BOOSEVELT'S BOAST Bryan Browned and Basted by New York's Governor. Democratic I*nli<»i«»« Strike nf fhe nf National Honor nn«l Pro * per It j—Pnpnera t it* l*rn|»li ecte* Thai Fulled. In an address at Detroit, Thursday, ! September C. Gov. Uoosevelt, of New j •York, spoke as follows: "In this campaign the issue of overshad- | owing importance is whether we shall con- j tinue or abandon the governmental policy j which has brought this country to the Kitfht-st pitch of prosperity at home, and wnich nas kept the national honor un stained, both ai home and abroad. To de liberately undo the work would be to dis honor the national reputation and to throw us into dreadful industrial chaos. The j Kansas City platform commits our oppon- i cuts to a policy which means material dis- j aster and moral disgrace; which means i a violent panic in the business world, and } therefore widespread and prolonged mis cry among all our people; which further means upsetting the courts, the violation of the nation's faith in financial matters, and the unwortny abandonment of our duty abroad. "If you think I am using strong language, let me read to you from Mr. Carl Schurz' speech in Chicago. September 5, 1896, in which he says: " 'And at what price will the ultimate re sult be gained in case of Mr. Bryan's elec tion? At the price of the most violent and destructive crisis on record, such a i c risis as can only be brought on by a sud- j den subversion of the standard of values and of the whole business credit At the price of indefinite business paralysis and distress. At the price of the ruthless spoli ation of the savings accumulated by the toiling masses. At the price of robbing our war veterans of half the value of their pen sions. At the price of greatly increasing the number of unemployed by discourag ing enterprise, and of curtailing the value of wages of those remaining at work. At the price of the respect of the world for our intelligence ar.d practical sense. And worse, far worse, than all this, at the price of something that has never been forfeited since this republic was born—at the price | of the greatest good a nation can possess I and for the preservation of which it should ! shed its last drop of blood—at the price of our national honor. For this nation, so rich and powerful, would stand before the vorld as a wanton, reckless repudiator, as nothing better than a fraudulent bank rupt. This will be the cost of the experi ment. Are you willing to pay this price?' "Fellow citizens, it is a grave matter, a matter of vital import to the existence of this nation. The public men who teach such moral principles to the people, edu cate the people for the contempt and ab horrence of mankind. The nation that ac cepts such moral principles cannot live. It will rot to death in the loathsome stew of its own corruption. If the nation adopt ing such moral principles be this republic, it will deal a deathblow to the credit of democratic institutions, from which the cause of free governmeru will not recover lor centuries. "Now, mind you, the platform on which Mr. Bryan stood in 18% has been reaffirmed without the alteration of a letter and with an explicit reaffirmation of the free silver plank to which Mr. Schurz particularly re ferred. Mr. Schurz told the exact truth in his scathing speech of 1596. and therefore what he said then is, of course, the exact truth to-day. In this campaign the issues involved strike at the root of our prosper ity and national honor. If the American people are true to themselves they must in the most unequivocal manner repudiate j the populistic and communistic doctrines , enunciated in the Kansas City platform, exactly as they repudiated them in '9O. The existence of any considerable party 1 v* hich affirms and reaffirms these doctrines Js in itself a serious menace to the nation's j moral and material welfare, and we have j a right to appeal to every far-sighted and patriotic man, whatever his political aflil- | iations in the past, from no matter what j section of the country he comes, to stand | with us in this struggle for national in- j tegrity. "We have a right to insist upon both wis- j dom and sincerity in the leaders of any | party who appeal for popular confidence. ! Now. let us see if we can trust the wisdom I wf our present opponents, by comparing | xheir prophecies fn '96 with the actual \ events since. ) "In 1896 Mr. Bryan insisted that 'plutoc- I racy was on one side and democracy on the J other' (speech of October 17), and that if j he was beaten 'the wage worker could not prosper.' Well, as a matter of fact, the ; wage worker during the past four years ] has prospered as never before; and the same is true of all our citizens. On Sep- j tember 19 of that year Mr. Bryan said: 1 'lf we are defeated in this campaign there j is nothing before the people but four years , more of hard times and greater agitation.' That statement carries with it its own re- ' ply. Have the last four years been easier i or harder than ihe three preceding? You j know well enough that they have been in finitely better; and it is the republican party which has restored prosperity, for it has secured the conditions which gave free play to enterprise and thrift. Mr. Bryan continued in the same speech: 'Do you think we have drained the cup of sor row to its dregs? No, my friends, you can not set a limit to the present bard times.' But. as a matter of fact, they did set a limit, for the limit was as soon as Mr Bryan's defeat was secured; and the limit would be instantly removed if he were now elected. We would all return at once into the