I —— SEEN~ HEARD around the National Capital Sms By CARTER F TLD ie Washington.—No final decision on Section 7A—the Wierton case—can be obtained for one year. That is the in- side view at the Department of Justice. Lawyers there do not see any way of ghort-circuiting the Circuit Court of Appeals, and thus getting the case be- fore the Supreme Court of the United States at once. This means that NRA must be ex: tended by congress without penefit of knowledge as to what the final ruling is to be. As a result the administra- tion will press for extension for two years, as originally proposed, without any attempt to rewrite or clarify Sec- tion TA. This had been agreed upon by virtually every element concerned before the decision in the Wierton case —at a time, as a matter of fact, when Washington thought the Wierton case would be won by the government It is all the more essential now, be cause nobody ean tell in advance how to rewrite Section TA so as to bring it within the high court's views as to con- stitutional limits, Prevailing opinion here is that when the case is finally decided by the Supreme court the de- cision will reverse the Wilmington court, and uphold the government. And that the decision will be by the same five to four majority that divided the court in upholding the government on the gold clause case, Jut naturally opinion in Washington would be that, especially as it was felt so strongly that the case would be de- cided for the government in the lower court. That is the way Washington, dominated by so many New Deal law- yers and Department of Justice attor- neys, functions as to its legal thought. It is the reason Washington thought it was a ten to one bet that the high court would uphold the government on the gold case, although actually the de- cision was by the tight vote of five to four, so that any one justice on the majority side could have changed It. Not Before Christmas After the Supreme court decision of will undoubtedly be a new attempt to rewrite Section TA if the high gst Tt cours ment. 3ut before that a lot have run under the country's bridges. It may well be of the changed. lest opinion that NRA will remal will } some form of with us philosophy. business. for reasons as far apart want many instances the chief desire is to prevent > . Many lines of as the poles, some phase of it competitors from “chiseling.” 3 tive at all. For example, in the goal industry the saving grace of the code, as far as members of the Industry are concerned, is the price fixing provision, whereas in lines price fixing 1s anathema In the coal trade, however, it is generally admitted that the indus try could never have been brought to- gether on any code whatever had it not been for the price fixing element. Then along comes the Guffey bill, which if enacted would remove this one string that is holding the Industry to gether for the code. Business as a whole, if the National Association of Manufacturers can be accepted as speaking for it, is opposed to the Guf fey bill, which would virtually make coal a public utility and impose drastic government regulation. The United Mine Workers are strongly for the bil many might be expected to speak for operators, been absolutely silent. and is expected to remain 80 jut In dividuals in the organization In Wash ington have declared heatedly that the bill Is an outrage. tadicals, worried about the consti tutionality of NRA In view of the Wierton decision, are strongly for the Guffey bill, and anything else like it for other industries. They are inter ested in the march toward stricter and stricter control of everything by the government. has Utilities Campaign For the first time since the public utilities eame under attack, they have begun utilizing in an organized way the power of their army of stockhold- ers. And they had to choose a time when there was another issue, which was very much more appealing-—pub- licity for income tax returns. The effects on the mall are prodigl- ous. They threaten to swell postal re celpts so much that Postmaster General James A. Farley will not have to re sort to fancy bookkeeping to prove that the department is no longer in the red. Just as an illustration, Senator Mar cus A. Coolidge of Massachusetts has been averaging 1,000 letters a day. Slightly more than 600 of théwe urge that the law providing for publicity for income tax returns be repealed, and more than 300 protest against the dras- tie legislation Intended to eliminate holding companies. In fact, the old-timers say you have to go back to the days of 16 and 1917, when the United States was drifting {nto war, and there was an organized propaganda against it, to get anything like a comparable volume of mail Many senators profess that they pay no attention to letters, which are ob viously inspired by some such propa ganda. But when the letters come from voters in their states whose pames are big enough to mean some thing to thelr secretaries. this attitude becomes a mere pose, are affected, And in these two Instances—repeal of the publicity provision of the in- come tax and the holding company Jegisiation—naturally a considerable percentage of the letters and telegrams come from influential people, of whom a smaller percentage are apt to be on friendly terms, sometimes politieal sup- porters, of the senators receiving the mall Fight Over “Pink Slip” As a result of the present deluge, it is actually a probability and not just a mere possibility, that the “pink slip” provision will be repealed. Not with- out a fight. Senator Robert AM. La Fol- lette and Senator George W. Norris, both of whom at different times forced through income tax return publicity provisions, will both fight repeal. They will be joined by many others. But expectancy now is that the provision will be repealed just the same. The representatives never Was In each case where nloof They house of very strong for it. it was enacted, the resulting provision was a compromise forced by the house, oth and La