flic gdfcvl giHjmw IS PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING BY I. It. Dill BORROW AXD JOISFS LCTZ, ON .IUI.IANA St., opposite the Mengel House BEDFORD, PENN'A TKR3LS: f'4.00 n year if paid stvictly in advance. If not |Mld within lx tiionlb, t' It not paid within the year 83.00. ATTORNEYS AT LAW. JH. LONGENECKER, . ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA., All business entrusted to his care will rcceivo prompt attention. jgit" OFFICE with S. L. RUSSEL, Esq., nearly opposite the Court llouse. Oct. 16, '66.-6 m. B. F. METERS W - DICKERSON MEYERS & DICKERSON, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD, PENS A-> Office same as formerly occupied by lion. W. I. Scholl, two doors east of the Gazette office, will practice in the several Courts of Bedford cou y. Pensions, bounties and back pay obtained and the purchase of Real Estate attended to. May 11, '66— lyr. I cmt t. x MAor ' attorney at law . BEDFORD, PENN'A., Offers to give satisfaction to all who may en trust their legal business to him. MIU collect moneys on evidences of debt, and speedily pro cure bounties and pensions to soldiers, theirwid ows or heirs. Office two doors west of Telegraph office. a P rll: 661y ' Jib CESSNA, ATTORNEY AT LAW, OQiee with JOHN CESSNA, on Julianna street, in the office formerly occupied by King A Jordan, and recently by Filler & Keagy. All business entrusted to his care will receive faithful and prompt attention. Military Claims, Pensions, Ac., speedily collected. Bedford, Jur.e 9, 1865. J- M'D. *• P - "R" SIIARPE A KERR, A TTORNK YS-A T-LA W. Will practice in the Courts of Bedford and ad joining counties. All business entrusted to their care will receive careful and prompt attention. Pensions, Bounty, Back Fay, Ac., speedily col lected from the Government. Office on Juliana street, opposite the hanking house of Reed A Schcll, Bedford, P. mar2:tf J'OHN PALMER. ATTORNET AT LAW, Will promptly attend to all business entrusted to his care. jvn particular attention paid to the collection of Military claims. Office on Julianna St., nearly opposite the Mcngcl House.) J une 6xl y J. R. DURBOBROW JOHN LETS. DTTKBORROW A ISTJTZ, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEBFORD, PA., Will attend promptly to Rll business intrusted to their care. Collections made on the shortest no- They arc, also, regularly licensed Claim Agents and will give special attention to the prosecution of claims against the Government for Pensions, L'a< k Pay, Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac. office on Juliana street, one door South of the 'Men > r el House" and nearly opposito the Inquirer officeT April 28, 1865:1 T7ISPY M. ALSIF. h ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA., Will faithfnlly and promptly attend to all busi nci. entrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoin ing counties. Military claims, Pensions, bacs i t '\ Bounty, i Mann A Spang, on Juliana street, 2 doors south of the Mengel House. apll, 1864.—if. MA. POINTS, ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Respectfully tenders hi? professional services to the public. Office with J. W. Lingenfeltrr, Esq.. on Juliana street, two doors South of the "Mingle House." Dec. 9, ISM-tf. T O IIN MOWER, t | u ATTORNEY AT LAW. BEDFORD, PA. April 1,1864. —tf. KIMMEI.L AND LINGENFELTER, ATTORNEY'S AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. llavo formed a partnership in the practice of the Law Office on Juliana Street, two doors South of the Mengel House, nprl, IS64— tf. DEXTISTS. C. N. *• <>. MINNICH, JR. DENTISTS, BEDFORD, PA. OJfice in the Hank Building, Juliana Street. All operations pertaining to Surgical or Me chanical Dentistry carefully and faithfully per formed and warranted. TERMS CASH. Tooth Powders and Mcuth Wash, excellent ar tides, always on hand. jan6'6s-ly. DENTISTRY. 1. N. BOWSER, RESIDENT DFNTIST, YVOOD IIKRHV, l'a., visits Bloody Run threedays of each month, commencing with the second Tuesday of the month. Prepared to perform all Dental oper ation- with which he may be favored. Term* r 111, 1.1 the reach of all ami etrictly caek except by nl contract. Work to be sent by mail oroth- V MO. must 1-c paid for when impressions are taken, auga, '64:tf. rillSlllAJlN. DR. GEORGE C. DOUGLAS Respectfully tenders his professional services to the people of Bedford and vicinity. ,£3*- Residence at Maj. Washabaugh's. Office two doors west of Bedford Hotel, up stairs. aul7:tf VUM. YV. JAMISON, M. D., Y\ BLOODY RON, PA., Respectfully tenders his professional services to the people of that place and vicinity. [decß:lyr OK. B. F. JIXRRY, Respectfully tenders his professional ser vices to the citizens of Bedford and vicinity. Office and residence on Pitt Street, in the building formerly occupied by Dr. J. 11. Uofius. April 1,1564—-tf. 1 L. MARBOURG, M. D., fj . Having permanently located respectfully tenders his pofcssional services to the citizens of Bedford and vicinity. Office or. Juliana street, opposite the Bank, one door north of Hall A Pal mer's office. April 1, 1864—tf. JEWELER, dr. VIiSALOM GARLICK; CLOCK AND WATCH-MAKER, BLOODY RUN, PA. Clocks, Watches, Jewelry, Ac., promptly re paired. All work entrusted to his care, warranted to give satisfaction. lie also keeps on hand and for sale WA TON US, CLOCKS, and JE H ELK Y. ILJ3- Office with Dr. J. A. Mann. my 4 DANIEL BORDER, I'LTT STREET, TWO DOORS WEST OF THE BED FORD HOTEL, BEBFORD, PA. WATCHMAKER AND DEALER IN JEWEL RY. SPECTACLES. AC. lie keeps on hand a stock of fine Gold and Sil ver Watches, Spectacles of Brilliant Double Refin ed Glasses, also Scotch Pebble Glasses. Gold Watch Chains, Breast Pins, Finger Rings, best quality of Gold Pens. He will supply to order any thing in his line not on hand, apr. 28, 1865— 18. JM. LEHMAN, .JUSTICE OF THE PEACE AND SCRIVENER, COAL DALE. Will promptly attend to all collections intrusted to him. He will also execute all instruments of writing with neatness and dispatch. Coal Dale, Sept. 14, 1866 :6in. fGcMinD 3fnqmtcr. BUR BORROW Jt LITZ Editors and Proprietors. FIRMNESS. BT rHtEBK