very condition from which the election of President McKinley rescued us four years ago. "In the same speech Mr. Bryan said: 'Business men complain that business con ditions are bad. I warn them that these conditions cannot be improved by follow ing up the policies of the republican party.' Well, let business men answer whetner that warning has or has not been justified. What do you think of business conditions now as compared with four years ago? "Again, on September 22, Mr. Bryan said: 'The republican party produces a policy that makes hard times. All those who love hard times ought to vote for the republican ticket, and all those who are tired of hard times have got to vote the democratic ticket if they would expect any relief.' Now. as i have said before, what Mr. Bryan promises should be judged by the way the past events have squared with his prophecy. The event showed that voting for the republican ticket put an end to hard times. You need not take my word for this. You need only consider the con dition of yourself and your neighbors now as compared with the time when we were all paralyzed by the threat of Mr. Bryan's remedies. "Two days afterwards Mr. Bryan said: 'Remember if you continue the present conditions you will have nobody to blame except yourselves for four years more hard times,' and 'if you want this sort of thing then prepare yourselves to grin and bear it without complaining for four years more.' On October 13 he said: 'These are hard times, but they will be harder yet if the gold standard continues,' and on October 26 he prophesied: Tntil you have bimetallism, mill hands will stand on the corner and wonder when the gold standard will bring them good times.' Again, i have only got to ask you to compare our actual conditions now with what Mr. Bryan then said our condition would surely be. "We have been hearing a good deal re cently of Mr. Bryan's statement that he wanted 'to put the man before the dollar and not the dollar before the man.' There >»r« certain conditions to which such a statement might apply: but it cannot pos sibly apply to the present conditions. As things are now, it can best be compared with Mr. Bryan's other statement of Sep tember 19, lS0(i, in which he denounced the gold dollar as a 'robber' dollar. One state ment means Just as much as the other, and no more. Instead of bothering about whether the man is ahead of the dollar or the dollar is ahead of the man. or whether the dollar is a 'robber'—whatever that may mean—or anything: else preposterous, let us lix our attention on the fact that the policy followed for the last three years has resulted in bringing the man and the dollar together. That is what a man really wants with a dollar. Tie is not interested in any flight of fancy as to whether he is behind or in front of the dollar. He wants to get hold of it; and when he has got hold of it he wants to find it worth lot' cents, and not 4s cents. When a man can get hold of a dollar, he is its master; and when he cannot get hold of it, then he cannot master it. At present we give the wage worker work and we provide that ho is paid full value for his work. That is the only practical way to bring the man and the dollar together 011 terms which will give the man the advantage; and the I act of having actually carried out the policy which secured this, of having done the deeds which produced these conditions, is worth to the laboring man 10,(WO times more than all the fine phrases that can ever be uttered as to some wholly imaginary precedence of position between the man and the dollar he earns. "In his speeches Mr. Bryan kept insist ing upon the alleged fact that money was growing dearer; that under a gold standard it was bound to continue to grow scarcer. Well, as a matter of fact, and thanks to our prosperity, there is more money in cir culation per capita in the I'nited States to-day than ever before in the history of the country. On July 1 last the circulation per capita was $2»i.50, an increase in circu lation of $5.40 for every man. woman and child in the country, as compared with what it was on July 1. ls%. SoMr. Bryan's prophecy has been as wide of the mark in this instance as in every other. The pres ent year is the lirst in which the52.000,000.000 mark in circulation has ever been passed. In other words, the increase of money in circulation has kept pace with the expand ing industries and commerce of the coun try, and this increase has been predom inately due to the condition of prosperity produced by the gold standard: yet Mr. Bryan in his Minneapolis speech of four years ago predicted that commerce would be at a standstill because gold would go out of the country, and that the issuing of bonds would be necessary to bring it back. "Every single prediction he has made has been falsified by the event. On October 13 he said: 'These are hard times. They will be harder times if the gold standard continues.' On September 25 he said: 'lf you ask how the gold standard affects the farmer, we tell you that the gold standard lowers the price of products of him who sells without lowering his taxes or debts. If you ask us how the gold standard affects the laboring man, we reply that it destroys the opportunity for labor, multiplies the number of idle men and fills our streets with those anxious for work who cannot find the opportunity. The gold standard by increasing idleness brings poverty to those who ought to have enough and to spare.' On October o he said: 'The gold standard means a dearer dollar and falling prices, and falling prices mean hard times.' On Octobers he said: 'lf we have a