Follette and still want, the Income tax returns to be made a matter of public record. They resent the “pink slip” idea, which merely makes public a small part of the entire return, but also encourages newspaper publication of the reported incomes, 5 lest Information is that President Roosevelt has no objection to repeal. The treasury does not like the pro vision. It forces a tremendous amount of additional work, and so far as the treasury is concerned, does very little good. The big push for the present law resulted from the disclosure that Morgan, Mitchell and others had not paid any income tax in certain years This was made possible by the law permitting losses to be deducted from income. That law has since changed. Net losses In excess of $2000 a year cannot be deducted any longer. So the treasury holds that the pub- lleity would not accomplish the cure for the disease which caused its pass age, the patient having already been cured. All of which will provide plenty of excuse for senators anxious to please a good many of thelr influ. Not to mention NewWspAPers, denounced the to kid Norris wanted, ential constituents many influential which have recently % very slip provision as a guide His Position Stronger President Roosevelt is not weaker in strategic position than he was before He is immens he the dispatches Stronger because definitely tow ard position outlined in these Nover typically *ing In right after her's election the happy Rooseveltian position of between two ex tremes, Let It meant the World ng but local sentiment in us ismiss court hich elected the dissenting i i = the will senators Law mean he nl lineup on treaty motives will For example, even if Huey Long loved and adored Franklin Roosevelt, he would still have St rence seawany niso nothing. entirely geographical to vote against that treaty, because alk New Or the treaty would burt most to a man the people of leans think city by diverting business it now hao dies to the new route, But consider a much more important question—the prevailing wage fight In the work relief bill Immediately after the last election It was apparent that hope for any suc the 1036 eampaign, as far as the Repub lican party was concerned, was very tow, indeed. It also appeared that the so far nebulous loosevelt, with most fear as to 1036 eliminated, became to prevent an eco nomic situation developing which would endanger him. In short, If in way business could be made better, so that the hope of prosperity’'s coming back under his guidance should be strong by 10936, there wonld be almost no threatening opposition te him In that year at all In the Middle He had attained his old favorite po gitlon—in the middle; with extremes on either side—each of which would far rather have Roosevelt continue in the saddle than to have the other ex. treme victorious, Just as in the pre convention maneuvering in 1932 Roose velt wound up with the supposedly dry South enthusiastically for him. It had turned to him despite his wetness be ecanse it feared Al Smith might be named otherwise, The fact that Roosevelt, after the 1034 endorsement, stood squarely in between the radicals and the extreme conservatives was obvious, but had not been demonstrated forcibly to the coun: try. Many shrewd business leaders realized it. And at the same time gave up hope, In the face of those election returns, of getting back to the old or der by 1036. So they were ready to support the President, mildly. Then came the work relief bill, and the prevailing wage issue. And to the amazement of conservative business men, hoping Roosevelt could beat the radicals, the most talked about candi date for the Republicans in 1036, Sen ator Vandenberg of Michigan—-one of the few Republicans to weather the 1084 1andsiide-voted with the radicals Sata a tot of other Republicans gen erally regarded as conservative. And pow friends of the President are busy bullding backfires, apparently to turn a few votes in the senate so as to pre vent this long step towards Socialism. Copyright ~WNU Service gOmMme THE CENTRE REPORTER, THE NEW STANDARD CHEM ROLET HE New Standard Chevrolet unites quality with economy to a degree never before approached in Chevrolet history. You will know this when you view its trim beauty . . . experience its brisk power and getawey—and find out how much money it will save you in operating costs as well as in purchase price. See and drive this fine car at your earliest convenience, *465 AMD UP. List price of New Standard Roadster at Flint, Mich., $465. With bumpers, spare tire and tire lock, the list price in $20.00 addi- tional, Prices subject to change without notice, *'560 AND UP. List price of Master De Luze Coupe at Flint, Mich. 3560. With bumpers, spare tire and tire lock, the lint price ie $25 00 addi tional. Prices subject to change without notice Knee Action optional at $20.00 extra. DEALER ADVERTISEMENT - near Savage, Minn. Ea Scenes and P HE AWAITS NEW HANDS to volup- strol. The muscle cor “miracle” wrought by Henry J. Kess- N. J. The noted ortho- nade a muscle loop in the boy's which mputated just Under it was passed of Newark, arm WAS i Dr. D. G. Werner, pastor of the Advent Lutheran church of 156th street, the Bronx, New York, pictured for the first time after he had been selected as the religious adviser to Bruno Richard Hauptmann, the con- victed murderer of the Lindbergh baby. Doctor Werner will console Hauptmann during the latter's stay in New Jersey state prison at Trenton. Hotel des Invalides The Hotel des Invalides was found ed by Louis XIV in 1671-74 as a home for disabled soldiers, the first of its kind, and at one time housed as many as 5,000 and even 7.000 pensioners. At the outbreak of the Great war there were only about twenty inmates, but gince then thelr number has increased enormously, Bulit from the designs of Liberal Bruant, whose work was con tinued by Mansart, the Invalides was restored under Napoleon 1 and Na. poleon 11 and covers an sree of about thirte.Gre sores