2 CAMERON COUNTY PRESS. H. H. MU I.LIN, Editor. Published Every Thursday. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. f«r year 12 09 fc paid In advance t 1 W) ADVERTISING RATES: Advertisement* nre published at the rate or •ie dollar per square for one Insertion and fifty pent* per square for each subsequent Insertion. I Rates by the year, or for six or three months, •ra low and uniform, and will be furnished on application. Legal and Official Advertising per square, three times or less. 42; each subsequent inser tion fO cents per square. Local notices 10 cents per line for one lnser lerilan: 6 cents per line for aach subsequent tonieeutive Insertion. Obituary notices over Ore lines. 10 cents per line. Simple announcements of births, mar riages and deaths will be inserted free. Business cards, five lines or less, 15 per year, over tire lines, at the regular rates of adver tising. No local Inserted for lesa than 75 cents per Issue. JOB PRINTING. The Job department of the Press Is complete and affords facilities for doing the best class of work. Particular attention faidto Law Printijjo. No paper will be discontinued until arrear ages are paid, except at the optlou of the pub- Usher. Papers sent out of the county must be paid (or in advance. Government Help In Fighting Fire. The methods of preventing forest fires employed by the service are sim ple and depend for their efficacy main ly upon eternal vigilance. The areas included in the boundaries of there serves are constantly patrolled by a force of rangers and guards. During the past summer the men thus em ployed numbered about thirteen hun dred. The average area that each was required to protect was more than a hundred and twenty thousand acres says the Craftsman. The forester rea lizes that this is too much ground foi one man to cover properly, but con gress has not made the funds available for the employment of a larger force Roads and trails are constructed in order to facilitate rapid travel from one part of the reserve to another and to expedite the massing of large num bers, as well as to furnish vantage points from which to conduct the fight against, the flames. Telephone lines connect rangers' stations with head quarters in order that fires may be quickly reported and prompt measures adopted to extinguish them. During t lie last fiscal year 160 miles of road, 33 miles of trail and 3,500 miles of tel ephone line were constructed in the national forests. The officers of the service now receive the most ready as sistance from persons living in the vicinity of the reserves, and especially from stockmen and others who use the forests under permits. The latter are required by the terms of the agree ment for grazing or lumbering to ex tend all possible assistance in case of fire; tlie former are beginning to ap preciate the fact that the forests are the property of the people and that any damage inflicted upon them must entail a loss to the people at large and most directly to the local residents. Dead as a door nail is the brass warming pan's place whenever weak was resurrected for a while by aesthet ics who decided such lovely metal work deserved to embellish the wall, but even as an ornament it passed into oblivion. Hot water bottles took the warming pan's place whenever weak human beings were plagued with cold feet, but now even the boiling hot water bag has suffered an eclipse. Electric foot warmers are the very latest con trivance for improving the circulation. They are a luxury, but then, we de mand luxuries and insist upon them if we go without everything else. For the outdoor sleeping faddest the elec tric foot warmer is a heavenly provi sion. The wife of Gerhart Hauptmann— Margaret Marshalk—before her mar riage to the dramatist was for a long time a popular member of the Lobe theater at Breslau. She has now gone on the stage for the second time, but not as an actress. At a recent con cert given by the Verein der Musik freunde at Hlrschberg Fran Haupt mann played a Grieg composition, showing that she is an accomplished violinist. The second of the new White Star line 60,000-ton steamships has been appropriately named the Titanic. S'ome idea of the size of modern ships may be formed if one" recalls that the tonnage of the whole Spanish Armada, which was wrecked off the coast of Ireland, was less than that of the new ship. "I know where $3,000,000 ~in cash lies concealed," said a New York lawyer. "This vast sum lies concealed in the inside vest pocket of the 30,000 auto mobilists of New York state. Kach man carries SIOO of it in one crisp note, ready to be paid out in a fine, if lie should be arrested for speeding." It will take something like a year to polish the Cullinan diamond, which now has the distinction of being the biggest sparkler in the world, before It is finally presented to King Edward And even then it will be considered bad taste for the owner to wear it in his Sunday cravat. Government quarantines against dis ease may seem severe at times, but without this vigilance what would the conditions be? it is just this care that has relieved civilized nations from the jilagues by which they were once rav aged. BIG STICK SMASHES; ROOSEVELT DEFENDS THE SECRET SERVICE In Message to House President De clares His Statements in Previous Words to Congress Were Gross ly Misunderstood. Washington. President Roosevelt'* War stick crashed down upon the heads of Representatives Tuwney of Minnesota, Smith of lowa, Sherley of Kentucky, and Fitzgerald of New York, when the executive sent a special message to the house of representatives, berating those solons for being champions of the successful move to plape limitations upon the scope of the secret service. The president also declared that the Interpretation of the house of the secret service clause in his last message was misunderstood, "and had there been any evidence which would point to the neces sity of an Investigation of members, such evidence would long ago have been turned over to the proper authorities. The message was in answer to the res olution transmitted from the house In which the representatives asked for evi dence upon which Mr. Roosevelt based his statements that the "chief argument in favor of the provision was that the congressmen did not themselves wish to be investigated by secret service men." Message of the President and Reasons Therefor. The message In part: "To the House of Representatives: I have received the resolution of the liouse of representatives of December 17, 1908, running as follows: " 'Whereas, there was contained In the sundry civil appropriation bill which passed congress at Its last session and be came a law, a provision In reference to the employment of the secret service In the treasury department; and " 'Whereas, in the last annual message of the president of the United States to the two houses of congress it was stated In reference to that provision: "It is not too much to say that this amendment has been of benefit only, and could be of ben efit only, to the criminal classes," and It was further stated: "The chief argument In favor of the provision was that the congressmen did not themselves wish to be Investigated by secret service men," and it was further stated: "But if this la not considered desirable a special excep tion could be made in the law, prohib iting the use of the secret service force in investigating members of congress. It would be far better to do this than to do what actually was done, and strive to prevent or at least to hamper effective action against criminals by the executive branch of the government;" and " 'Whereas, the plain meaning cf his words is that the majority of the con gressmen were In fear of being investi gated by secret service men and that con gress as a whole was actuated by that motive in enacting tho provision in ques tion. Now, therefore, " 'Be It Resolved, That the president be requested to transmit to the house any evidence upon which he based his state ments that the 'chief argument in favor of the provision was that the congress men did not themselves wish to be in vestigated by secret service men,' and also to transmit to the house any evi dence connecting any member of the house of representatives of the Sixtieth congress with corrupt action In his official capacity, and to Inform the house wheth er he has instituted proceedings for the punishment of any such individual by the courts or has reported any such alleged delinquencies to the house of represent atives.' Cannot Understand Trend of tha House Resolution. "I am wholly at a loss to understand the concluding portion of the resolution. I have made no charges of corruption against congress nor against any member of the present house. If I had proof of such corruption affecting any member of the house In any matter as to which the federal government has Jurisdiction, ac tion would at once be brought, as was done In the cases of Senators Mitchell and Burton, and Representatives William son, Herrmann and Driggs, at different times since 1 have been president. This would simply be doing my duty in the execution and enforcement of the laws without respect to persons. But I do not regard It as within the province or the duties of the president to report to the house 'alleged delinquencies' of members, or the supposed 'corrupt action' of a member 'ln his official capacity." The membership of the house Is by the con stitution placed within the power of the house alone. In the prosecution of crim inals and the enforcement of the laws the president must resort to the courts of the United States. "In the third and fourth clauses of ths preamble it is stated that the meaning of my words Is that 'the majority of the congressmen nre in fear of being inves tigated by secret service men' and that 'congress as a whole was actuated by that motive In enacting the provision In question,' and that this Is an Impeach ment of the honor and Integrity of the congress. These statements are not I think In accordance with the facts. Declares He Said Nothing to Warrant tbe Statement. "A careful reading of this message will show that I said nothing to warrant the statement that 'the majority of the con gressmen were In fear of being Investi gated by the secret service men,' or 'that congress as a whole was actuated by that motive." I did not make any such state ment in this message. Moreover I have never made any such statement about congress as a whole, nor, with a few In evitable exceptions, about the members of congress. In any message or article or speech. On the contrary I have always not only deprecated but vigorously re sented the practice of indiscriminate at tack upon congress, and Indiscriminate condemnation of all congressmen, wise and unwise, fit and unfit, good and bad alike. No one realizes more than I the importance of co-operation between the executive and congress, and no one holds the authority and dignity of the congress of the United States In higher respect than I do. I have not the slightest sym pathy with the practice of Judging men. for good or for ill, not on their several merits, but In a mass, ns members of one particular body or one caste. To put together all men holding or who have held a particular office, whether it be tho office of president, or Judge, or sena tor, or member of the house of represent atives, and to class tliem ull, without re gard to their individual differences, as good or bad, seems to me utterly Inde fensible; and It Is equally Indefensible whether the good are fonfounded with the bad in a heated and unwarranted cham pionship of all. or In a heated and un warranted assault upon all. Charge in Resolution Due to Density of the Solons. "This allegation in the resolution, there fore, must certainly be due to an entire failure to understand my message. CAMERON COUNTY PRESS, THURSDAY JANUARY 14, 1909. "The resolution continues: That the president be requested to transmit to the house any evidence upon which he based his statements that the 'chief argument In favor of the provision was that the congressmen did not themselves wish to be investigated by secret-service men.' This statement, which was an attack upon no one, still loss upon the congress, is sustained by the facts. "If you will turn to the Congressional Rocord for May 1 last, pages 6553 to 5560, inclusive, you will find the debate on this subject. Mr. Tawney of Minnesota, Mr. Smith of lowa, Mr. Sherley of Kentucky, and Mr. Fitzgerald of New York, appear In this debate as the special champions of the provision referred to. Messrs. Par sons, Bennet and Drlscoll were the lead ers of those who opposed the adoption of the amendment and upheld the right of the government to use the most efficient means possible In order to detect crim inals and to prevent and punish crime. The amendment "was carried in the com mittee of the whole, where no votes of the individual members are recorded, so I am unable to discriminate by mention ing the members who voted for and the members who voted against the provision, but Its passage, the journal records, was greeted with applause. lam well aware, however, that In any case of tills kind many members who have no particular knowledge of the point at issue, are con tent simply to follow the lead of the committee which had considered the mat ter, and I have no doubt that many mem bers of the house simply followed the lead of Messrs. Tawney and Smith, with out having had the opportunity to know very much as to the rights and wrongs of the question. Chip Is Knocked Off Roosevelt's Shoulder. "I would not ordinarily attempt In this way to discriminate between members of the house, but as objection has been ta ken to my language, In which I simply spoke of the action of the house as a whole, and as apparently there Is a de sire that I should thus discriminate, I will state that I think the responsibility rest ed on the committee on appropriations, under the lead of the members whom I have mentioned. "Now as to the request of the congress that I give the evidence for my state ment that the chief argument In favor of the provision was that, the congress men did not themselves wish to be inves tigated by secret service men. "The part of the Congressional Record to which I have referred above entirely supports thl3 statement. Two distinct lines of argument were followed in the debate., One concerned the question whether the law warranted the employ ment of the secret service In departments other than the treasury, and this did not touch the merits of the service In the least. The other Una of argument went to the merits of the service, whether law fully or unlawfully employed, and here the chief if not the only argument used was that the service should be cut down and restricted because Its members had 'shadowed' or investigated members of congress and other officers of the govern ment. If we examine the debate in de tail it appears that most of what was urged in favor of the amendment took the form of the simple statement that the committee held that thero had been a 'violation of law' by the use of the secret service for other purposes than suppress ing counterfeiting (and one or two other matters which can be disregarded), and that such language was now to be used as would effectually prevent all such 'vio lation of law' hereafter. Mr. Tawney, for Instance, says: 'lt was for the purpose of stopping the use of this service In every possible way by the departments of the government that this provision was Inserted'; and Mr. Smith says: 'Now, that was the only way in which any limitation could be put upon the activities of the secret service.' Mr. Fitzgerald followed in tho same vein, and by far the largest part of the argument against the employ ment of the secret service was confined to the statement that It was in 'violation of law,' Of course, such a statement is not In any way an argument In favor of the justice of the provision. It is not an argument for the provision at all. It Is simply a statement of what the gentle men making It conceive to have been the law. Regarding Restrictions of the Secret Service* "There was both by implication and di rect statement tho assertion that It was the law, and ought to be the law, that the secret service should only be used to suppress counterfeiting; and that the law should be made more rigid than ever in this respect. "Incidentally I may say that In my Judgment there is ample legal authority for the statement that this appropriation law to which reference was made Im poses no restrictions whatever upon the use of the secret service men, but re lates solely to the expenditure of the money appropriated. Mr. Tawney In the debate stated that he had in ills pos session 'a letter from the secretary of the treasury received a few days ago' In which the secretary of the treasury 'him self admits that the provisions under which the appropriation has been made have been violated year after year for a number of years in his own department." I append herewith as appendix A, the let ter referred to. It makes no such admis sion as that which Mr. Tawney alleges. It contains on the contrary, as you will see by reading It, an 'emphatic protest against any such abridgment of the rights delegated to the secretary of the treasury by existing law,' and concludes by asserting that he 'ls quite within his rights In thus employing the service of these agents' and that the proposed modi fication which Mr. Tawney succeeded In carrying through would be 'distinctly to the advantage of violators of criminal statutes of the United States.' I call at tention to tho fact that In this letter of Secretary Cortelyou to Mr. Tawney, as in my letter *o the speaker quoted be low. the expl.ylt statement is made that the proposed change will be for the bene fit of the criminals, a statement which I simply reiterated In public form in my message to the congress this year, and which is also contained In effect in the report of the secretary of the treasury to the congress. "A careful reading of the Congression al Record will also show that practically tlie only arguments advanced in favor of the limitation proposed by Mr. Tawney's committee, beyond what may be supposed to be contained by implication in cer tain sentences as to 'abuses' which were not specified, were those contained In the repeated statements of Mr. Sherley. "Mr. Sherley stared that there h«4 been 'pronounced abuses crowing out of the use of the secret service for purposes other than those Intended,' putting his statement In the form of a question, and In the sums form further stated that the 'private conduct' of 'members of congress, senators,' and others ought not to bo in vestigated by the secret service, and that they should not investigate a 'membor of congress' who had been accused of 'can duct unbecoming a gentleman and a member of congress.' In addition to these assertions couched as questions, he made one positive declaration, that 'This secret service at one time w as used for the pur pose of looking nlto the personal con duct of a member of congress." This ar gument of Mr. Sherley, the only real ar gument as to the merits of the question made on behalf of the committee on ap propriations, will be found In columns 1 and 2 of page 5."56, and column X of page 6557 of the Congressional Record. In col umn 1 of page 5556 Mr. Sherley refers to the Impropriety of permitting "the secret service men to Investigate men In the departments, officers of the army and navy and members of congress; In col umn 1. page 5557, he refers only to mem bers of congress. His speech puts most weight on the investigation of members of congress. "What appears In the record Is filled out and explained by an article which ap peared In the Chicago Inter-Ocean of January 3, 1904, under a Washington headline, and which marked the begin ning of this agitation against the secret service. It was a special article of about 3,000 words, written, as I was then in formed and now understand, by Mr L W. Busbey. at that time private sScretary to the speaker of the house. It con tained an utterly unwarranted attack on the secret service division of the treas ury department and its chief. "At the time of this publication th« work of the secret service, which was thus assailed, included especially the In vestigation of great land frauds In the west, and the securing of evidence to help the department of Justice in the beef-trust investigations at Chicago, which resulted in successful prosecutions. Efforts to Kill Move Found to Be Unavailing. "These methods proved unavailing to prevent the wrong. Messrs. Tawney and bmltli, and their fellow members on the appropriations committee paid no heed to the protests; and as the obnoxious pro vision was Incorporated In the sundry c vll bill, It was Impossible for me to con sider or discuss it on Its merits, as I should have done had it been In a sep arate bill. Therefore I have now taken the only method available, that of dis cussing it In my message to congress; and as all efforts to secure what I regard as proper treatment of tho subject without recourse to plain speaking had failed, I have spoken plainly and directly, and have set forth the facts In explicit terms. Since 1901 the Investigations covered by tho secret service division—under the practice which had been for many years recognized as proper and legitimate, and which had received the sanction of the highest 19V' officers of the government have covered a wide range of offenses against the federal law. By far the most Important of these related to the public domain, as to which there was un covered a far-reaching and widespread system of fraudulent transactions involv ing both the Illegal acquisition and the Illegal fencing of government land; and, in connection with both these offenses, the crimes of perjury and subornation of perjury. Some of the persons Involved in these violations, were of great wealth and of wide political and social Influence. Both their corporate associations and their political affiliations, and the lawless character of some of their employes, made the Investigations not only difficult but dangerous. In Colorado one of the secret service men was assusslnated. Instances In Which Secret Service Starred. "In connection with tho Nebraska prose cution the government has by decree se cured the return to the government of over a million acres of grazing land; In Colorado of more than 2,000 acres of mineral land, and suits are now pending Involving 150,000 acres more. "All these Investigations In tho land cases were undertaken In consequence of Mr. Hitchcock, the then secretary of the interior, becoming convinced that there were extensive frauds committed In his department; and the ramifications of the frauds were so far-reaching that he was afraid to trust his own officials to deal in thoroughgoing fashion with them. One of the secret service men ac cordingly resigned and was appointed In the interior department to carry on this work. The first thing he discovered was that the special agents' division or corps of detectives of the land office of the Interior department was largely un der the control of the land thieves; and in consequence the Investigations above referred to had to be made by secret service men. "If the present law, for which Messrs. Tawney, Smith, and the other gentle men I have above mentioned are respon sible, had then been In effect, this ac tion would have been impossible, and most of the criminals would unquestion ably have escaped. No more striking In stance can be imagined of the desirabil ity of having a central corps of skilled Investigating agents who can at any tlmo be assigned, if necessary In large num bers, to Investigate some violation of tho federal statutes, in no matter what branch of the public service. In this par ticular case most of the men Investigated who were public servants were in tho executive branch of the government. But In Oregon, where an enormous acreage of fraudulently alienated public land was recovered for the government, a United States senator, Mr. Mitchell, and a mem ber of the lower house, Mr. Williamson, were convicted on evidence obtained by men transferred from the secret service, and another member of congress was In dicted." Chief Asks for Reversal of Action of Bolona. The president then gave a number of other instances, all of which tend to point out the efficiency of the secret service, and he concludes: "In conclusion, I most earnestly ask, In the name of good government and de cent administration, In the name of hon esty and for the purpose of bringing to Justice violators of the federal laws wherever they may be found, whether In public or private life, that the action taken by the house last year be reversed. When this action was taken, the senate committee, under the lead of the late Senator Allison, having before It a strongly-worded protest from Secretary «ortelyou like that he had sent to Mr. Tawney. accepted the secretary's views; and the senate passed the bill In the shape presented by Senator Allison. In tho conference, however, the house con ferees Insisted on the retention of the KTovlslon they had inserted, and the senate yielded. "The chief of the secret service is paid a salary utterly inadequate to the Importance of his functions and to the admirable way In which he has per formed them. I earnestly urge that It may be increased to $6,000 per annum. I also urge that the secret service be placed where It properly belongs, and made a bureau in the department of Justice, as the chief of the secret service has repeatedly requested; but whether this Is done or not. It should be ex plicitly provided that the secret service can be used to detect and punish crime wherever it is found. "THEODORE ROO£EVBL/T." WHEN TAFT GOES TO PANAMA v.. 1.1. ■ ...... Goethals Will Give Him an Exhibition of Modern Engineering. WILL KEEP PLEDGE PRESIDENT-ELECT TAFT IS LOYAL TO PLATFORM. No Doubt as to His Attitude on Tar iff Revision—Consumers May Be Assured They Will Get Fair Play. Speaking of tariff revision at the Ohio society's dinner, Mr. Taft said; "Better no revision at all, better that the new bill should fail, unless we have an honest and thorough re vision on the basis laid down and the principle outlined in the party plat form." If the pledge of the party to the people were to be broken it would be better to break it by an act of open, courageous dishonesty, such as flat denial of revision would be, than to break faith sneakingly by a dishonest revision. The people would be more incensed, the tariff question would as sume an uglier shape, and the conse quences for the Republican party would be more serious if there should be a sham revision. Mr. Taft does not Intend that that shall happen. He pledged himself during the campaign to an honest revision. He is a man who has always meant what he said and has never used phrases that were susceptible of a double meaning. Whenever he has reached and stated a conclusion he has not changed his mind. The consumers may rest assured that though they may have no warm friends on the ways and means com mittee they will have one in the White House. Mr. Taft said at the Ohio din ner that the tariff declaration of the party "did not provide for the taking of a degree pro confesso against those in the community who could not ap pear before a committee of congress and be heard." There is comfort in this for the men with small wages who look to tariff revision for a cheapen ing of boots and shoes, clothing and many other necessities of life. They are unable togo before the ways and means committee, and only a few words have been uttered there in their behalf They and their families stand in the greatest need of an honest tariff re vision. Mr. Taft understands that, hence his repeated assurances to con sumers that they shall not be de frauded of the effective revision prom ised them by the Republican platform. —Chicago Tribune. Simply a Question of Rates. In all the speculation about the com ing tariff revision there is express or implied reference lo the Democratic fiasco of 1894. But there is nothing to warrant it. The Democrats failed be cause of a fundamental disagreement. Mr. Cleveland, as far as he had puzzled his way into the subject, was a free trader. Mr. Gorman was an out-and out protectionist. There was no bond between them. There is no such diffi culty in the Republican catnp. Stand patters and revisionists alike are for protection. The question is one of rates; one of how much protection this article or that should carry at thisiiine of day. Up to the Representative. The consumers cannot easily com bine to defend their interests. They must look to the president-elect, who is in sympathy with them, to speak for them. They have to depend on the honesty and Intelligence Mf their repre sentatives in congress. They have to depend on the government agents whose duty it is to gather the informa tion on which a tariff fair to manufac turers and consumers may be based. If the representatives do their duty by their constituents there will be the re vision of the tariff, downward in the main, which the voters believed the Republican party promised. It is evident that Judge Taft ex pects congress to prepare the right sort of bill. And at this stage of the game it is far better for him to give his confidence to congress than it would be for him to complicate the sit uation and hearten the enemy by an expression of distrust. SALARIES SHOULD BE LARGER. Milwaukee Sentinel's Approval of the Proposed Increase. The bill introduced by Senator Bourne of Oregon to increase the sal ary of the president to SIOO,OOO and the vice-president to $25,000 is a move in the right direction, declares the Milwaukee Sentinel. The pay given to our national of ficials —alike in the executive, judicial and legislative departments—is scan dalously out of proportion with the dignity and the duties of the positions | they hold. There are certain necessary social i and political duties in connection with i these offices which must be met. i Poor men or men of moderate means I cannot afford to accept these positions if they expect to fill the obligations | naturally devolving upon them in these j offices. For years the vice-presidency has been considered a nice place for a benevolently inclined man of means j who could maintain "the social dignity lof the administration." The salary of I the vice-president hardly pays vent for I a Washington house such as we would have the second highest official in the ■ land occupy. Nobody but a millionaire j can afford to take the ambassadorship j to the court of St. James. Many of our brightest and ablest men have been compelled to drop out of public life because they could not afford any longer to make the sacrifice necessary to stay there. We advocate no undue waste or ex travagance in the use of public funds, but we do believe that the richest na tion on earth ought no longer to be so downright mean and stingy in its compensation to its public officials at home and abroad. Settle Tariff Question. The meteorlike course desired by the Aldrich-Payne type of Republican statesmen tends to arouse supicion. in its platform adopted at the Chicago convention the Republican party de clares itself "unequivocally for a revi sion of the tariff at a special session of the congress immediately following the inauguration of the next presi dent." Since his elecMon Mr. Taft has announced that he will call a special session of the Sixty-first congress di rectly after March 4 next. In his cam paign speeches he pledged himself to work for a revision of the tariff sched ules,- chiefly downward. Undoubtedly there is truth in Sen ator Aldrich's declaration that the full return of prosperity will be retarded so long as there is uncertainty as to the character of the promised tariff legislation. However, the abiding prosperity which is wanted by the people of the country requires a re vision of the tariff that will bring about a fair adjustment between cost to consumers and cost of production throughout the range of manufactured goods. A revision is required which will take away the opportunities for monopoly and extortionate prices. Further, the question of additional revenue becomes pressing as the treas ury deficit grows from monlh to month. Senate's Duty Plain. According to the Washington dis patches some senators, mostly Demo crats, contend that the notes relating to tlie agreement with Japan are a treaty which should be submitted to them. After making all allowances for senatorial jealousy of prerogatives, the fact remains that this contention is prompted by the desire to make the administration a little trouble if possi ble. That is not an exalted motive at the best, and in this instance not even the bitterest enemy of the administra tion should allow it to influence him. The action which it is said certain senators contemplate would be mis understood or misrepresented in Japan. It would be construed by some as a declaration by members of the legislative department of the gov ernment that they did not approve of the policy enunciated by the executive department. No senator should be so indifferent to the large interests of his country as to do anything calculated to impair the perfect understanding which has been brought about between the two great Pacific powers.