of 156th
street, the Bronx, New York, pictured
for the first time after he had been
selected as the religious adviser to
Bruno Richard Hauptmann, the con-
victed murderer of the Lindbergh
baby. Doctor Werner will console
Hauptmann during the latter's stay in
New Jersey state prison at Trenton.
Hotel des Invalides
The Hotel des Invalides was found
ed by Louis XIV in 1671-74 as a home
for disabled soldiers, the first of its
kind, and at one time housed as many
as 5,000 and even 7.000 pensioners. At
the outbreak of the Great war there
were only about twenty inmates, but
gince then thelr number has increased
enormously, Bulit from the designs of
Liberal Bruant, whose work was con
tinued by Mansart, the Invalides was
restored under Napoleon 1 and Na.
poleon 11 and covers an sree of about
thirte.Gre sores