CARET. Well, let him go, and let him stay— I do not mean to die ; I guess he'll find that I can live Without him, if I try ; lie thought to frighten me with frowns, So terrible and black— He'll stay away a thousand years Before 1 ask him back I He said that I had acted wrong, And foolishly beside ; I wont forget him after that— I wouldn't if I died, If I was wrong, what right had he To be so cross with me ? I know I'm not an angel quite— I don't pretend to be. He had another sweetheart once, And now when we fall out, He always says she was not cross, And that she didn't pout. It is enough to vex a saint— It'B more than I can bear; I wish that girl of his was— Well, I don't care where. He thinks that she was pretty, too — Was beautiful as good ; I wonder if she'd get him back Again now, if she could ? I know she would, and there she is— She lives almost in sight ; And now it's almost nine o'clock— Perhaps he's there to night. I'd almost write to him to come — Hut then I've said I won't ; I do not care so much, but she Shan't have him if I don't. Besides I know that I was wrong, And he was in the right ; I guess I'll tell him so —and then — I WISH he'd come to-night. INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF GOV. J. W. GEARY, Delivered January 15, 1867. FELLOW CITIZENS— Honored by the se lection of the sovereign people of my native State, as their choice for Chief Magistrate of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, it is with mingled fecltDgs of humility and grati tude that I have appeared in the presence of my fellow countrymen, and before the Search er of all Hearts, to take the solemn obliga tion prescribed as a qualification for that ex alted station, "to support the Constitution of the United States, and the Constitution of Pennsylvania, and to perform my official duties with fidelity." Profoundly sensible of everything that is implied by this manifestation of the people's confidence, and more deeply impressed with the vast importance and responsibilities of the office, than elevated by its attendant honors, let it be oar first grateful duty to return fervent thanksgiving to Almighty God for his constant providence and ttnnum hora.l LLuwi'nas to us as a people, and espe cially mine to implore His aid and council in the discharge of civil trusts, who has been my shield and buckler amidst scenes of peril and death. In addressing you on this occasion, in ac cordance with a custom originating with the Republican fathers, I propose briefly to ex press my opinions on such questions as con cern our common constituency, and relate to our common responsibilities. Like countries of the Old World, our na tion has had its internal commotions. From the last of these we have scarcc'y yet emer ged, and during which "war's desolation'' passed over our land, leaving its blighting influences principally upon those unfortu nate States whose people rebelled against the government, and notwithstanding the agoniziug sacrifices of a great civil war, the States that maintained the government and determined that the Union should be pre served, have constantly advanced in honor, wealth, population and general prosperity. This is the first time that a change nas occurred in the Executive Department of this State since the commencement of the war of the rebellion ; a brief reference, therefore to that conflict, and to its results, may not be inappropriate. We have the consolation ot knowing that the contest between the North and the South was not, on our part, one for ambition, for military renown, for territorial acquisition, nor was it for a violation of any of the rights of the South, but it was for the preserva tion of our own rights and privileges as men, and for the maintenance of justice, liberty and the Union. The object of the South was avowedly the dissolution of the Union and the establishment of a confederacy bas ed upon "the corner stone of human slave ry." To have submitted to this on our part, and to have shrunk from a manly re sistance under such circumstances, would have been deeply and lastingly degrading, and would have destroyed the value of the priceless legacy bequeathed to us by our fa thers, and which we are obliged to transmit unimpaired to future generations. The pa triotic and Union-loving people felt that the alternative was that of life or death to the Union ; and under the auspicious guidance of Abraham Lincoln, that patriotic and vir tuous Chiel" Magistrate, with the blessing of Him who directs the destinies of nations, after open action and arbitrary violence on the part of the South, the appeal to arms was made. We had a just cause, and our citizens approving it with a degree of unan imity heretofore unknown, in this or any other country, left their various employ ments, their nomes and all that was dear to them, and hastened with enthusiasm to the scenes where duty and danger called, and as the surest pledge of their unswerving love and fidelity to the Union they unhesitatingly offered their lives for its preservation. Nor was any other tribute withheld in providing the means necessary for the support of our fleets and armies. Nearly two millions of soldiers entered the field from time to time on different terms of enlistment. The citi zens generally exhibited the highest degree of patriotism in the prompt payment of taxes, in their liberal contributions in the shano of loans to the government; and the world was astonished by the amount expen ded in their benevolent care for the sick and wounded, through the agencies of the Sani tary and the Christian Commissions and other charitable associations. More than six hundred sanguinary battles and skirm ishes were fought, in which nearly three hundred thousand of our heroic defenders laid down their lives in their devotion to the nation —' 'or God and Liberty.' In every phase of this terrible conflict, Pennsylvania bore an honorable and con spicuous part She contributed three hun dred and .sixty-six thousand three hundred and twenty-six volunteer 6oldiers to the rescue of the nation • and nearly every bat tle field has been moistened with the blood, and whitened with the bones of her heroes. To them we owe our victories, unsurpassed in brilliancy and in the importance of their consequences. To the dead—the thrice honored dead —we are deeply indebted, for A LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWSPAPER, DEVOTED TO POLITICS, EDUCATION, LITERATURE AND MORALS without their service it is possible our cause might not have been successful. It is natural and eminently proper that we, as a people, should feel a deep and last ing interest in the present and luture welfare of the soldiers who have borne so distin guished a part in the great contest which lias resulted iu the maintenance of the life, honor and prosperity of the nation. Tho high claims of the private soldiers upon the country are universally acknowledged, and the generous sentiment prevails that the amplest care should be takeii by the govern ment to compensate them, equally and gen erously, with bounties and pensions, for their services and sacrifices. I desire that it may be distinctly under stood that I do not speak of myself, in con nection with this subject; but I am happy to avail myself of this opportunity to speak kind words of Pennsylvania's private sol diers, and noble officers who commanded them. The generosity of the people of Pennsyl vania to the Union soldiers has been imita ted, but not equalled, by other States. There is something peculiar in the loyalty of Pcnnsplvania. She seemed to feel from the first, as if upon her developed the set ting of a superior example. Ihe fact that she carried upon her standard the brightest jewel ol the Republic, that in her bosom was conceived and from her commercial cap ital was issued the Declaration of Independ ence, gave to her contributions, in men and money, and her unparalleled charitable or ganizations, all the dignity and force of a model for others to copy. The rebel foe seemed to feci that if lie could strike a fatal blow at Pennsylvania, he would recover all his losses, and establish a resistless prestige in the old world. But thanks to Divine Providence, and to the enduring bravery of our citizen soldiers, the invasion of our beloved State sealed her more closely to the cause of freedom. The result of the battle of Gettysburg broke the power of the rebellion, and al though the final issue was delayed it was in evitable from the date of that great event. That battle rescued all the other free States ; and when the arch of victory was completed by Sherman's successful advance to the sea, so that the two conquerors could shake hands over the two fields that closed the war, the soldiers of Pennsylvania were equal sharers in the glorious consummation. No people in the world's history have ever been saved from so incalculable a ca lamity, and no people have ever had such cause for gratitude towards their defend ers. And here I cannot refrain from an expres sion of regret that the General Government has not taken any steps to inflict the proper penalties of the Constitution and laws upon the leaders of those who so rudely and fero ciously invaded the ever sacred soil of our State. It is certainly a morbid clemency, and a censurable forbearance, which fails to pun ish the greatest crimes "known to the laws of civilized nations:" and may not the hope be reasonably indulged, that the Federal authorities will cease to extend unmerited mercy to those who inaugurated the rebel lion ami COutrolletJ itio movements of IL-, <.,- mies? If this be done treason will be "ren dered odious," and it will be distinctly pro claimed, on the pages of our future history, that no attempt can be made with impunity to destroy our Republican form of govern ment. And while wc would remember "the sol dier who has borne the battle," we must not forget "his widow and his orphan chil dren." Amongst our most solemn obliga tions is maintenance of the indigent widows, and the support and education of the orphan children, of these noble men who fell in defense of the Union. To affirm that we owe a debt of gratitude to those who have been rendered homeless and_ fatherless, by their parents' patriotic devotion to the coun try, is a truth to which all mankind will yield a ready assent; and though we cannot call the dead to life, it is a p.i. .lege, a? well as a duty, to take the orphan by the hand, and be to him a protector and a father. Legislative appropriations have honored the living soldiers, and entombed the dead. The people, at the ballot box, have sought out the meritorious veterans, and the noble spectacle is now presented of the youthful survivors of those who fell for their coun try, cherished and educated at the public expense. Even if it were differently consti tuted, my official duties would constrain me vigilantly to guard this sacred trust. But having served in the cause, and been honor ed by the highest marks of public favor, I pledge myself to bear in mind the injunc tions and wishes of the people, and if possi ble to increase the efficiency and multiply the benefits of the schools and institutions, already so creditably established, for the ben efit of the orphans of our martyred heroes. The infatuation of treason, the downfall of slavery, the vindication ol freedom and the complete trinniph of the government of the people, are all so many proofs of the "Divinity that has shaped our ends," and so many promises of a future crowned with success if we are only true to our mission. Six years ago the spectacle of four millions of slaves increasing steadily both their own numbers and the pride and the material and political power of those masters, presented a problem so appalling, the statesman con templated it with undisguised alarm, and the moralist with shame. To-day these four millions, no longer slaves, but freedmen, having intermediately proved their humani ty towards their oppressors, their fidelity to society, and their loyalty to the government, arc peacefully incorporated into the body politic, and are rapidly preparing to assume their rights as citizens of the United States. Notwithstanding this unparalleled change was only effected after an awful expenditure of blood and treasure, its consummation may well be cited as the subliinest proof of the fitness of the American people to adminis ter the government according to the pledges of the Declaration of Independence. We have but to estimate where human slavery would have carried our country, in the course of another generation, to realize the force of this commanding truth. And as we dwell upon the dangers we have es caped, we may the better understand what Jefferson meant when, in the comparative infancy of human slavery, he exclaimed, "1 tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just!" A simple glance at what must have been our fate had slavery been permitted to in crease will be sufficient. In 18(50 the slave population amounted, in exact numbers, to three millions nine hundred and lifty- three thousand seven hundred and sixty. Taking the increase, 23.39 per cent., from 1850 to 1860, as the basis of calculation for every ten years, in 1900, they would have number ed at least upwards of nine millions. What Christian statesman, as lie thanks God for the triumph of the Union arms, docs not shudder at the terrible prospect presented by these startling figures ? But while there is cause for constant so licitude in the natural irritations produced I by such a conflict, he. is but a gloomy proph et who docs not anticipate that the agencies ' which accomplished these tremendous re- BEDFORD. Pa.. ?RIDAY, FEBRUARY 1. 1867 suits, will successfully oop< with and ptrt down all who attempt to gtrern the nation in the interests of defeatei ambition and vanquished treason. The people of the conquering North and West have comparatively lifclc to do but to complete the good work. Ihn/ command the position. The courage of tie soldier and the sagacity of the statesman working har moniously, have now sealedand confirmed the victory, and nothing moe is required but a faithful adherence to the doctrines which have achieved such narvelous re sults. Tho overthrow of the rebellon has chang ed the wholo system of Soutcrn society, and proportionally affected ether interests and sections. Demanding tie cnlightment of millions, long benighted, L forces upon the North and West the eoniideration of a more perfect and jervadiig educational policy. Much as we have beasted, and have rea son to boast, of our common schools, we cannot deny, when we compare them with those of New England, aia contrast them with the preparations for he education of the Southern people of allelasscs, that we have much to overcome, if we would equal the one or stimulate the otter. The recent convention of County School Superintend ents of Pennsylvania cxlibits some start ling facts, which descrvo the attention of the people and their repesentatives. Yet it is not by legislation aIoBJ that any people can be brought to undersfind their relations to each other as citizens Their best in structors are themselves. However liberal the appropriations may U, if these are not seconded by that commcmablc spirit which impels the parent to impnss upon the child the necessity of a sound, moral and intel lectual training, your representatives are generous, in vain. Everything depends upon the people ; hence tie great complaint preferred by the conventcn of teachers, of shortness of terms in soue districts, of the small attendance of cnrtlled scholars, of the employment of uoquilificd instructors, and of the want of propir (school houses, results unquestionably, net so much from the indifference of the State, as from the negligence of those who are invited to share and enjoy the blessings of a cheap and ad mirable system of popular education. If my fellow citizens will only recollect the difference between the opportunities of the present generation and those of their fa thers. and how much is to be gained by a cultivation of modern facilities, they will re-1 quire but little exhortation to the dischargo of duties which relate most exclusively to themselves and to those nearest and dearest to them. The importance of common schools, in a republican government can never be fully estimated. To educate the people is the highest public duty. To permit them to remain in ignorance is inexcusable. Eve rything. therefore, should be encouraged that tends to build up, strengthen and elevate our State on the sure foundation of the education of the peo ple. Every interest and industrial pur suit will be aided and promoted by its ope rations? ; every man who is educated is im l>ioreJ Iu JL proportion as lie la skilled in labor, or intelligent iu tlic profco sions, and is in every respect more valuable to society. Education scorns to be essential to loyalty, for no State in the full enjoyment of free schools ever rebelled against the gov ernment. Pennsylvania should be the vanguard of education. She should remember that as she has been the mother of States, she should also he the teacher of States. The problem of civilization is low to bring the higher intelligence of the community, and its better moral feelings, to bear upon the masses of the people, so that the lowest grade of intelligence and morals shall al ways be approaching the higher, and be still rising. A church purified of superstition solves part of this problem, and a good school system docs the rest Nothing after the education of the peo ple, contributes more to the security of a State, than a thorough military system. The fathers of a Republic, actingupon the instinct of preparing for war intimeof peace embod ied this knowledge among the primary ob ligations of sthe citizen. Yet the rebel lion found us almost wholly unprepared. Our confidence in our iistitutions wa3 so firm that the idea of an ittack upon thein from any quarter, much less from those who had boon the "spoiled children" of the government, was never believed possible, however threatened. The first clash of arms found us equally undeceived and unor ganized, and we very soon experienced that the contrivers of the great slave conspiracy had not only strengthened themselves by the stolen ships, arms and fortifications of the government, but had been for years design edly instructing their youth in the science of arms; and when the bloody tempest opened upon us they were ready to spring at the heart of the Republic, while the citi zens, in whose hands the government was left-, were compelled to protect themselves and their country as best they could. When we reflect upon the terrible sacrifi ces we endured to maintain our liberties, anticipate that glorious period of our coun try, wheu the whole continent will be dedi cated to human freedom, and when the des potisms of earth will construe our example into a standing threat against their tyrrany, we cannot disregard the consideration of this important subject. As before remarked, Pennsylvania contrib uted over three hundred thousand troops to the national cause. Deducting the loss of nearly thirty thousand by wounds and dis ease incurred in the field, what an immense army lias been left to circulate among and to educate the mass of our population ! Properly comprehending this thought, wo have at once the secret of our past success, our present safety and our future power. It would be easy to create an emulation in the science of arms among the youth of the State, by proper organization, and to dis seminate, in all our schools, that loyalty to the whole country, without which there can be no permanent safety for our liberty. In their late report, the visitors to West Point Military Academy, laid a significant stress upon the ne cessity of such precentors, in the fu ture. as would teach the students of that institution their first and unavoidable obli gations to the principles upon which the government itself reposes. The neglect of this kind of instruction was felt in aimost every movement during the recent conflict; and it is not going too far to say that many who disregarded their oaths, and who drew their swords against the government that had educated and nourished them, found a meretricious consolation in the fact that they were permitted to cherish an allegiance to the State in which they were born, which conflicted with and destroyed that love of country which should be made supreme and above all other political obligations. If, in our past and recent experience, there lias been exhibited the valuable and splendid achievement of our volunteers in the national defense, there has also been shown the necessity for military skill, and that knowledge of, and familiarity with, the rules of diciplinc so essentially necessa ry in their prompt and effectual employ ment. In order, therefore, to make our military system effective, we should have particular regard for the lesson, that to pre vent or repel danger our State should al ways have a well acciplincd force, prepared to act with promptness and vigor on any emergency ; nor should we forget that it is impossible to tell how soon our warlike ener gies may again be rcauired in the field. In nothing have our trials during the war, and the resulting triumphs to our arms, been so full of compensation as in the es tablishment of the proud fact that we are not only able to defend ourselves against assault, but what is equally important, to depend upon and lire upon our own resour ces. Af the time the rebellion was precipi tated upon us, the whole business and trade of the nation was paralized. Corn in the West was used for fuel, and the producer was compelled to lose not only the interest upon his capital, but the vory capital he had invested. Labor was in excess, and men were everywhere searching for employment. Mills and furnaces were abandoned. Do mestic intercourse was so trifling that the stocks of a number of the most important railroads in the country fell to, and long re mained at an average price of less than fif ty per cent. But the moment the danger became imminent, and the necessity of self reliance was plainly presented as the only means of securing protection and the grad ual dispersion of our mercantile marine by ibe apprehension of the armed vessels of the rebels, the American people began to practice uuon the maxims of self-defense and self-dependence. From having been, if not absolutely impoverished and almost without remunerative enterprise, depressed by unemployed labor and idle capital, all their great material agencies were brought into motion with a promptitude, and kept in operation with a rapidity anil regularity, which releived theui from want, their coun try from danger, and excited the amazement of civilized nations. Protection to the manufactures of the country, when rightly viewed, is merely the defense of labor against competition from abroad. The wages of labor in the United States is higher than those in any other country, consequently our laborers are the more elevated. Labor is the foundation of both individual and national wealth ; and those nations which have best protected it from foreign competition, have been most prosperous. It is clearly, therefore, the Interest of the nation to foster and prot-ct domestic industry, by relieving from inter nal very sort of labor, and im posing such heavy duties upon all importations ot foreign maufactured articles, as to prcven. the possibility of competition from abroad Not only should individual enterprise and industry lie thus encouraged, but all public works, a liberal aud properly restricted gen eral railroad system, and internal improve ments of every kind. receive tho-fostering carc and most liberal aid of the government We are rich in everything necessary to meet our wants, and render us independent of every other country, and we have only to avail ourselves of our own resources and ca pabilities. to rrmlinuaHy onward to a degree of greatness never yet attained by any nation. Our agricultural, mineral and manufacturing re>ources are unequalled, and it should be out constant study to de vise and prosecute means tending to their highest development. Why, then, should not the wisdom of government make available the teachings of experience, and at once legislate for the manifest good of the people '? Why permit our manufacturers to t>eg that they may live ? The government of Great Britian has, by her protective system, "piled duty upon duty,' for more than one hundred and fifty years, and hence upon protection is found ed her manufacturing supremacy. Yet her emissaries come to this country, and for sinister purposes extol "freo trade," speak scoffingly of "protection," and endeavor to persuade our people to believe and adopt the absurd theory, that "tariffs hinder the development of industry and the growth of wealth." . ' The great Republican party, in the_ Con vention which nominated Abraham Lincoln in Chicago, in 1860, as if preparing for the very war which most of our statesmen were at that period anxious to postpone, adopted a resolution "which," to use the language of an eminent l'ennsylvanian, "de clared that the produce of the farm should no longer be compelled to remain inert and losing interest while waiting demand in dis tant markets ; that the capital which daily took the form of labor power should no lon ger be allowed to go to waste, that the fuel which underlies our soil should no longer there remain to be a mere support for for eign rails; that the power which lay then petrified in the form of coal should every where be brought to aid the human arm ; that our vast deposits of iron ore should be made to take the form of engines and other machinery, to be used a substitutes, for mere muscular force ; and that our wonder ful resources, material and moral, must and should be at once developed. Such was the intent and meaning of the brief resolution then and there adopted, to be at the earliest practicable moment ratificdby Congress, as proved to be the case when the Morill tar iff, on the memorable 2d of March, 1.861, was made the law of the land. To that law, aided as it was by the admirable action of the Treasury in supplying machinery of circulation, we stand now indebted for the fact that wc have, in the short space of five years, produced more food, built more houses and mills, opened more ntipes, con structed more roads than ever before, and so greatly added to the wealth of the coun try, that the property of the loyal States would this day exchange for twice the quan tity of gold that could five years since nave been obtained for all the real and personal property, southern chattels excepted, of tho whole of the States and territories of which the Union standscomposed." If the principle of protection proved to be such a talisman in the time of war, shall wo reject it in the time of peace ? IF an answer weie needed to th;s question, refer ence could be had to the repeated conces sions to this principle by the recent free traders of the South. Scarcely one of the ambitious men who led their unfortunate people into rebellion, but now freely admits that if the South had manufactured their own fabrics, on their own plantations, and cultivated skilled labor in their great cities, they would have been able to prolong their conflict with the government ; and now to enjoy substantial, instead of artificial pros perity, they must invoke the vury agencies they had so long and so fatally disregarded. Words need not be multiplied upon this im portant theme, either to make my own po sition stronger, or to impress upon the peo ple the value of adhering to a system which has proved itself worthy of our continued support, and of the imitation of its former opponents. The exhibit of the finances of the Com monwealth, as presented in the late annual mes.jj>gc of my predecessor, and the report of the State Treasurer, is eortainly very YOLI'ME 10; >0 5 gratifying; and the flattering prospect of the speedy extinguishment of the debt which has been hanging for so many years, Hk e a dark cloud over the prospects of our State combined with the hope that a reasonable reduction will be made in our habitual an nual expenditures, will cheer the people on ward in the pathway of duty. Among the most delicate and important obligations required of those in official po sitions is a Btnct and faithful management of the public revenues and expenditures of the Commonwealth. Taxation should be applied where its burdens may be least felt, and where it is most just that it should be borne. Every resource should be carefully husbanded, and the strictest economy prac ticed, so that the credit of the State shall be maintained on a firm and enduring basis, and the debt surely and steadily diminish ed, until its final extinguishment. Unnec essary delay in this would, in my opinion, be incompatible with our true interests. That these expectations are capable of speedy and certain consummation, has al ready been demonstrated. The public im provements, the cause of our heavy debt, which seemed to be an incubus upon the prosperity of the State, so long as they were managed by her agents have been sold; the tax on real estate has been abolished and considerable reductions have already been made on the State debt. This important branch of the administra tion shall receive my constant and zealous attention. The general and assential principles of law and liberty declared in the Constitution of Pennsylvania, shall be watchfully guarded. It will be my highest ambition to admini.iter the government in the true spirit of that in strument. Care shall be taken "that the laws be faithfully executed," and the deci sions of the courts respected and enforced, if within their authorized jurisdiction. In fluenced only by considerations for the public welfare, it is my imperative duty to see that justice be impartially administered. The merciful provision, the pardoning power, conferred upon the Executive doubt lessly for correcting only the errors of crimi nal jurisprudence, and securing justice, shall not be perverted to the indiscriminate pro tection of those who may be justly sentenced to bear penalties for infractions of the laws made for the security and protection of society. Those "cruelly" or "excessively" punished, or erroneously convicted, are alone entitled to its beneficient protection, and only such should expect its exercise in their Dehalf. Whenever the people deem it expedient or necessary, from actual experience, to alter the laws, or to amend the Constitution, it is their undoubted right to do so, according to the mode prescribed within itself. I here repeat, what I have said elsewhere, that "so long as the people feel that the power to alter or change the character ol the govern ment abides in them, 30 long will they be impressed witli a sense of security and of dignity which must ever spring from the consciousness that they hold within their own hands a remedy for every political evil a corrective _ for every governmeut abuse and usurpation.'' We are confessedly in a transition state. It is marvelous how prejudice has perished in the furnace of war, and how from the very ashes of old hatreds and old parties, the truth rises purified and triumphant. The contest between the Executive and a Congress twice elected by substantially the same suffrages, a contest so anomalous in our experience as not to have been anticipa ted by the framers of the National Consti tution, has only served to develop the re markable energies of our people, and to strengthen them for future conflicts. That contest is virtually decided. The victorious forces, physical and moral of the patriotic millions, are simply pausing before they perfect the work of reconstruc tion. Twenty six States have not only been saved from the conflagration of war, but have been crystalized in the saving. The unrestored ten, still disaffected and "still de fiant, seem to be Providentially delaying their return to the Union, so that when they re enter upon its obligations and its blessings they will be the better able to fulfil the one and enjoy the other. Their condi tion is a fearful warning to men and nations and especially to ourselves. Until slavery fell we did not fully under stand the value of Republican institutions. Accustomed to tolerate, and in many cases to defend slavery, we did not feel that its close proximity, so far from assisting, was gradually destroying our liberties; and it was only when rebellion tore away the mask, that wo saw the hideous features of the monster that was eating out the vitals of the Republic. If we arc now astonished and shocked at the exhibition of cruelty and ingratitude among those who, having inaugurated and prosecuted a causeless war against a gener ous government, and having been permitted to escape the punishment they deserve, are once more arrogantly clamoring to assume control of the destinies of this great nation, how much greater cause would we have for surprise had slavery been permitted to in crease and multiply? Boast as we may of our material and our moral victories, vet is it not true that there is no such thing as a Republican government in the ten States that began and carried on the war? There is not, to day, a despotic State in Europe where the rights of the in dividual man are so defiantly trampled un der foot, as in the sections which were sup posed to have been brought into full sub mission to the Government of the United States. But the disease has suggested its Providential cure. The abhorrent doctrine that defeated treason shall not only be magnanimously pardoned, but introduced to yet stronger privileges, because of its guilty failure, seems to have been insisted upon, as if to strengthen the better and the contrasting doctrine, that a nation, having conquered its freedom, is its best guardian, and that those who were defeated in honorable battle should be constrained to submit to all the terms of the conqueror. The violators of the most solemn obliga tions, the perpetrators of the most atrocious crimes in tne annals of time, the murderers of our heroic soldiers on fields of battle, and inlothsomc dungeons and barbarous prisons, they must not, shall not, re-appear in the council chambers of the nation, to aid in its legislation, or control its destinies, unless, it shall be on conditions which will preserve our institutions from their balefu) purposes and influence, and secure republican forms of government, in their purity and vigor, in every section of the country. That they are indisposed to accept such conditions, is manifest from their recent and even arrogant rejection of the proposed amendments of the national Constitution amendments which are believed, by many true and patriotic citizens and statesmen, to be too mild and generous. They have, however, been fully consid ered by the people during the late elections, and approved by majorities so large as to give them a sanction which it would !> im proper to cither overlook or disn va -i A. I certainly iu view of this fujt, HOUU of LLIC RATES OF ADVERTISING All adTcrtlwmenU for toss than 2 months 10 cents per line for each insertion. Special notices onohaif additional. All resoletions of Assoc is - tion, communications of a limited or indiridaal interets and notices of marriages and deaths, ex ceeding five lines, 10 ets. per line. All legal noti oes of every kind, ard all Orphans' Court and other Judicial sales, are required hr law to be pub lished in both paper*. Editorial Notices 16 cents per line. All Advertising due after 6rt insertion. A liberal discount made to yearly advertisers. S months. 6 months. 1 year One square.. $ 4.60 $ 6.00 $10.06 Two squares. 6,00 9.0# 16.00 Three squns „ 6.00 12.60 26.60 One-fourth column 14.00 20.80 26.00 Half column 18.00 26.00 45.00 One column 26.60 45.00 60.06 late rebel States should be admitted to their former "practical relations" to the General Government, while tbey continue to oppose these amendments. To the Congress of the United States the heartfelt sympathies and OvetWheftning suffrages of the people have been generously given.—They have fearlessly proclaimed their unequivocal verdict —"WKlJ, DONE GOOD ANI) FAITHFUL SERVANTS." Upon the deliberations and actions of Congress our present interests and future welfare all de pend. In its firmness and courage the whole experiment of genuine republicanism is indissolubly involved. That this firmness and courage will be fully exhibited by its con trolling majorities, in the organization and adoption of measures of wisdom and discre tion, even more radical and decisive, if nec essary, than those of tbe past, I entertain no doubt. Such measures w ill meet with iny cordial approval.—And I may well add, that while Pennsylvania wil] confide in a loyal Congress, Bhc will not hesitate to sus tain it with her entire influence and power. That in the administration of the govern ment I inay err, is only what should be ex pected from the infirmities of tbe human mind; but as I enter upon the dischargo of my responsible duties with a firm resolution to act with honesty and impartiality, I trust my errors will be regarded with charity and treated with the gentleness of magnanimous forgiveness. And I earnestly hope that iny intercourse with my fellow citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives will be so frank and cordial that our duties to a common constituency will be pleasantly and faithfully discharged. Different branches of the gov ernment as we are, with distinctive duties, wc are nevertheless parts of one organized and well regulated system and as we co-ope rate or disagree, the interests of the State will probably be promoted or retarded. Elected by the jieople desirous to promote the welfare of every citien, mere party diff erences should not be allowed to interfere with the maintenance of a generous, a true an comprehensive public policy. _ It was the illustrious Washington, equally distinguished as a warrior and a statesman, who gave utterance to the declaration, "that the propitious smiles of Heaven can not be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right; and Jefferson who asserted that "whatever is morally wrong cannot be politically right." These utterances cxpresu my deepest convic tions of the rules and principles which should permeate and control all governments. Let us fellow citizens, adhere to them, be governed by them and our efforts will bo happily united in surrounding the institu tions of our State, as well as those of our nation, with a rampart of truth that will repel the madness of ambition, the schemes of usurpation, and successfully resist the changes and agitations of all coming time. John Ball Pulling Brother Jonathan. [FROM THE LONDON TIMES, 2d.] ***\achting is one of the most popular pas times of Englishmen. Probably we have a greater number of Yacht Clubs than all the world besides aud almost every vessel of the whole fleet is turned to actual account. In the summer months it would be hard to find a port without a yacht or two in it, always to au ordinary eye, trim, clean, and shapely Tessels. Yet the Americans when they first began the sport sent over a yacht which beat everything in these waters: and now they have accomplished a race which sur passes just as completely all the races we nave ever designed. Of course it is only a special feat We may say if we please that it is not a thing which would be done often, or should be done often; that it is more of a brilliant sensational and exceptional exploit than an example of regular steady going practice. But the performance has a double aspect even in this sense. If we may infer the perils of the adventure from the melan choly catastrophe on board the Fleetwing, we may also infer the practicability of the passage from the perfect impunity of the Henrietta, which came into port without the loss of a spar. To read the log of the winning vessel and to see her rushing along night and day like the Flying Dutchman, over the waves of the Atlantic one would hardly think such a voyage could hardly bo performed twice and yet the other two yachts were but a few hours behind her. The Americans have taught us this among other things—that a vessel of 200 tons can be taken across tbe Atlantic at an average speed of 200 miles a day. It is not the mere burden of these yachts which makes the feat so remarkable, for smaller vessels have done as much; nor yet the mere quick ness of the passage for large ships have made it more quickly; but the smallness of the tonnage combined with the rate of say ing renders the result very extraordinary indeed. It was actually the slowest boat so an, American gentlemen now tells us, which won the prize and that too is an incident which should commend itself to our consid eration. In dimensions, build rig, and equipment the racing vessels were so evenly matched that there was not a pin to choose between them. They were rather short handed but the crews were doubtless all picked men. The Fleetwing's loss would necessarily cost her all her chance of the prize bat perhaps the Henrietta owed her victory as much to good navigation as good handling. Anyhow, she won not by any great distance all things considered but with singular case to herself. Nor does she ap pear to have been an uncomfortable boat in any way or to be deficient in any of those qualities which are prized as much as speed in English yachts. Our sailors will do well to note all the circumstances which charac terize this contest and determined its event —the more so indeed on account of its very novelty when contrasted with our own per formances. Very likely some of our "canoe voyagcs"and similar marine adventures may be as memorable in their way as this Ocean Race, but the fact still remains that the Americans accomplished the Ocean Race, and wc did not. In fact we should never have thought of such a thing. It involves just so much of genuine Trans-atlantic exagger ation as to be beyond our sphere. The lon gest race and the biggest stakes in the world are true American conceptions but the ac tual success of the scheme is a real Ameri can triumph. NEVER trouble trouble till trouble trou bles you; for trouble rarely troubles people who never trouble themselves about trouble. MOllA*NK i ' ass say that one hour of justice is worth seventy years of prayer. One act of charity is worth a century of eloquence. WHY have the ladies' hoops grown so small this winter? Because cold weather always contracts steel. THERE is no worse robber than a bad book. Wll vr in do with the National debt Leave it a ioau.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers