Special HOLIDAY Edition. Pages. vwwvvvwvvv VOL ao mm MUST SUBMIT Text of the President's Venezuela Message. The Utile Republio Will Be Pro. tected by Forcr, If Nocccasary No Calamity Bo Great an Ruplno Subtnlaslon to Wrong Tho Mon roe Doctrlno Applies Ho Heroin mend the Selection of a Cnnimli Ion to Ascertain I ho Boundary Lord Salisbury's Note. Washington, Dec. IS. The following In the full text of tho message sent to Congress yesterday by President Cleve land In connection with tho Venezuela correspondence: "To tho congress In my minimi menage to the congress on the 3d Inst. 1 called attention to the pending boun dary dispute between lirc.'it Itritnin and tho republic of Venezuela, und re cited tho substance of a representation imido by thin government to her Bri tannic majesty's government, suggest tag reasons why such dispute should bo submitted to arbitration for settlement and inquiring whether it would be so submitted. Tho answer of the British government, which was then awaited, has since been received, nnd, togcthtv with tho dispatch to which it is a re ply, is hereto appended. Such reply is embodied in two coiumuuicutious ad dressed by tho liritish prime minister to Sir .lu linn Pauneefote, the British atnbussudor ut this capital. It will be seen that one of these communicatijns is devoted exclusively to observations lipon tho Monroe doctrine ami eluims that lu tho Dresent instance a new and Ktrango extension and development of tho doctrine is insisted upon by the United Mates; tliatttio reasons jusuiy ing an appeal to tho doctrine enunci ated by President Monroe nro gener ally Inapplicable 'to tho state of things in which we live at the present day,' and especially inapplicable to a contro versy involving tho boundary line be tween Great Britain and Venezuela. Monroe Dnclrlno Bound. "Without attempting extended argu ment in reply to theso positions, It may not bo amiss to suggest that the doctrine upon which we stand is strong and sound because its enforcement is important to our peace and safety as a nation and is essential to tho integrity of our free institutions and the tran quil inaiutenanco of our distinctive form of government. It was inteudod to apply to every stage of our national life, and cannot become obsolete whilo our republic endures. If the balance of power is justly a cause for jealous anx iety among tho governments of the old world, and a subject for an abso lute non-iuterferenee, none tho less is an observance of tho Monroe doctrino of vital concern to our people and their government. Assuming, therefore, that we may properly insist upon this doctrino without regard 'to tho state of things in which we live,' or any changed conditions hero or elsewhere, it is not apparent why its application may not be invoked in the present con troversy. If a European power, by an extension of its boundaries, takes pos session of the territory of one of our neighboring republics against its will and in derogation of its rights, it is difficult to see why to that extent, Buch European power does not there by attempt to extended its system of government to that portion of this con tinent which is thus taken. This is the preclso action which president Mon roe declared to be 'dangerous to our peace and safety,' and it can make no difference whether the European sys tem is extended by an advance of fron tier or otherwise Exclusive American 1'rliiclplei. "It is also suggested in the British reply that we should not seek to apply the Monroe doctrine to the pending dis pute, because it does not embody any principle of international law which 'is founded on the general consent of na tions,' and that 'no statesman, however eminent, and no nation, however pow erful, are competent to insert into tho code of international law a novel prin ciple which was never recognized bo fore, and which has not since been ac cepted by the government of any other country.' Practically, the principle for which we contend has peculiar, if not exclusive, relution to the United States. It may not have been admitted in so many words to the code of inter national law, but since in international counsels every nation is entitled to rights belonging to it, if the enforce ment of the Monroe doctrine is some thing we may justlyclalm. it has its place in the code of international law as certainly and as securely as if it were specifically mentioned, and when the United States is a suitor before the high tribunal that administers interna tionullaw tho question to b acter mined is whether or not we pi claims which tho justice or mat con Jaw can Hud to bo Hgm anu iuU rlne finds its recogi inlM of intermit law which are based upon tho tlJ"y thr.t everv najtion shall have h ru protected r.nd its just claims enforced, t Icnr llluhm and Undoubted Claim "Ofcourse this government Is entirely confident that, under the sanction of this doctrine, we have clear rights and undoubted claims. Nor is this ignored in tho liritish reply. Tho prime minis ter, while not admitting that the Mon roe doctrine is applicable to present conditions, states. In declaring that the United States Vnikl resist any such enterprise if it was contemplated, President Monroe adopted a policy which received the entire sympathy of the English government of thut date.' He further declares: 'Though the lan guage of President Monroe is directed to tho attainment of objects which most Englishmen would agree to be titulary, it is impossible to admit that they have been Inscribed by any adequate authority in the code of in ternational law.' Again he says: 'They (her majesty's (government, fully con cur with tho view vhich President Monroe npparently entertained, that any disturbance of the existing terri torial distribution in that hemisphere by any freNh acquisitions on the part of any European state, would be a highly inexpedient change. Anxious to learn in a satisfactory manner whether Great ltritain sought under a claim of boundary, to extend her pos sessions on this continent without right, or whether she merely sought possession of territory fairly included within her lines of ownurship, this government proposed to tho govern ment of Great ltritain a resort to arbi tration as the proper means of settling the question, to the end that a vexatious boundary dispute between tho two con testants might be determined and our exact standing and relation In respect to the controversy might be made clear. Our Cnurso Is Clear. "It will be seen from the correspond ence herewith submitted that this pro position has been declined by tho lirit ish government upon grounds which, in the circumstances, seem to bo far from satisfactory. It is deeply disap pointing that such an appeal, actuated by the most friendly feedings towards both nations directly concerned, ad dressed to the sense of justice and to the magnanimity of one of tho great powers of tho iU'ld and touching its relations to one comparatively small and weak, should havo produced no better results. Tho course to be pur sued by this country, in view of tho present condition, does not appear to admit of serious doubt. Having labored faithfully for many years to induce Great ltritain to submit this dispute to impartial arbitration, and having been now finally apprised of her refusal to do so, nothing remains but to accept the situation, to recognize its pluin re quirements, and to act accordingly. Great Britain's present proposition has never thus far been regarded ns admis sible by Venezuela, though any ad justment of the boundary which that country may deem for her advantage and may enter into of her own free will cannot, of course, be objected to by tho United States. " The United States Must Act. "Assuming, however, that the atti tude of Venezuela will remain un changed, the dispute has reached such a stage as to make it now Incumbent upon tho United States to take meas ures to determine with sufficient cer tainty for its justification what is tho true divisional line between the repub lic of Venezuela and British Guiana. Tho inquiry to that end should, of course, bo conducted carefully and ju dicially, and due weight should bo given to all available evidence, records aud facts in support of the claim of both parties. Must Iteslst By Every Means. "In order that Buch an examination should be prosecuted in a thorough and satisfactory manner, I suggest that the congress make an adequate appro priation for tho expenses of a commis sion to be appointed by the executive, who shall make the nooessary investi gation and report upon the matter with the least possible delay. When such report is made and accepted It will, in my opinion, be the duty of the United States to resist by every means in its power as a wilful aggression upon its rights and interests tho ap propriation by Great Britain of any lands; ir the exercise of any govern mental jurisdiction over any territory which after investigation we have detefiiined of right belong to Vene zuela. In making those recommenda tions I am fully alive to the full re sponsibility Incurred, and keenly real ize all the consequences that may fol low. No Calamity Like Supine Submission "I 'bin, nevertheless, firm In my con vtetio that whilo it is a grievous thing to coi template the two great English speaking people of the world as being othtrvvise than friendly competitors in therinward march ot civilization, anu uous and worthy rivals In all tno f peace, there Is no calamity a great nation can invite which that which follows a supine don to wrong and Injustice and ;equent loss of national selt-re- id honor, beneath whloli is ,ind defended a people's safety greatness. "UllU V JiU VUE, buaa -. BL00MS1JURG, PA.. FKIDAY. DECEMBER 20. H I,IM(L KV.H REPLY. The Monroe Dnctrlno Not Applica ble to tlio Venezuela Depute. Washington, Pec. in. The BHtish sidu of the. Venezuela dispute ii embod ied H two notes fr.n Lord Salisbury to Mr Julian l'auncefote. Both notes em dated tho same day, and one, which the ambassador is directed tocominunl eat to Secretary Olney, is of the high est Importance, as in it Lord Selisbury goes broadly Into the Monroe doctrino. The main points are as follows: Differs with Olney. "On tho 7th of August I transmitted to Lord Gough a copy of the dispatch from Mr. Olney, which Mr. Bayard had left with mo that day, and of which he had read portions tome. I in formed him at the time that it could not be answered until it had been care fully considered by the law ollicers of tho crown. I havo therefore deferred replying to it until after tho recess. I will not now deal with those portions of it which deal exclusively with the controversy that has for some time past existed between the republic of Venezuela and her majesty's govern ment in regard to the boundary which separates their dominions. I tako a very different view from Mr. Olney of vsrious matters upon which ho touches fn that part of tho dispatch. Tho con tentions set forth by Mv. Olney are rep resent! by him as being an applica tion of the political maxims which are well known in American discussion un der the name of the Monroe doctrine. No Danger of European Imposition. "As far as I am aware, this doctrino has never before been advanced on be half of tho United States in any writ ten communication addressed to tho government of another nation, but it has been generally adopted and r.s sumed as true by many eminent writers and politicians in tho United States. It Is said to have largely influenced tho government of that country in the conduct of its foreign affairs; though Mr. Clayton, who wns secretary of state under President Taylor, expressly stated that that administration hnd in no way adopted it. The dangers which were npprehendal by President Mon roe have no relation to the state of things in which we live at the present day. There Is no danger of any alli ance imposing its system upon any portion of the American continent, and there is no danger of any European state treating any part of the Ameri can continent as a fit object of Europe an colonization. Purely a Personal Dispute. "Tho British empire and tho repub lic of Venezuela are neighbors, and they differ as to the lino by which their dominions are separated. It is a controversy with which the United States have no apparent prac tical concern. It is' difficult, indeed, to see how it can materially affect any state or community outside those pri marily interested, except, perhaps, other parts of her majesty's dominions, such as Trinidad. It is simply the de termination of the frontier of a British possession which belonged to tho throne of England long before the re publio of Venezuela came into exist ence." What England Would Do. The second note of November 25 is wholly devoted to a discussion of tho boundary dispute, exclusive of its re lation to the Monroe doctrine. This dispatch, however, sounds the keynote of Great Britain's position with refer ence to Mr. Olney's representations. Lord Salisbury states that Great Brit ain has repeatedly expressed its will ingness to submit to arbitration the conflicting claims of Great Britain to territory of great mineral value, and follows this statement with these im portant words:- "But they (the British government) cannot consent to enter tain or to submit to tho arbitration of another power or a foreign jurist, however eminent, claims based on ex travagant pretensions of Spanish of ficials in the last century, and involv ing the transfer of large numbers of British subjects who have for many years enjoyed the settled rule f the British colony, to a nation of different race and language, whoso political system is subject to frequent disturb ance, and whose institutions as yet too often afford very inadequate protection to life and property. No isr.uo of this description has ever been involved in the questions which Great Britain and the United States have consented to submit to arbitration, and her majes ty's government is convinced that in similar circumstances the government of the United States would be equally firm In declining to entertain propo sals of such a nature." Lord Salisbury concludes with tho statement that her majesty's government have not surren dered the hope that tho controversy between themselves and Vonozuela will be adjusted by reasonable arrange ment at an early date. Throw the Priest Out Bodily. La lifting, Mich., Deo. 18. A number of the parishoners of St. Mary's Roman Catholic church who are opposod to Father Slattery wont yesterday to the priest's house, dragged him from bod, and throw him bodily into tho street. It is probable that thoy will all bo ex-cA-Vicated. ,"T"":. I -V UPiLQ His Action Forceful and Has General Approval. The Venezuela Affair the All-absorbing Toplo oT Conversation In Washington Views of Sonators and Representatives The Mes sage Cheered. Washington, Dee. 18. President Cleveland's Venezuela message Is the all absordlng toplo of conversation in both official and private circles to-dny ond the concensus of opinion Is in ef fect that the president's attitude was forceful and In thorough accord with the sentiments of the people generally. When tho mcssago was read in the sen ate evidences of approval were equally strong and significant on both sides of the chamber perhaps even more so on the republican than on the democratic side. Mr. Morgan, dem., Ala., looking over to tho republican side remarked that there was "no mistaking the meaning of that," and Mr. Erye, rep., Me., gave an assenting nod, with the remark "that is capital." The message and accompanying papers were ordered printed ami referred to the committco on foreign relations. The committee was authorized to sit during any recess of tho senate. In the house the read ing of tho message evoked hearty ap plause on both sides. It was referred to the committee on foreign affairs. Views of Representatives. Mr. Russell, rep., Conn.: Tho message is good. Anything less would be unpa triotic and cowardly in a president of the United Statec A commission will delay the settlement of the controversy and furnish Information already known. Its suggestion is prudent, perhaps, and allows England a chance to retract. Mr. McCreary, dem., Ky., who was chairman of the foreign affairs com mittee in the 'last congress: It is vigor ous, powerful and able. As a reaffirma tion of the Monroe doctrine it will at tract wido attention and, I believe, be generally approved by tho people. Mr. Cummlngs, dem., N. Y.: The mes sage breathes the spirit of Thomas Jef ferson, James Monroe and Andrew Jackson. President Cleveland's action stands in strong contrast with the cow ardly action of Lord Sulisbury in Ar menian affairs. The president stands by the Monroe doctrino, and he un doubtedly means every word he says. Mr. Bartlett, dem., N. Y.: I am glad to sco that the president has decided in favor of resisting the aggressions of Great Britain in respect to the boundary dispute. I bcliove it is practically con ceded that England's title to a large part of the disputed territory is a title which might alone gives. We should force Great Britain to recede from her position and relinquish the territy. South Amerloau Diplomats Pleased. The diplomatic representatives of American republics in Washington were highly elated over the message and nearly all of them cabled copious extracts of the document to "ttieir re spective governments. Ever since the Corinto affair they had been somewhat despondent over the supposed indispo sition of tho United States to resist foreign aggressions on the" American continent, but now they cannot find language adequate to express their ad miration for the president's forcible utterances, particularly in regard to the possible resort to other competi tions than those "in the arts of peace." None of the American ministers or charge d'affaires, however, consented to speak authoritatively for their gov ernments in the absence of instructions nor would any be led into a public in terview on the subject. Expressions of Senators. Mr. Gorman, dem., Md. : It is a very thorough, emphatic and strong Ameri can message. It looks very much as if the president intended to enforce the Monroe doctrine. Mr. Call, dem., Fla. : It is excellent, splendid. The matter is still open to arbitration and I am sure England will finally consent. Mr. Lodge, rep., Mass.: The message is tho most serious and important utter ance which has been submitted by any president to congress for many years. As a matter of course I heartly ap prove of its spirit and the general posi tion taken. ' REBELS TWICE DEFEATED. Government Success In Cuba Re ported at Madrid. Madrid, Dec. 18. A dispatch to the Impareiul from Santiago de Cuba says thut a government force under the command of Col. Garrido has twice de feated the rebels under Jose Macco at Peladoros. Tho dispatch further say that Col. Zumara has routed 800 Insur gents at Jamal. The Spanish losses in each of tho engagements was slight. Rebel Do Tout Reported. Madrid, Deo. 18. A dispatch to the Impurolal from Havana says that Colonel Arizon has defeated Gomez and Macoo with heavy loss at Mai Tiempe. The rebels retreated hastily, burning the railway bridge at Flore behind them and cutting off communication. 1S95. flSKDIH British Press Comment on the Message. The Views Advanced by President Cleveland Are Vigorously Com batted The Monroe Doctrine a Matter Only of History Now, the Newspapers Claim. London, Dee. 18. The Dally News, commenting on President Cleveland's message to congress on the Venezuelan question, will to-day say: "The presi dent's communication is a remarkable document, though its consequences are not likely to be serious. Neither Mr. Olney nor the president seem to realize that the Monroe doctrine cannot be quoted as authoritative in negotiations with a foreign power. Botli of them are certainly as far as possible from suspecting that the real author of tho doctrine was Canning, not Monroe. Great Britain in 1833 was jealous of tho Spanish encroachments in South America and induced Monroe to protest egainst European aggression on Ameri can soil. The seventy-two years that have since elapsed havo entirely changed that situation. The Monroe doctrine is now purely of historical in terest. Tho definition of tho doctrine, however, is u matter for the Americans themselves. It binds nobody else. The president in his account of the doctrine surrenders the whole case. It follows from the message thut Guiana, and, indeed, Canada, have no right of in dependent existence on American soil. Tho concluding portions of Mr. Cleve land's message are not expressed in the language usually employed by one friendly power to another. They are aggressive, even menacing.. England is threatened with war unless she permits Mr. Cleveland to adjust the boundaries of Venezuela. Happily, there is some sense of humor in the American people. Regarded as a party move, the message is not unskilful. It puts the republi cans in a hole." AVIth Blank Astonishment. The Chronicle will say: "The mes sage will be read in this country with blank astonishment. An American commission to determine what terri tory a British colony can call its own, and failing our compliance with its finding, war by land and sea with Great Britain. Can these be serious words addressed to us by the descend ants of the little shipload of English folks who sailed in the Mayflower? We will not take things too seriously. We will suppose that the president is engaged in the familiar work of twist ing the lion's tail. There is one answer to President Cleveland and America. I f a n enlarged application of a neglected doctrine is to be enforced with all the might of the United States at least let us be assured of the correlative that tho United States will make itself re sponsible for the foreign policy of all the petty, impetuous little states on the two continents of America. There is no international right without cor responding duty. We can only express genuine regret at tho tone of the docu ment, which meets no argument made by Lord Salisbury, and which applies a threat of force from a daughter state to the motherland over an ob scure, trumpery dispute in which the United States has no real interest, but the message cannot obscure of defeat the affection which subsists between the two countries, or break tho ties of blood that must needs bine them in in dissoluble union." Outdone the Republicans. The Morning Post says: "President Cleveland has outdone the republican party in his effort to show his dislike for this country, yet he has not com mitted himself to anything. The inter national law tribunal that President Clevelund asks congress to set up can have no more binding effect on this country than would a decision by the supreme court at Washington." Cleveland's Position Preposterous. The Standard says: Most Englishmen will read the message with unfeigned astonishment. The position taken by Mr. Clevelund is preposterous. There can be only one answer to such a de mand. We decline to humiliate our selves and refuse to accept the decision of the United States' executive in mat ters altogether outside of his jurisdic tion. As British subjects have settled up to the Schomburgk line, we cannot possibly withdraw our protection and leave them to the risks of the revolu tions and misrule of tho republic; but beyond tho pale of settlement we are quite willing to accept arbitration. By the same rule the United States might be asked to submit their title to Alaska to tho judgment of impartial umpires. Congress would Indignantly reject such a demand. So will the British govern ment reject tho present demand." ALLEN O. THUHMAN'S WILL. An Estate of About $100,000 Left. Three Children Survive Him. Columbus, 0., Deo. 18. The will of Allen G. Thurman will be read in pro bate court Thursday. Tho estate is worth about 8100,000. There are three children Elizabeth T. MeCormack, " Mary T. Halliday and Allen W. Thui , NO 51 Riots Attend Philadelphia's Traction Strike. Not a Wheel of tho Company In volvod Turning This Morning and Only One Line In the City In Oper ation Mob, Composed Mostly of Roys, Wreck About 800 Cars. Philadelphia, Dec. 18. Riot and de struction marked the opening day of the great strike of the street car em ployes of the Union Traction company. Aided by the mischievous, lawless ele ment, the strikers succeeded in com pletely tieing up the lines of the Union Traction company this morning, with the exception of the one line not con trolled by the company Involved in the strike, not a street car wheel was turn ing in Philadelphia. Never before in the history of the city has there been witnessed such widespread disorder. To the credit of the strikers it may bo said that the disorders were created by too ardent sympathizers. Boys held up cars and drove the motormen and conductors from their posts with vol leys of bricks and stones and then smashed the glass in the windows of the cars, cut the trolley ropes, pulled out tho fuses, smashed in the cash registers und tore off the fenders in front of the cars. In all about 300 cars were badly wrecked, and lust evening tho traction company gave up the ef fort to run ears, and, with the aid of the police, withdrew their shattered and abandoned rolling stock back Into the car sheds. More Trouble Anticipated. The mayor issued a proclamation calling upon all good citizens to pre serve the peace and asking them to refrain from gathering in crowds on the streets, lie further added that violence and riot would be met with force and that the peace of the city will be preserved at all hazards. While the crowds attacked the cars, the spirit of the mob seemed to be one of malicious mischief more than threaten ing temper that marks a real riot. Tho suddenness of the numerous outbreaks seemed to take the police by surprise, and for a time cars were wrecked with impunity In the very heart of the re tail shopping district. Then the patrolmen were massed at every threatened point and this morning every policeman in the city is on duty. Tho company made no attempt to run cars last night, but under polico protection they will start tho Market street branch of their line some time to-day, and trouble is sure to follow, and to-day may witness more serious rioting than took place yesterday. Strikers Made No Disturbance. The strikers attempted no interfer ence with the cars, but confined their efforts to trying to dissuade tho motor men and conductors who were not with them from going out on tho cars. They met them as they went to work and talked with them, and in many cases were successful. Where a man would refuse to join them he might get sharp ly spoken to, but beyond this he was not threatened. In anticipation of any trouble six squads of policemen were massed atHhe various oar stables as the most likely places where it would oc cur. The polico allowed no congrega tions of men around the car stables, but they met with the greatest annoy ance from women and boys who stood by and jeered and hooted at tho motor men and conductors as they went out. There was no concerted movement to attack tho cars, but in a dozen different places at once obstructions were put on the track. When the cars came to a stop somo ono would throw a stone. Then missiles of every description would strike the car until not a window was left. In no case were the motor men or conductors very roughly han dled, tho crowds being content to wreck tho cars. Boys the Wreckers. ' I Some of the worst destruction oo curred on Chestnut street. A little bootblack alongside a stalled car swung his box and dashed it through one of the windows. Every boy in the crowd immediately proceeded to take a hand in the destruction and in less time than it takes to think of it every ( light in the car was broken. The stall ing of this car banked up behind it as far as Thirteenth street thirteen other cars. The mob swept up tho street with stones and clubs and drove tho conductors and motormen away and wrecked tho cars. Because a motor-1 man, ho was being hooted at by a ; store messenger boy, mude a kick at the younster a gang of his companions dragged tho motormun and conductor . from their platforms and wrecked the ' car In a twinkling. Just above Ninth street a policeman was standiug be side ono of the wrecked cars hemmed In by the crowd. A boy about 17 year of ago jumped on tho car and tukinif a heavy Iron switch rod proceeded to deliberately wreck the interior. After he had finished his work he disap peared. Tho police were powerless to top him.
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