gold standard, prices are as certain to fall as a stone which is thrown in the air.' J do not have to comment on these proph ecies. Their ludicrous falsity is patent to every farmer, every business man, every wage workt r. "Sometimes Mr. Bryan would go into more specific prophecy. In his Madison Square garden speech he insisted that sav ings bank depositors under the gold stand ard would be liable to lose their deposits and if the gold standard continued indefi nitely, would have to withdraw their de posits in order to pay living expenses. Well, last year (1899) there were in the Unit ed States 5.687.000 savings bank depositors, as against 5,085,000 in the year when Mr. Bryan spoke, and the amount of their de posits had increased by $323,000,000. Evi dently Mr. Bryan did not make a happy shot when he prophesied that if the gold standard continued the depositors would lose their deposits, or would have to with draw them. "Again, in his speech at New Haven he dwelt upon the fact that if the gold stand ard continued, the number of failures among business men would increase. Well, in 1809. as compared to 189f», the number of failures had shrunk from over 15,000 to less than 10,000, and the liabilities from over $226,000,000 to less than $90,000,000. Again Mr. Bryan's prophecy did not prove happy. "In His Chicago speech he dwelt upon the fact that if the gold standard continued it meant half time In the factories and double time on the farms. You have only to look at any factory you know to appreciate the unconsciously humorous side of that state ment. "it was on September 24, among other oc casions. that he dwelt upon his doctrine that wheat and silver went up or down to gether, and prophesied as follows: 'An American dollar will buy two Mexican dol lars, and also two bushels of wheat at the same time. There was a time 4 when an American dollar would buy only one Mex ican dollar, and then an American dollar j would buy only one bushel of wheat. If the , time ever comes when an American dollar will buy three Mexican dollars, then it will buy three bushels of wheat. But, unfor tunately, since then we have on several oc casions had dollar wheat, and, on the whole, wheat has risen, while silver has continued to fall. At present one of our dollars will purchase more than two Mex ican dollars; but it will only purchase a bushel and a quarter of wheat. Of course, as any child who had studied the subject would know, the price of wheat and the | price of silver do not bear the slightest re j lation to one another. "in his speech at Tammany Hall he said . ; 'You know that with the slightest prospect j of a foreign war we would suspend gold payments, and go either to a silver or to a | paper basis at once.' Well, since then we | have had the Spanish war. We fought it to I a successful conclusion, and no human be i ing ever thought of the gold standard be -1 ing suspended. ! "Now, when utterances such as T have | quoted represent the fine flower of a states- I man's thought as to what is best for the ! country from an economical and financial | standpoint, the country is itself to blame if ; it invites disaster by giving him a chance I to put his theories into effect. Remember ; that all these statements I have quoted , were made absolutely without qualification. | Our opponents were as cock-sure about the gold dollar being a 'robber' dollar four years ago as they are about what they are pleased to term 'militarism and imperial ism' at the present day; and their utter ances mean no more now than they meant then. I "Mr. Bryan seems at the moment uneas ! ily conscious that there is something very | wrong with his proposed financial policy, ; and talks very little about it; but he has ! definitely committed himself to it, and the I various conventions that nominated hlrn ' have reiterated their belief in all the ab- I surd and exploded theories which hecham i pioned four years ago. Unless our op ponents are guilty of the grossest hypoc risy, a hypocrisy so great as to deprive them of the right toappeal to any straight forward and sincere men. they must if they carry the election immediately start into revolutionize our whole financial system, ! and begin with a series of experiments with ; our industrial well-being, which could only | result in the most widespread disaster. No | body of men who have made such phoph j esies as our opponents made in 1896, and who have seen them falsified so signally by the result, have a right to appeal to the public to bo putin any position of respon sibility. Even if they recant their foolish | heresies they ought to serve an apprentice j ship before they expect people to trust them; and, until they do recant -outright, CAMERON COUNTY PRESS, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 20, 1900. and not merely by attempts at evasion no single promise they make, no single plan they propose lor the solution of any prob lem which confronts us, is entitled to the < onsldcratlon of patriotic and far-sighted men. "Mr. Bryan did not always confine hia prophesies to economical and financial matters. Once or twice he took excursions into patriotism. He said on one occasion: 'Show me these people who now call us anarchists, and 1 will show you a class of people who, if we hail a war would never go to the front;' and at Indianapolis: 'The men who insist upon doing our legislation in times of peace never light any battles in time of war. They are the people who call you anarchists when you insist on hav ing a hand in legislation; but in time of trouble they would come to you and say: "Oh, anarchists, save our property, be cause you know we cannot afford to tight. Well, a good many men in this audience must have had friends, or neighbors, or per haps kinsfolk who were only too anxious to goto the front In the Spanish war. and I will leave it to those men to say whether all good Americans, rich or poor, whatever their means or their social standing, did not eagerly leap forward when the call to the flag was made, anxious to stand shoulder to shoulder with one another, for getting all trivial differences in their love for their splendid common country. Such utterances as those I have quoted cannot possibly reflect credit on both head and heart. One or the other must be gravely at fault. The untruth of such utterances was shown within 24 hours after the dec laration of war with Spain. I doubt if any man, in view of what has been done during the last few years, would now venture to repeat such a jeer as that to the men who volunteer in our .armies. Now, our op ponents assume a different tone. It is a terrible and almost lamentable truth that our soldiers who are now facing death in the Philippines are forced to recognize in the Brvanistic democracy their most dan* gerous foe. I need not repeat the oft-quot ed words of Gen. Lawton. The bullets that slay our in* n in Luzon are inspired by the [ denouncers of America here. No Tagal [general, not Agulnaldo himself, can do so much to prolong the fighting, can do as much to Increase the bloodshed of Amer ican and Filipino alike as has been done by the Kansas City convention. "Since 1800 the proportion of the regular army has varied somewhat even in times of peace. It has sometimes been higher, as in 1810, when we had one and four-tenths soldiers for every 1,000 people, and in 1870, when we had one for every 1,000 people. During the Indian wars on the plains we often had a relatively larger military force than has been employed in the Philippines; and there was just as much chance of 'mil itarism* then as there Is now, and no more. "Let any one of you think of his own ex perience. You know that it makes not one particle of difference to you, as regards your private life, whether we have ten or twenty regiments of heavy artillery in our coast force; or whether we have ten or twenty regiments of cavalry and infantry engaged in keeping order, whether among the Indians on the plains or among the Tagalft in the Philippines. There is no more possibility of a draft or of any seri ous burden of military service in this coun try than there is a possibility of Georga 11l 's coming to life again; and the man who proposes to feel frightened about th« one might as well express nervousness as to the posisbility of the other. "So it is with imperialism. There is not the least little danger of imperialism, and there is not a dividing line of any kind t be drawn between our methods of expan sion in 1898 and 1899 and the methods of ex pansion under which we acquired Mich igan, Illinois. Florida, Louisiana, Minne sota, Missouri, Oregon, California. Hawaii j and Alaska. Mr. Bryan has recently spok en of us as having purchased the Philip pines at $2.50 a head, treating it as analo gous to buying slaves at SI,OOO a head. It seems impossible that such a statement could be made unless as a jest. Mr. Bryan must know that the Philippines were, paid for precisely as Florida, Louisiana, Cali fornia, and Alaska were paid for. The Fili pinos were no more purchased than were the individual dwellers in New Orleans, St. Augustine, Santa Fe and Sitka. If the Fili pinos were purchased at so much a head by President McKinley, then the inhab itants of Louisiana were so purchased by Jefferson, and the Christianized half castes of Alaska were so purchased by Seward. When in 1776 the United States de clared itself a nation, Illinois, Indiana, and Michigan formed a part of Canada. Illinois and Indiana were acquired by con quest during the revolution. Many of the inhabitants did not want to become a part |of the United States, any more than did the people of Quebec, but they were con quered and brought in. Detroit, however, was held by the British for many years after the revolutionary war ended, and was only surrendered in consequence of Jay's treaty, for what was in effect a money equivalent. The Indian aboriginal inhab itants of these states were not consulted in the treaty, nor were the white inhabitants of French extraction. The author of the Declaration of Independence, being of sane and healthy mind, did not push the doc trine of the 'consent of the governed* to a conclusion that would have resulted in our great commonwealth being confined to the east of the Alleghenies, while this mighty west, in which I am now speaking, would have been left as a hunting ground for sav ages and a dwelling place for fur traders. "Mr. Bryan and his associates cannot say enough about the 'consent of the gov erned' doctrine as applying to the Philip pines. They dwell upon the fact that 'no man is good enough to govern another.' In North Carolina, and other southern | states, we see before our eyes the process of the disfranchisement of the negro. We see before our eyes the black man governed without his consent by the white man. Be it remembered, too, that the men thus dis franchised have always been Mr. Bryan's fellow citizens, most of them born as free as he was born. 11' our opponents are sin cere they must necessarily denounce what has been done in North Carolina with even more bitterness than they have shown in denouncing what has been done in the Phil ippines. They say that in the Philippines one man is not entitled to govern another, even when the one does so only to protect the other from the rule of a savage olig archy until he grows able to protect him self. It is a matter of astonishment that such a doctrine can be eithi r uttered or lis tened to without laughter, when it is spok en by and to men who goto their candi date pledging him the votes of their states, because in those states these very men do | govern other men without their consent. Until our opponents have removed the beam from their own eye, by applying their 'consent of the governed' doctrine at home, let them hold their peace about the Tagal bandits to whom their words give fresh heart to shoot down our soldiers in tlie far eastern archipelago. "The policy of expansion is America's historic policy. We have anni xed the Phil ippines exactly as we have annexed I lawali, New Mexico and Alaska. They are now a part of American territory, and we have no more right to give them up than we have the right to restore Hawaii to the Kanaka queen or to abandon Alaska to the Esqui maux. There is not a particle of differ ence between the cases. We cannot go back, first for the sake of the islands them selves, and next for the sake- of our own honor. The men who are making speeches on the unrighteousness of our expanding in tiie Philippines might, with as much justification, incite the Sioux and the Apache tribes to outbreak against us, on tl»*' ground that we have no right to retain South Dakota or Arizona. The policy of the Kansas City platform is a policy oi economic disaster and financial dishonor at home anel of unworthy shrinking 1 rom duty abroad; and we appeal to all honest, far seeing, brave and patriotic men. north oi south, east or west, whatever their political affiliations may have 1 eeri in the past, to stand with us now against the men who would bring such &bt se and misery upon our country, and to support us, as we up hold the cause of honesty and of Industrial well-being at home and the honor of thu American flag in the face ot all the peoplei of the earth." THE OPENING IN OHIO Republican State Campaign Is Be gun at Youngstov/n. Senator* I'iirnkpr. Ilciinv anil Hmiiiii AildreMN the TliroitK —liryitii"* Ar«- Denounce*! in Men I hill It Term*. 'Die formal opening - of the Ohio republican campaign at Youngstowsi, Saturday, September 8, was a most notable atTair. Foremost among the spcukers who took part were Senators Foraker, Depew ami tlunna, whose ad <iresses are here given in part. Sen ator Koraker began by saying: "The paramount issue of this campaign is tin* administration cf William McKinley. Shall it be Indorsed or repudiated? That is the question. Money, tariff, trusts and so calleil imperialism are each and all impor tant subjects, but no one of them can be segregated from the others ar.d voted upon by itself. In other words, the democratic party cannot be restored to power as to one proposition and be excluded from pow er as to others. It must go in 'foot, horse and dragoon' or not at all. "You cannot adopt its views as to the Philippines without at the same time ac cepting free silver. You cannot agree with it about trusts and differ as to 'government by Injunction.' The proposition that 'the constitution follows the (lag' is coupled with free trade, and their lamentations about the declaration of Independence and the consent of the brown men who are to be governed in the far distant isles of the sea are coupled with a defiant nullifica tion of the constitution and a brutal de nial by violence, rapine, blood and murder of the most sacred rights of the negro citi zens of the nation, who have periled their lives for the tlag and with gallant heroism won honor and renown for the republic on the battlefields of the nation. To make a long story short, you cannot vote a mixed ticket or have a mixed result." Democracy Ever In the Wrong. The senator said the democratic party had been on the wrong side of c\ery great question for more than 50 years. Kven now, lie claimed, the party is hopelessly divided, saying: "Mr. Bryan stated tn his Indianapolis speech that if elected his first official act would be to call an extra session of con gress to carry out his views, and he asked for votes on that account; but Bourke Cockran, in ills letter to the 'Sons of lib erty,' assembled a few days after Mr. Bry an's utterance in the same city of Indian apolis, appealed to that body to support Mr. Bryan on the ground that if elected he would be powerless, because of a repub lican senate, to secure any legislation that would embody his heresies and vatraries. Mr. Cockran is willing to see Mr. Bryan elected because he thinks he cannot do worse than throw the nation into a dead lock, and what Mr. Bryan and Mr. Cockran have thus respectively set forth fairly rep resents the differences among democrats generally." The trouble with the democratic party, the senator said, was that it lacked sincerity and harmony of pur pose. and when in power was unable to redeem its own pledges. The re sults of the McKinley administration were reviewed. Senator Foraker claim ing' its promises have been fulfilled. The free silver declaration of the democracy was discussed at length, the senator holding it still the fore most desire of Mr. Bryan. \ew Cni«i|>«l«rn Cry Needed. Senator Foraker said Mr. Bryan had not deserted his silver theory, but set it aside for the present. lie con tinued : "II ■ has a new shibboleth—lt Is imperial ism. He affects to believe that President McKinley is trying to subvert the govern ment; that he is destroying the r« public iiml establishing an empire. It is in this way he refers to what we have done in Hawaii. Cuba, Porto Rico and the Phil ippines." As to the Philippines. Senator Foraker said, having driven Spain out of the is lands, there was only one thing to do—ac cept control over them. This, he said, was provided In the I'aris treaty, which was approved bv the votes of 17 democrats, ad vise ;1 by Mr. Bryan. With tie- outbreak of the insurrection, he said, no other pol icy than that pursued by President Mc- Kinley was possible. He continued: "If President McKinley had pursued such a policy as Mr. Bryan is now proposing, if elected, he would have been branded as a weak betrayer of his trust and as responsi ble for a great national humiliation. If you have any doubt about this you have only to turn back to the expressions of demo cratic' newspapers and democratic leaders at 'lie time when our trouble in the Philip pines commenced to learn that these men who are now talking about hauling down the flag, giving the Filipinos independence, anil making peace on any terms were then more imperialistic, and bloodthirsty, and tyrannical, as indicated by the advice they gave, than President McKinley has even been charged by them to be. "2f there has been any imperialism it was In accepting our title to the Philippines and the assertion of our authority and power there in the first instance, and all that had the approval of Mr. Bryan. "We cannot recede; we must go forward. We have the strength of a giant and the opportunity of the centuries. The great duty of the hour is to show that we are worthy of both." .Senlltor l)i'|ii'w PreillctM Victory. Senator Foraker was followed by Chauneey M. Depew, who said in part: "Those of us who were active during the civil war remi mber the second campaign for the election of President Lincoln The southern confederacy was exhausted. Its ere lit in Europe was impaired; its sup plies were rapidly failing. The democratic convention which met in Chicago declared the war a failure and proposed, if success ful. to recognize the southern confederacy. That declaration cost the lives of over 100,- 000 men on one side or the other and several hundred thousand of wounded and maimed. It cost the loss of millions of dollars and the devastation of vast areas which were formerly prosperous communities. "Tliirty-six years have passed. We have had war with Spain ; we have come into pos session of the Philippine islands. No one denies that our title, by conquest, by treaty, and by purchase. Is complete. A revolt was started against us by a few disap pointed leaders. This revolt has been sup pressed ; Tagal a rmics have been disbanded; Tagal leaders, with few exceptions, have surrendered and accepted our authority. Tagal government no longer exists, except under the guidance of the chief rebel, Agulnaldo. "Had the democratic convention at Kan sas City declared that before anything else was considered peace must be restored in the Philippines, tin brigands captured, and security for life and property at once as sured under Cnited States authority, the Philippines would be as peaceful to-day as the state of Ohio." Discmsing imperialism, Mr. Depew said: "I know of no situation so absurd as for Col. B»yan to stand before an Ohio audi ence and describe William McKinley as an emperor. William McKinley who, boy and man. has been your neighbor all his life—has been a good soldier and a good cll.lr.en, an able congressman, and a most bfflilunt presldexit whose whole life, ll'om the time lie enlisted as a boy until to-d«f, has been at the service of his country and for his country's best interest—William McKlnley an emperor!" Following Senator I)ep< w Senator Mark llanna &pok? as follo\v>: lull Dinner I'nll tl»e Ixniie. "Now, my fellow citizens, you have heard a gr«at deal o* talk ul late about the para mount Issue. Both of these distinguished g»-inl» men have told you all there is in all the issues and what would be the results in <lt•< idlng the.se issues. This is all a re publican orator or a teacher of any kind ••an t.-ll you—to lay the naked facta before y<- ,: : 'hen it is up to you. "This issue, whatever it is, is yours. I saw it a moment ago anions the trees—a full dinner pail. You may talk about ex pansion, anti-trust silver, government by injunction, the constitution following the flag, and all the rest of it, but. fellow citi zens. I want to tell you that this whole issue boiled down is in that dinner pail. "If this is a great nation it is great be cause of its people. If it is a successful na tion, it is so because of the industry of its people. If it has gone forward with rapid stride far beyond that of any other country in the world, it is because of the enterprise of its people, brought together from all sec tions of the world, of all nations and tongues, but with one common object—the advancement of each and every citizen, and the foundation of all that rests with our prosperity, and that prosperity rests upon the foundation of confidence, in order that we may avail ourselves of all the great interests that we have and of all the nat ural conditions that are here, placing us far beyond and above any other country in the world. Decision Renin with Voter*. "Therefore l say that the decision of all issues combined, boiled down, is now be fore you. and it is for you to say whether you will have a continuance of these con ditions, which are purely normal and whi u will be normal as long as the common sense of the people directs the affairs of their own government. "The whole foundation, I repeat, of our prosperity and advancement and develop ment rests upon that one rock, which is | confidence, and you do one single thing to weak* u that foundation and you take from und»r your structure its stability. There is not a man before me. not one who works in th« mills of Youngstown or the Mahon ing valley, who has not passed through the very results of a change of policy, and therefore any argument presented by Sen ator Foraker or Senator Depew Is ratified by the knowledge of your own experience that your own business and personal benefits must come from a continuance of these conditions. "What, my friends, is the object of th#» democratic party in bringing in these col lateral issues, except to distract your at tention from the very fact that you are prosperous and that every promise of the republican party made at St. Louis has been fulfilled; that every proposition has come to pass, and that you are reaping the benefits of those prophecies and prom ises? Now. it is a game of politics only to inject into this campaign those issues that are simply collateral. Story of n Farmer Hoy, "T cannot better illustrate that fact in warning you against these false issues than to tell you a little story that I heard the other day. It was told of a country boy who was driving home his cow and calf from pasture. They encountered a steer on the road, and the calf followed the steer and left its mother. The boy started to run after the calf to bring it back, but they both ran from him. and after exhausting himself he stopped in the middle of the road and, shaking his little list at the runaway calf, he cried: 'You little fool, you little fool, you lit tle darn fool, you will be sorry when sup per time comes.' "Now. I say. my friends, and when I say my friends the workingmen, I mean it, every word of it. I say, my friends who are working in these mills, n*>t only in the Mahoning valley, but all over the state of Ohio, don't follow the steer. If you do you will b« sorry when supper time comes. "I am glad I came, glad because this gathering has given me inspiration and confidence, coming back as I do to my native state. I feel a renewed hope, in spired by n» w energy in coming west. And in connection with those splendid leaders who are on the stump and in the councils of the party, perhaps it is in our power to awake the people to the importance and necessities of this campaign. They are important, they are necessary beyond that of any other that ever occurred in the history of the United States. It is a cam paign fraught with more interest and mora danger than even 1896, because if we fall down we have further to fall than we had in 1896. Ah lie I)i'line* Commercialism. "The progress of the United States de pends upon our going forward just as wa have commenced—in straight lines, holding in our view nothing but the interests of our own people, or, as some of our anti imperialist friends call it, commercialism. Well, I am in favor of commercialism when it comes to that. I am in favor of those conditions under which this great coun try has grown and developed until we not only can supply our population of 75,000,- 000, but when our productive capacity ex ceeds that by 33 per cent, we must have a market for the surplus of our enterprise and production must be checked. That is the plain, common-sense business proposi tion. "Will you shut down one-third, or 40 per cent., of the producing capacity of thin c ountry for the sake of taking the advice of Mr. Bryan and his so-called anti-im perialistic advisers, or will you cast aside all such demagogy and go straight for ward, following the straight road that you have learned so well under the teachings of William McKlnley. who has established our protective system, on which the gov < rnment has reached that point that wa can send our manufactured goods into every foreign country on the globe? "During the present term of President MeKinley's administration we have ex perienced a balance to our credit of manu factured goods alone of hundreds of mil lions of dollars, and our total exports over imports of products in three years amount to a credit balance of $1,460,000,000 up to the Ist of last July. I made that state ment last month at Pittsburgh, and Mr. Bryan denied it. I simply reft r him to the books of the United States treasury— and figures won't lie. That is the truth, but it is unwholesome and unsavory truth to the democrats, as it demolishes every argument that they have made. Word** of Warning. "I want to say just one word in conclu sion. The people of Ohio have never for gotten their responsibility. They have al ways responded when there was a note of danger, and while I would not throw a single shadow across our bright pathway, I want to tell republicans not only of Ohio but of all the United States that while there are republicans enough north of the Ohio river and bounded by the two oceans to elect McKlnley in every state, yet It is necessary fdr every man to do his duty. "It is necessary that we should not re main at home, expecting our neighbors will do that duty fc.r us. My friends, this is a serious mistake for any man. No man can find in liiu own heart any rea son or excuse for not performing the duty, while upon the results of that duty rest not only his own happiness and that of his fireside, but the great responsibilities of the whole nation. "Now that we are upon the firing line of nations, let us bring to our support , our spirit as well as our duty. And. there fore, in this campaign I say there Is not a man in the state of Ohio who can excuse himseJf for neglecting a single duty. Lef Ohio Chen lead the fighting in this cam paign, since she has the candidate for president. Let us push this campaign with enthusiasm and keep it up from now until the Gtii of November, and then we will meet again in Washington on the Ith of March.'' STRIKE ORDERED. President Mitchell Issues the Or der to Miners. Tlie 'II lie l.iii|il»;ra 111 llu- District AllVt icd Number 145*000 ICluli l) I'crOlll. of Whom Are Urjianizcil What 111.) lII'IIIHUII. Indianapolis, Sept. I'!.—Presidv'tlt Mitchell, of the United Mine Workers at 5 o'clock yesterday afternoon or dered a strike in the anthracite re gion of Pennsylvania. After giving :* statement of events leading lo meet ing- of executive board, the order says:"The national executive board was called together for the purpose of considering- the situation and after an examination of the facts in its possession its members were unani mously of the opinion that a .strike should be ordered at once and our hopes of improved conditions .staked upon the outcome. "During the afternoon of Saturday, September 8, while the board was still in session, information readied this office that outside influences were being brought to bear upon the coal eompanes to bring- about a sat isfactorv settlement of the questions in dispute, without resorting- to a, strike. We, therefore, issued a < ircu lar asking- you to continue work for a few days longer and hold yourselves in readiness to cease work immediate ly upon the ending of the present negotiations, when, if a settlement, was not reached, an official endorse ment of tin- strike would be sent our, by this board. "The negotiations mentioned are at an end and a settlement has not been reached. You are therefore, hereby notified that the application of the. anthracite miners to strike in accord ance with the laws of the United Mine Workers of America have been endorsed and in accordance with this endorsement all the miners and mine workers of the anthracite coal re gion. whether members of the United Mine Workers of America or not, are instructed to cease work on and after Monday, September 17, and remain away from the various collieries, stripping* and breakers until •.lie demands of the Tlazleton convention has been acceded to by the coal com panies." The order is signed by the national executive board. The order of President Mitchell, nailing out the miners in the anthra cite coal region of Pennsylvania, re calls the last great strike in the same district three years ago, which was practically ended by the tragedy at battimer, in which 21 miners were, killed and over 50 wounded by deputy sheriffs. The strike inaugurated yes terday by the I'nited Mine Workers will for the time being terminate op erations in the most productive hard coal field in the world. The mine eu.ploves in the anthra cite district of Pennsylvania number about 145,000. The membership of the union is not known to a certainty, but the leaders claim that SO per cent. of the miners are organized. The union men do not anticipate any difficulty in inducing the unorganized miners to strike. The coal basis extends over an are:«, of about 47 miles and are distributed throughout several counties, the more important workings being lo cated in Luzerne, Lackawanna, Schuylkill. Carbon and Northumber land counties. In their demands the miners as : c the correction ol many evils, the more important of which are the fol lowing: Abolition of the company store: reduction in the price of pow der to $1.50 a keg: abolition of com pany doctors; semi-monthly payment, of wages, abolition of the sliding* scale, wages paid in cash, 2,24(» pounds to the ton. an advance of :M per cent, in wages less than sl.. r >o and not exceeding SI.7S a day: that all classes of day labor now receiving $1.50 and not exceeding $1.75 shall re ceive 15 per cent, over present wages: that all day labor now receiving $1.7.» shall be advanced 10 per cent. Pottsville. Pa., Sept. 14.—There i« no change in the strike situation in this locality. Everything is quiet. The men at the collieries were at. work in force yesterday. There ix very little strike talk south of the ISroad mountain. Wilkesbarre. I'a., Sept. 14. Xcarly all the local assembles of United Mine Workers held meetings last night f<» take action on President Mitchell's strike order. The statement issued by Mr. Mitchell was read by the sec retaries In some of the assemblies the reading of it was received with much enthusiasm, while in others there was dead silence The strike order has now been officially promul gated in the Wyoming- district and everv member of the United Mine Workers' organization will be expect ed to quit work on Saturday night, at the latest. The union miners say all hands will quit when the tinu* eomes. The operators say this will net be the case, as they have pledges from many men that they will con tinue at work if it is concluded t\» keep the collieries in operation. llaselton. Pa.. Sept. 14.—William Morgan, owner of an independent colliery at Audenri<»l, which employs about 20 men. has agreed to yield to the demands of the mine workers and the men will not go out on strike. Officer* Elected. Syracuse, \. V., Sept. !'!. —At yes terday's session of the nineteenth an nual national encampment of the Sons of Veterans the officers elected were. Commander-in-chief, K. A. Al exander. of Heading l'a.; senior vice commander. A. 11. Uawitzer. of Oma ha. Neb.; junior vice commander. Charles S. Davis, of Washington, D. C.; consul, Dan C. Cable, of Nelson ville, O.; C. ,T. Post, of Grand Ilapids, Mch., and James A. Adams, of Atlan tic City, N. .1. Providence, It. 1., was selected as the place of holding th« next encampment.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers