Cameron County press. (Emporium, Cameron County, Pa.) 1866-1922, January 14, 1909, Page 2, Image 2

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    2
CAMERON COUNTY PRESS.
H. H. MU I.LIN, Editor.
Published Every Thursday.
TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION.
f«r year 12 09
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pent* per square for each subsequent Insertion.
I Rates by the year, or for six or three months,
•ra low and uniform, and will be furnished on
application.
Legal and Official Advertising per square,
three times or less. 42; each subsequent inser
tion fO cents per square.
Local notices 10 cents per line for one lnser
lerilan: 6 cents per line for aach subsequent
tonieeutive Insertion.
Obituary notices over Ore lines. 10 cents per
line. Simple announcements of births, mar
riages and deaths will be inserted free.
Business cards, five lines or less, 15 per year,
over tire lines, at the regular rates of adver
tising.
No local Inserted for lesa than 75 cents per
Issue.
JOB PRINTING.
The Job department of the Press Is complete
and affords facilities for doing the best class of
work. Particular attention faidto Law
Printijjo.
No paper will be discontinued until arrear
ages are paid, except at the optlou of the pub-
Usher.
Papers sent out of the county must be paid
(or in advance.
Government Help In Fighting Fire.
The methods of preventing forest
fires employed by the service are sim
ple and depend for their efficacy main
ly upon eternal vigilance. The areas
included in the boundaries of there
serves are constantly patrolled by a
force of rangers and guards. During
the past summer the men thus em
ployed numbered about thirteen hun
dred. The average area that each was
required to protect was more than a
hundred and twenty thousand acres
says the Craftsman. The forester rea
lizes that this is too much ground foi
one man to cover properly, but con
gress has not made the funds available
for the employment of a larger force
Roads and trails are constructed in
order to facilitate rapid travel from
one part of the reserve to another and
to expedite the massing of large num
bers, as well as to furnish vantage
points from which to conduct the fight
against, the flames. Telephone lines
connect rangers' stations with head
quarters in order that fires may be
quickly reported and prompt measures
adopted to extinguish them. During
t lie last fiscal year 160 miles of road,
33 miles of trail and 3,500 miles of tel
ephone line were constructed in the
national forests. The officers of the
service now receive the most ready as
sistance from persons living in the
vicinity of the reserves, and especially
from stockmen and others who use the
forests under permits. The latter are
required by the terms of the agree
ment for grazing or lumbering to ex
tend all possible assistance in case of
fire; tlie former are beginning to ap
preciate the fact that the forests are
the property of the people and that
any damage inflicted upon them must
entail a loss to the people at large and
most directly to the local residents.
Dead as a door nail is the brass
warming pan's place whenever weak
was resurrected for a while by aesthet
ics who decided such lovely metal
work deserved to embellish the wall,
but even as an ornament it passed into
oblivion. Hot water bottles took the
warming pan's place whenever weak
human beings were plagued with cold
feet, but now even the boiling hot water
bag has suffered an eclipse. Electric
foot warmers are the very latest con
trivance for improving the circulation.
They are a luxury, but then, we de
mand luxuries and insist upon them if
we go without everything else. For
the outdoor sleeping faddest the elec
tric foot warmer is a heavenly provi
sion.
The wife of Gerhart Hauptmann—
Margaret Marshalk—before her mar
riage to the dramatist was for a long
time a popular member of the Lobe
theater at Breslau. She has now gone
on the stage for the second time, but
not as an actress. At a recent con
cert given by the Verein der Musik
freunde at Hlrschberg Fran Haupt
mann played a Grieg composition,
showing that she is an accomplished
violinist.
The second of the new White Star
line 60,000-ton steamships has been
appropriately named the Titanic.
S'ome idea of the size of modern ships
may be formed if one" recalls that the
tonnage of the whole Spanish Armada,
which was wrecked off the coast of
Ireland, was less than that of the new
ship.
"I know where $3,000,000 ~in cash lies
concealed," said a New York lawyer.
"This vast sum lies concealed in the
inside vest pocket of the 30,000 auto
mobilists of New York state. Kach
man carries SIOO of it in one crisp
note, ready to be paid out in a fine, if
lie should be arrested for speeding."
It will take something like a year to
polish the Cullinan diamond, which
now has the distinction of being the
biggest sparkler in the world, before It
is finally presented to King Edward
And even then it will be considered
bad taste for the owner to wear it in
his Sunday cravat.
Government quarantines against dis
ease may seem severe at times, but
without this vigilance what would the
conditions be? it is just this care that
has relieved civilized nations from the
jilagues by which they were once rav
aged.
BIG STICK SMASHES;
ROOSEVELT DEFENDS
THE SECRET SERVICE
In Message to House President De
clares His Statements in Previous
Words to Congress Were Gross
ly Misunderstood.
Washington. President Roosevelt'*
War stick crashed down upon the
heads of Representatives Tuwney of
Minnesota, Smith of lowa, Sherley of
Kentucky, and Fitzgerald of New York,
when the executive sent a special message
to the house of representatives, berating
those solons for being champions of the
successful move to plape limitations upon
the scope of the secret service.
The president also declared that the
Interpretation of the house of the secret
service clause in his last message was
misunderstood, "and had there been any
evidence which would point to the neces
sity of an Investigation of members, such
evidence would long ago have been turned
over to the proper authorities.
The message was in answer to the res
olution transmitted from the house In
which the representatives asked for evi
dence upon which Mr. Roosevelt based
his statements that the "chief argument
in favor of the provision was that the
congressmen did not themselves wish to
be investigated by secret service men."
Message of the President
and Reasons Therefor.
The message In part:
"To the House of Representatives: I
have received the resolution of the liouse
of representatives of December 17, 1908,
running as follows:
" 'Whereas, there was contained In the
sundry civil appropriation bill which
passed congress at Its last session and be
came a law, a provision In reference to
the employment of the secret service In
the treasury department; and
" 'Whereas, in the last annual message
of the president of the United States to
the two houses of congress it was stated
In reference to that provision: "It is not
too much to say that this amendment has
been of benefit only, and could be of ben
efit only, to the criminal classes," and It
was further stated: "The chief argument
In favor of the provision was that the
congressmen did not themselves wish to
be Investigated by secret service men,"
and it was further stated: "But if this la
not considered desirable a special excep
tion could be made in the law, prohib
iting the use of the secret service force
in investigating members of congress. It
would be far better to do this than to
do what actually was done, and strive to
prevent or at least to hamper effective
action against criminals by the executive
branch of the government;" and
" 'Whereas, the plain meaning cf his
words is that the majority of the con
gressmen were In fear of being investi
gated by secret service men and that con
gress as a whole was actuated by that
motive in enacting tho provision in ques
tion. Now, therefore,
" 'Be It Resolved, That the president be
requested to transmit to the house any
evidence upon which he based his state
ments that the 'chief argument in favor
of the provision was that the congress
men did not themselves wish to be in
vestigated by secret service men,' and
also to transmit to the house any evi
dence connecting any member of the
house of representatives of the Sixtieth
congress with corrupt action In his official
capacity, and to Inform the house wheth
er he has instituted proceedings for the
punishment of any such individual by the
courts or has reported any such alleged
delinquencies to the house of represent
atives.'
Cannot Understand Trend of
tha House Resolution.
"I am wholly at a loss to understand
the concluding portion of the resolution.
I have made no charges of corruption
against congress nor against any member
of the present house. If I had proof of
such corruption affecting any member of
the house In any matter as to which the
federal government has Jurisdiction, ac
tion would at once be brought, as was
done In the cases of Senators Mitchell
and Burton, and Representatives William
son, Herrmann and Driggs, at different
times since 1 have been president. This
would simply be doing my duty in the
execution and enforcement of the laws
without respect to persons. But I do not
regard It as within the province or the
duties of the president to report to the
house 'alleged delinquencies' of members,
or the supposed 'corrupt action' of a
member 'ln his official capacity." The
membership of the house Is by the con
stitution placed within the power of the
house alone. In the prosecution of crim
inals and the enforcement of the laws
the president must resort to the courts
of the United States.
"In the third and fourth clauses of ths
preamble it is stated that the meaning of
my words Is that 'the majority of the
congressmen nre in fear of being inves
tigated by secret service men' and that
'congress as a whole was actuated by
that motive In enacting the provision In
question,' and that this Is an Impeach
ment of the honor and Integrity of the
congress. These statements are not I
think In accordance with the facts.
Declares He Said Nothing
to Warrant tbe Statement.
"A careful reading of this message will
show that I said nothing to warrant the
statement that 'the majority of the con
gressmen were In fear of being Investi
gated by the secret service men,' or 'that
congress as a whole was actuated by that
motive." I did not make any such state
ment in this message. Moreover I have
never made any such statement about
congress as a whole, nor, with a few In
evitable exceptions, about the members
of congress. In any message or article or
speech. On the contrary I have always
not only deprecated but vigorously re
sented the practice of indiscriminate at
tack upon congress, and Indiscriminate
condemnation of all congressmen, wise
and unwise, fit and unfit, good and bad
alike. No one realizes more than I the
importance of co-operation between the
executive and congress, and no one holds
the authority and dignity of the congress
of the United States In higher respect
than I do. I have not the slightest sym
pathy with the practice of Judging men.
for good or for ill, not on their several
merits, but In a mass, ns members of
one particular body or one caste. To put
together all men holding or who have
held a particular office, whether it be
tho office of president, or Judge, or sena
tor, or member of the house of represent
atives, and to class tliem ull, without re
gard to their individual differences, as
good or bad, seems to me utterly Inde
fensible; and It Is equally Indefensible
whether the good are fonfounded with the
bad in a heated and unwarranted cham
pionship of all. or In a heated and un
warranted assault upon all.
Charge in Resolution Due
to Density of the Solons.
"This allegation in the resolution, there
fore, must certainly be due to an entire
failure to understand my message.
CAMERON COUNTY PRESS, THURSDAY JANUARY 14, 1909.
"The resolution continues: That the
president be requested to transmit to the
house any evidence upon which he based
his statements that the 'chief argument
In favor of the provision was that the
congressmen did not themselves wish to
be investigated by secret-service men.'
This statement, which was an attack
upon no one, still loss upon the congress,
is sustained by the facts.
"If you will turn to the Congressional
Rocord for May 1 last, pages 6553 to 5560,
inclusive, you will find the debate on this
subject. Mr. Tawney of Minnesota, Mr.
Smith of lowa, Mr. Sherley of Kentucky,
and Mr. Fitzgerald of New York, appear
In this debate as the special champions
of the provision referred to. Messrs. Par
sons, Bennet and Drlscoll were the lead
ers of those who opposed the adoption
of the amendment and upheld the right of
the government to use the most efficient
means possible In order to detect crim
inals and to prevent and punish crime.
The amendment "was carried in the com
mittee of the whole, where no votes of
the individual members are recorded, so
I am unable to discriminate by mention
ing the members who voted for and the
members who voted against the provision,
but Its passage, the journal records, was
greeted with applause. lam well aware,
however, that In any case of tills kind
many members who have no particular
knowledge of the point at issue, are con
tent simply to follow the lead of the
committee which had considered the mat
ter, and I have no doubt that many mem
bers of the house simply followed the
lead of Messrs. Tawney and Smith, with
out having had the opportunity to know
very much as to the rights and wrongs
of the question.
Chip Is Knocked Off
Roosevelt's Shoulder.
"I would not ordinarily attempt In this
way to discriminate between members of
the house, but as objection has been ta
ken to my language, In which I simply
spoke of the action of the house as a
whole, and as apparently there Is a de
sire that I should thus discriminate, I will
state that I think the responsibility rest
ed on the committee on appropriations,
under the lead of the members whom I
have mentioned.
"Now as to the request of the congress
that I give the evidence for my state
ment that the chief argument In favor
of the provision was that, the congress
men did not themselves wish to be inves
tigated by secret service men.
"The part of the Congressional Record
to which I have referred above entirely
supports thl3 statement. Two distinct
lines of argument were followed in the
debate., One concerned the question
whether the law warranted the employ
ment of the secret service In departments
other than the treasury, and this did not
touch the merits of the service In the
least. The other Una of argument went
to the merits of the service, whether law
fully or unlawfully employed, and here
the chief if not the only argument used
was that the service should be cut down
and restricted because Its members had
'shadowed' or investigated members of
congress and other officers of the govern
ment. If we examine the debate in de
tail it appears that most of what was
urged in favor of the amendment took the
form of the simple statement that the
committee held that thero had been a
'violation of law' by the use of the secret
service for other purposes than suppress
ing counterfeiting (and one or two other
matters which can be disregarded), and
that such language was now to be used
as would effectually prevent all such 'vio
lation of law' hereafter. Mr. Tawney, for
Instance, says: 'lt was for the purpose
of stopping the use of this service In
every possible way by the departments of
the government that this provision was
Inserted'; and Mr. Smith says: 'Now, that
was the only way in which any limitation
could be put upon the activities of the
secret service.' Mr. Fitzgerald followed in
tho same vein, and by far the largest
part of the argument against the employ
ment of the secret service was confined
to the statement that It was in 'violation
of law,' Of course, such a statement is
not In any way an argument In favor of
the justice of the provision. It is not an
argument for the provision at all. It Is
simply a statement of what the gentle
men making It conceive to have been the
law.
Regarding Restrictions of
the Secret Service*
"There was both by implication and di
rect statement tho assertion that It was
the law, and ought to be the law, that
the secret service should only be used
to suppress counterfeiting; and that the
law should be made more rigid than ever
in this respect.
"Incidentally I may say that In my
Judgment there is ample legal authority
for the statement that this appropriation
law to which reference was made Im
poses no restrictions whatever upon the
use of the secret service men, but re
lates solely to the expenditure of the
money appropriated. Mr. Tawney In the
debate stated that he had in ills pos
session 'a letter from the secretary of the
treasury received a few days ago' In
which the secretary of the treasury 'him
self admits that the provisions under
which the appropriation has been made
have been violated year after year for a
number of years in his own department."
I append herewith as appendix A, the let
ter referred to. It makes no such admis
sion as that which Mr. Tawney alleges.
It contains on the contrary, as you will
see by reading It, an 'emphatic protest
against any such abridgment of the
rights delegated to the secretary of the
treasury by existing law,' and concludes
by asserting that he 'ls quite within his
rights In thus employing the service of
these agents' and that the proposed modi
fication which Mr. Tawney succeeded
In carrying through would be 'distinctly
to the advantage of violators of criminal
statutes of the United States.' I call at
tention to tho fact that In this letter of
Secretary Cortelyou to Mr. Tawney, as
in my letter *o the speaker quoted be
low. the expl.ylt statement is made that
the proposed change will be for the bene
fit of the criminals, a statement which
I simply reiterated In public form in my
message to the congress this year, and
which is also contained In effect in the
report of the secretary of the treasury
to the congress.
"A careful reading of the Congression
al Record will also show that practically
tlie only arguments advanced in favor of
the limitation proposed by Mr. Tawney's
committee, beyond what may be supposed
to be contained by implication in cer
tain sentences as to 'abuses' which were
not specified, were those contained In the
repeated statements of Mr. Sherley.
"Mr. Sherley stared that there h«4
been 'pronounced abuses crowing out of
the use of the secret service for purposes
other than those Intended,' putting his
statement In the form of a question, and
In the sums form further stated that the
'private conduct' of 'members of congress,
senators,' and others ought not to bo in
vestigated by the secret service, and that
they should not investigate a 'membor of
congress' who had been accused of 'can
duct unbecoming a gentleman and a
member of congress.' In addition to these
assertions couched as questions, he made
one positive declaration, that 'This secret
service at one time w as used for the pur
pose of looking nlto the personal con
duct of a member of congress." This ar
gument of Mr. Sherley, the only real ar
gument as to the merits of the question
made on behalf of the committee on ap
propriations, will be found In columns 1
and 2 of page 5."56, and column X of page
6557 of the Congressional Record. In col
umn 1 of page 5556 Mr. Sherley refers to
the Impropriety of permitting "the secret
service men to Investigate men In the
departments, officers of the army and
navy and members of congress; In col
umn 1. page 5557, he refers only to mem
bers of congress. His speech puts most
weight on the investigation of members
of congress.
"What appears In the record Is filled
out and explained by an article which ap
peared In the Chicago Inter-Ocean of
January 3, 1904, under a Washington
headline, and which marked the begin
ning of this agitation against the secret
service. It was a special article of about
3,000 words, written, as I was then in
formed and now understand, by Mr L
W. Busbey. at that time private sScretary
to the speaker of the house. It con
tained an utterly unwarranted attack on
the secret service division of the treas
ury department and its chief.
"At the time of this publication th«
work of the secret service, which was
thus assailed, included especially the In
vestigation of great land frauds In the
west, and the securing of evidence to
help the department of Justice in the
beef-trust investigations at Chicago,
which resulted in successful prosecutions.
Efforts to Kill Move
Found to Be Unavailing.
"These methods proved unavailing to
prevent the wrong. Messrs. Tawney and
bmltli, and their fellow members on the
appropriations committee paid no heed to
the protests; and as the obnoxious pro
vision was Incorporated In the sundry
c vll bill, It was Impossible for me to con
sider or discuss it on Its merits, as I
should have done had it been In a sep
arate bill. Therefore I have now taken
the only method available, that of dis
cussing it In my message to congress; and
as all efforts to secure what I regard as
proper treatment of tho subject without
recourse to plain speaking had failed, I
have spoken plainly and directly, and
have set forth the facts In explicit terms.
Since 1901 the Investigations covered
by tho secret service division—under the
practice which had been for many years
recognized as proper and legitimate, and
which had received the sanction of the
highest 19V' officers of the government
have covered a wide range of offenses
against the federal law. By far the most
Important of these related to the public
domain, as to which there was un
covered a far-reaching and widespread
system of fraudulent transactions involv
ing both the Illegal acquisition and the
Illegal fencing of government land; and,
in connection with both these offenses,
the crimes of perjury and subornation of
perjury. Some of the persons Involved
in these violations, were of great wealth
and of wide political and social Influence.
Both their corporate associations and
their political affiliations, and the lawless
character of some of their employes,
made the Investigations not only difficult
but dangerous. In Colorado one of the
secret service men was assusslnated.
Instances In Which
Secret Service Starred.
"In connection with tho Nebraska prose
cution the government has by decree se
cured the return to the government of
over a million acres of grazing land;
In Colorado of more than 2,000 acres of
mineral land, and suits are now pending
Involving 150,000 acres more.
"All these Investigations In tho land
cases were undertaken In consequence
of Mr. Hitchcock, the then secretary
of the interior, becoming convinced that
there were extensive frauds committed
In his department; and the ramifications
of the frauds were so far-reaching that
he was afraid to trust his own officials
to deal in thoroughgoing fashion with
them. One of the secret service men ac
cordingly resigned and was appointed
In the interior department to carry on
this work. The first thing he discovered
was that the special agents' division or
corps of detectives of the land office of
the Interior department was largely un
der the control of the land thieves; and
in consequence the Investigations above
referred to had to be made by secret
service men.
"If the present law, for which Messrs.
Tawney, Smith, and the other gentle
men I have above mentioned are respon
sible, had then been In effect, this ac
tion would have been impossible, and
most of the criminals would unquestion
ably have escaped. No more striking In
stance can be imagined of the desirabil
ity of having a central corps of skilled
Investigating agents who can at any tlmo
be assigned, if necessary In large num
bers, to Investigate some violation of tho
federal statutes, in no matter what
branch of the public service. In this par
ticular case most of the men Investigated
who were public servants were in tho
executive branch of the government. But
In Oregon, where an enormous acreage
of fraudulently alienated public land was
recovered for the government, a United
States senator, Mr. Mitchell, and a mem
ber of the lower house, Mr. Williamson,
were convicted on evidence obtained by
men transferred from the secret service,
and another member of congress was In
dicted."
Chief Asks for Reversal
of Action of Bolona.
The president then gave a number of
other instances, all of which tend to
point out the efficiency of the secret
service, and he concludes:
"In conclusion, I most earnestly ask, In
the name of good government and de
cent administration, In the name of hon
esty and for the purpose of bringing
to Justice violators of the federal laws
wherever they may be found, whether In
public or private life, that the action
taken by the house last year be reversed.
When this action was taken, the senate
committee, under the lead of the late
Senator Allison, having before It a
strongly-worded protest from Secretary
«ortelyou like that he had sent to Mr.
Tawney. accepted the secretary's views;
and the senate passed the bill In the
shape presented by Senator Allison. In
tho conference, however, the house con
ferees Insisted on the retention of the
KTovlslon they had inserted, and the
senate yielded.
"The chief of the secret service is
paid a salary utterly inadequate to the
Importance of his functions and to the
admirable way In which he has per
formed them. I earnestly urge that It
may be increased to $6,000 per annum. I
also urge that the secret service be
placed where It properly belongs, and
made a bureau in the department of
Justice, as the chief of the secret service
has repeatedly requested; but whether
this Is done or not. It should be ex
plicitly provided that the secret service
can be used to detect and punish crime
wherever it is found.
"THEODORE ROO£EVBL/T."
WHEN TAFT GOES TO PANAMA
v.. 1.1. ■ ......
Goethals Will Give Him an Exhibition of Modern Engineering.
WILL KEEP PLEDGE
PRESIDENT-ELECT TAFT IS LOYAL
TO PLATFORM.
No Doubt as to His Attitude on Tar
iff Revision—Consumers May Be
Assured They Will Get
Fair Play.
Speaking of tariff revision at the
Ohio society's dinner, Mr. Taft said;
"Better no revision at all, better
that the new bill should fail, unless
we have an honest and thorough re
vision on the basis laid down and the
principle outlined in the party plat
form."
If the pledge of the party to the
people were to be broken it would be
better to break it by an act of open,
courageous dishonesty, such as flat
denial of revision would be, than to
break faith sneakingly by a dishonest
revision. The people would be more
incensed, the tariff question would as
sume an uglier shape, and the conse
quences for the Republican party
would be more serious if there should
be a sham revision. Mr. Taft does not
Intend that that shall happen. He
pledged himself during the campaign
to an honest revision. He is a man
who has always meant what he said
and has never used phrases that were
susceptible of a double meaning.
Whenever he has reached and stated
a conclusion he has not changed his
mind.
The consumers may rest assured
that though they may have no warm
friends on the ways and means com
mittee they will have one in the White
House. Mr. Taft said at the Ohio din
ner that the tariff declaration of the
party "did not provide for the taking
of a degree pro confesso against those
in the community who could not ap
pear before a committee of congress
and be heard." There is comfort in
this for the men with small wages who
look to tariff revision for a cheapen
ing of boots and shoes, clothing and
many other necessities of life. They
are unable togo before the ways and
means committee, and only a few
words have been uttered there in their
behalf
They and their families stand in the
greatest need of an honest tariff re
vision. Mr. Taft understands that,
hence his repeated assurances to con
sumers that they shall not be de
frauded of the effective revision prom
ised them by the Republican platform.
—Chicago Tribune.
Simply a Question of Rates.
In all the speculation about the com
ing tariff revision there is express or
implied reference lo the Democratic
fiasco of 1894. But there is nothing to
warrant it. The Democrats failed be
cause of a fundamental disagreement.
Mr. Cleveland, as far as he had puzzled
his way into the subject, was a free
trader. Mr. Gorman was an out-and
out protectionist. There was no bond
between them. There is no such diffi
culty in the Republican catnp. Stand
patters and revisionists alike are for
protection. The question is one of
rates; one of how much protection this
article or that should carry at thisiiine
of day.
Up to the Representative.
The consumers cannot easily com
bine to defend their interests. They
must look to the president-elect, who
is in sympathy with them, to speak
for them. They have to depend on the
honesty and Intelligence Mf their repre
sentatives in congress. They have to
depend on the government agents
whose duty it is to gather the informa
tion on which a tariff fair to manufac
turers and consumers may be based.
If the representatives do their duty by
their constituents there will be the re
vision of the tariff, downward in the
main, which the voters believed the
Republican party promised.
It is evident that Judge Taft ex
pects congress to prepare the right
sort of bill. And at this stage of the
game it is far better for him to give
his confidence to congress than it
would be for him to complicate the sit
uation and hearten the enemy by an
expression of distrust.
SALARIES SHOULD BE LARGER.
Milwaukee Sentinel's Approval of the
Proposed Increase.
The bill introduced by Senator
Bourne of Oregon to increase the sal
ary of the president to SIOO,OOO and
the vice-president to $25,000 is a move
in the right direction, declares the
Milwaukee Sentinel.
The pay given to our national of
ficials —alike in the executive, judicial
and legislative departments—is scan
dalously out of proportion with the
dignity and the duties of the positions
| they hold.
There are certain necessary social
i and political duties in connection with
i these offices which must be met.
i Poor men or men of moderate means
I cannot afford to accept these positions
if they expect to fill the obligations
| naturally devolving upon them in these
j offices.
For years the vice-presidency has
been considered a nice place for a
benevolently inclined man of means
j who could maintain "the social dignity
lof the administration." The salary of
I the vice-president hardly pays vent for
I a Washington house such as we would
have the second highest official in the
■ land occupy. Nobody but a millionaire
j can afford to take the ambassadorship
j to the court of St. James.
Many of our brightest and ablest
men have been compelled to drop out
of public life because they could not
afford any longer to make the sacrifice
necessary to stay there.
We advocate no undue waste or ex
travagance in the use of public funds,
but we do believe that the richest na
tion on earth ought no longer to be
so downright mean and stingy in its
compensation to its public officials at
home and abroad.
Settle Tariff Question.
The meteorlike course desired by
the Aldrich-Payne type of Republican
statesmen tends to arouse supicion. in
its platform adopted at the Chicago
convention the Republican party de
clares itself "unequivocally for a revi
sion of the tariff at a special session
of the congress immediately following
the inauguration of the next presi
dent." Since his elecMon Mr. Taft has
announced that he will call a special
session of the Sixty-first congress di
rectly after March 4 next. In his cam
paign speeches he pledged himself to
work for a revision of the tariff sched
ules,- chiefly downward.
Undoubtedly there is truth in Sen
ator Aldrich's declaration that the full
return of prosperity will be retarded
so long as there is uncertainty as to
the character of the promised tariff
legislation. However, the abiding
prosperity which is wanted by the
people of the country requires a re
vision of the tariff that will bring
about a fair adjustment between cost
to consumers and cost of production
throughout the range of manufactured
goods. A revision is required which
will take away the opportunities for
monopoly and extortionate prices.
Further, the question of additional
revenue becomes pressing as the treas
ury deficit grows from monlh to
month.
Senate's Duty Plain.
According to the Washington dis
patches some senators, mostly Demo
crats, contend that the notes relating
to tlie agreement with Japan are a
treaty which should be submitted to
them. After making all allowances
for senatorial jealousy of prerogatives,
the fact remains that this contention
is prompted by the desire to make the
administration a little trouble if possi
ble. That is not an exalted motive at
the best, and in this instance not even
the bitterest enemy of the administra
tion should allow it to influence him.
The action which it is said certain
senators contemplate would be mis
understood or misrepresented in
Japan. It would be construed by
some as a declaration by members of
the legislative department of the gov
ernment that they did not approve of
the policy enunciated by the executive
department. No senator should be so
indifferent to the large interests of his
country as to do anything calculated
to impair the perfect understanding
which has been brought about between
the two great Pacific powers.