6ht Ifidfori ffnqaiw IS PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING I. It, 1)1 RBOKROW AM) JOJIS Ll-TZ, (TN Jl LIANA St., opposite the .Mongol House BEI>FOKI>. PENN'A TERMS: ' t'EOU ii year if paid strictly hi advance. II nut ii.-ijd six mouth- If not paid within th' year SroffSSfonal b (Tartte ATTOItSEYtt AT LAW. I 11. LoNGEN t'.CKER, tj . ATT< >RNEY AT LAW, Bedford, Pa., All business entrusted to his care will receive prompt attention. Sir Oi KICK with 8. L. Kissel, Esq., nearly onuusiie the Court llcusc. Oct. 16, Ti6.-6m. . f. XKY ERE W- DICKEBSOS MEYERS a dtckeuson, ATTORNEYS AT LAW. Bedford, Pes* Office same formerly occupied by Hon. IV. P. Schcll. two doors cast of the 0' <=- practice in the several Courts of Bedford county Pensions, bounties nt.d bee* gay obtained and the ->an bu=B of Real E.-tate attended to. * May 11. td&afP." JOBS T. iT LJW ' Bedford. Psnx' t., Offers to give satisfaction to sH who may en trust their legal business to htm. W.U co eet uionevs on evidences of debt, end -"Pettily pro cure bounties end pensions to soldiers, thcur wid ows or heirs. Office two doois west of Telegraph office. *P r!l:66 lj ' JR. CESSNA, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Office with Jobs CessXA, on Juliannx street, in th. office formerly occupied by hmg A Jordan, and recently by Filler A Kcagy. All business entrusted to his cure will receive faithful and prompt attention. Military Claim-. Pensions, Ac., speedily collected. Bedford, June 9, ISGS. j- M'n. *- '• RRRR gnasrs s ™f T ' To , tsF . yS - AT -LAw. Will practice in thc„Cour: of Bedford ""Un joining counties. All business entrusted to their care will receive eaicful and prompt attention. Pensions, Bounty, Back l'ay. Ac., speedily col lected from the Government. Office on Juliana street, opi -site the tanking house of Reed A Schell, Bedford. 1 a mar2Af JOHN PALMER. ATTORNEY AT LAW, Will promptly sttend to all business entrusted to his care. &.. Particular attention paid to the collection of Military claims. Office on Julianna sU nearly opposite the Mengel llonse.) junc-i, ba.ly j. n. LLTI - A LUT7., ATTORNEYS AT LAW, Bedford, Pa., Will attend nri mptlv to all business intrusted to their rare. Collections made on the shortest no i'hry arc, also, regularly licensed Claim Agents and will give special attention to the prosecution OI claims against the Government for Pensions, Back Pay, Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac. *-dice on Juliana street, one door South of tho 'Mengel House" and ncurly opposite fte /m ß* trer office. April 23, ISOS:t ATTORNEY 1 AT LAW, BEDFORD, VS., Will faithfully and promptly attend to all busi ness entrusted to liis carc in Bedford mil iug counties. Military claims, Pensions, back nnv Bounty, Ac. speedily collected. Office with Mann A Spang n -<u"" -U-et, 2 doors south of the Mengel House. ' j ' M . A. POINTS. ATTORNEY AT LAW, Bedford, lA. Re-peel folly tenders his professional services t thf • M;c. Office WUh J. W. Lmgcnfoltcr. Van on fattna* street, two door* South of the "Mcngle lie: Dec. , loHS MOWER, r ,J ATTORNEY AI LAM. Bedford, Pa. April 1. !=■t.—tf. KIMMELL AND hINGKNFELTF.R, ATTORNEYS AT LAW. BEnror.u, pa. liuve formed a partnership in the practice of the Law Office on Juliana Street, two doors South •if the Mengel House. aprl.lSM—tf. DFATISTB. 0. V. J - c - Mt3stcn, JR. I \ I.NTfSTS. Bedford, Pa. J ) (Met M tl. Bmmk tlnitilixy, JMfaan Sheet. AH operations pertaining to Surgical or Me chanical Dentistry carefully and faithfully per formed and warranted. TERMS CASH. Tooth Powders and Sloi.th Wa-h, excellent ar liclc-s, always on band. janS'6s-ly. I \ KNTISTRY. I ) i. N. BOWSER. Ki.SIDE.VT DERTIST, WOOD BEr.iiY, l'a., visits Bloody P.un three days of each mouth, commencing with the second Tuesday of the month. Prepared to perform all Dental oper ations with which he uiav lie favored. J'tiw* within the reacfc of oil ami etrietl;/ caekexcept by aeoial contract. Work io '.e sent by mail or oth n-isc, must be paid for wi.cn impressions arc taken. augs, PIIYSHIASS. I vK. GEORGE C. DOUGLAS 1 "Kespecttully tenders his professional services to the people of Bedford and vicinity. Residence at Maj. Wafbabangh's. JS f Office two doors west of Bedford Hotel, np stairs. aul7:tf \I T M. W. JAMISON, M. D., YY Bloodt Kvs. PA., Respectfully tender- his professional services to the people ofthat place and vicinity. fdeclrlyr INK. R. F. HAKKY, IJ Respectfully tenders his professional ser vices to the eitir.ens <>f Bedford and vicinity. Office and residence on Pitt Street, in the building formerly occ'tpicd by Dr. J, 11. liofins. April 1, 1364 tf. I L. MAKBOURG, M. D., t) Having permanently located respectfully tenders his pofessionai ervices to the citizens of Bedford and vicinity. Office on Juliana street, opposite the Bank, one door north oi Hall A Pal mer's office. Aprii 1, 18G4—tf. JEWELEB, Ac. A BSALOM OA P. LICK, CLOCK ANI> WATCH-MAKER, Bloody 11 i s, Pa. Clocks, Watches, Jewelry, Ac., promptly re paired. All work entrusted to bis carc, warranted to give satisfaction. lie also keeps on hand and for sale WA TCIt- F.S. Cf.UCKS, and JEWELS Y. JfSiy- Office with Dr. J. A. Mnnn. my 4 I VANIKL BORDER, 1J I'ITT STREET, TWO DOORS WEST OF THE BED FORD HOTEL, BaIFOED, PA. WATCHMAKER AND DEALER IN JEWEL RY. SPECTACLES. AC. He keeps "n hand a stock "f fine Gold and Sil ver Watches, Spectacles of Brilliant limbic He fin. Ed Glasses, also Scotch I'ebhle Glasses. Gold Watch Chains, Breast Pius, Finger Rings, best quality of Gold Pons. He will ,-upply to order any thing In his line not on hand, apr. 23,18'5—n. JM. LEHMAN, • Jt'STUB OF TBS. I-EACE AND MORIVK.VER, COAL DALE. Will promptly attend to all collections intrusted to him. lie will also execute all instruments of writing with neatness and dispatch. Coal Dale, Sept. 14, 1860 .Oui. IMKBORROW 4 LUTE Editors and Proprietors. THOUGHTS OF UO.HE. I've been thinking of home ! Of "my Fa ther's home, Where the many mansions be Of the city whose streets are paved with gold, Of its jasper walls so fair to behold. Which the righteous alone -hall see. I've been thinking of home, where they need not the light Of the sun, nor moon, nor star : Where the gates of pearl "are shut by day. For no night is there,' 1 but the weary may Find rest from the world afar. I've been thinking of home, of the river of lite, That flows through the city so pure ; Of the tree that stands by the side of the stream, Whose leaves in mercy with blessings teem, The sun-wounded soul to cure. I've been thinking of home—of loved ones there, Dear friends who have gone before, With whom we have walked to the death river side, And sadly thought as we watched the tide, Of the happy days of yore. I've been thinking of home, and my heart is full Of love lor the Latub of God ! Who his precious life a ranson gave, For a sinful race, e'en our souls to save, From Justice's avenging rod. I've been thinking of home ; and I'm home sick now. My spirit doth long to be, In -'the better land, ' where the ransomed sing Of the love of Christ, their Redeemer Iving, Of mercy, so costly, so free. I've been thinking of home ! yea "home sweet home:'' Oh ! there tnay we all unite With the white robed throng, and forever raise To the Triune God, sweetest songs of praise, With glory, and honor, and might. ANGRY WORDS. Angry words ! O let them never From the tongue unbridled slip : May the heart's best impulse ever Check them, e'er they soil the lip. Love is much too pnrc and holy ; Friendship is too sacred far. For a moment's reckless folly Thus to desolate and mar. Angry words are lightly spoken ; Ritterc.it thoughts are rashly stirred ; Brightest links of lite are broken By a single angry word. CHARITY. BY jHJf-K 1-1 KEY. Among the pitfalls in our way, lite best of us walk blindly : 0 man be wary ! watch and pray, And judge your brotherkindfv. Help back his feet if they have slid, Nor count him slili your debtor : Perhaps the very wrong he did Has made yourself the belter. •TolUual. vo SPEECH OF THADDEUS STEVENS Delivered January 3, I AT, on the following Amendment in the nature of n Substi tute to 11. A*. Bill 543, proposed bp Mr. Stcv.n : WHEREAS, the eleven States which lately formed the government called the Confed erate States of America, have forfeited all their rights under the Constitution and can be reinstated in the same only thrcugh the action of Congress, therefore lie it enacted by the Senate and ITonse of licprcscntatives of the United States of America in Congress Assembled, That the eleveu States lately in rebellion, except Ten nessee, may form valid State governments in the following manner : Seotjok 2. lie it further enacted, That the State governments now existing de facto, though illegally formed in the midst of mar tial law, and in many instances the constitu tions were adopted under duress, and not submitted to the ratification of the people, and therefore are not to be treated its free republics, yet they are hereby acknowledged ns valid governments for municipal purposes uatii the same shall be duly altered, and their legislative and executive officers shall be rec ognized as such. Sm 3. And be it further enacted, That each of the ten States which were lately in rebellion, and have not been admitted to rep resentation in Congress, shall hold elections on the first Tuesday of May, eighteen hund red and sixty seven, to chose delegates to a convention to form a State Governments The convention shall consist of the same number of members as the most numerous branch of the Legislature of said State before the re bo'dion. it shall meet at the former capital of said State on the first Monday of June of said year, at twelve o'clock noon, with power to adjourn from time to time, nnd shall pro cced to torm a State constitution, which shall be submitted to the people at such time as the convention shall direct, and it ratified by a majority of legal votes shall be declared the constitution of the Slate. The Supreme Court of the District of Columbia shall ap point commission for each of said States, to consist of three persons, who shall select or direct the mode of selecting, the election officers for the several election districts, which district shall be the same as before the rcheilion, unless altered by said commission. The officers shall consist of one judge and two inspectors of elections: and two clerks ; the said officers, together with all the expen ses of the election, shall be paid by the Uni ted States, and said expenses shall be repaid by said State or Territory. Each of said officers shail receive five dollars per day, for the time actually employed. Each of the members of said commission ahull receive three thousand dollars r,er annum, and their clerk, two thousand dollars. The commis sion shall proenre all the necessary books, stationery and boxes, and make ail regula tions to effect the objects of this act. The President of the United States and the mili tary commander of the district shall furnish so much military aid as the said commission ers shall deem necessary to protect the polls and keep the peace at each of said election districts. If, by any means, no election should be held in any of said late States on the day herein fixed, then the election shall be held on the third Monday of May, eigh teen hundred and sixty-seven, in the manner herein prescribed Returns of all sucH elec tions shall be made to the said commission ers, whose certificates of election shall be prima facie evidence of the lack SEC. 4. And be it further enacted, That the persons whosball be entitled to vote at both of said elections shall be as follows: All male citizens above the age of twenty-one years, who have resided one year in said A LOCAL AND GENERAL NKWSI'Ai'EIt, DEVOTED TO POLITICS, EDUCATION, LITERATURE AND MORALS State, and ten days within the election dis trict. SEC. 5. And be it further enacted. That the word citizen, as used in this act, shall be construed to mean all persons (except fndi ansnot taved) born in the United States, or duly uatu: .lized. Any male citizen above the age of tw lty-one years shall be competent to be elei 'd to act as delegate to said con vention. SEC. 6. And be it further enacted. That all persons who, on the fourth day of March, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, were of frill age who held office, cither civil or military, under the government called the "Confeder ate States of America," or who swore alle giance to said government, are hereby decla red to Lave forfeited their citizenship and to have renounced their allegiance toibe Uni ted States, and oLc.lt net lu entitled to ever, cisc the elective franchise, or hold office, until five years after they .shall have filed their intention or desire to be reinvested with the right of citizenship, and shall swear alle ?;iance to the Uuited States and renounce al egiance to all other governments or pretend ed governments ; the said application to be filed and oath taken in the same courts that by law are authorized to naturalize foreign ers : Provided, however, that on taking the following oath, the party being otherwise qualified, shall be allowed to vote and bold office : I, A. 8., do solemnly swear, on the holy Evangelists of Almighty God, that on the -fourth day of March 1804, cud at all times thereafter, I would willingly have complied with the requirements of the proclamation of the President of the United States, issued on the eighth day of Decern ber, 1803, had a safe opportunity of so doing been allowed me : that on the said fourth of March, eigh teen hundred and sixty-four, and at all timc3 thereafter, I was opposed to the continuance of the rebellion, ami to the establishment of the so called Confederate government, and voluntarily gave no aid or encouragement thereto, but earnestly desired the success of the Union, and the suppression of all armed resistance to the Government of the United States ; and that I will henceforth faithfully support the Constitution of the United States arid the Union of the States thereunder. SEC. 7. And be it further enacted, That no constitution shall Jk> presented to or acted on by Congress which denies to any citizen any rights, privliges, or immunities which are granted to any other citizen in the State. All laws shall be impartial without regard to lan guage race or former condition. If the pro visions of this section should ever be altered, repealed, expunged, or in any way abrogated, tins act shall become void and said State lo ses its right to be represented in Congress. Bec. 8. And be it further enacted, That whenever the foregoing shall be complied with, the citizens of said State may present said constitution to Congress, and il the same shall be approved by Congress, said Slate shall be declared entitled to the rights, priv ileges and immunities, and be subject to all the obligations aud liabilities of a State with in the I nion. No Senator or Repre ntative shall be admitted into either House of Con gress until Congress shall have declared the State entitled thereto. After the reading of this bill, Mr. Ste- V cuo rooo ttiid opoiio 4'llow. Mr. Stevens. Mr. Speaker, I am very anxious that this bill should be proceeded with until finally acted u]K>n. 1 desire that, ■is early as possible, without curtailing de bate, this House shall come to some conclu sion as to what shall be done with the reb el States. This becomes more and more necessary every day ; and the late decision of the Supreme Court of the United States has rendered immediate action by Congress upon the question of the establishment of governments in the rebel States, absolutely indispen- ble. That d efrion, although in terms perhaps not as it imousas the Dred Scott decision, is yet far more dangerous in its operation upon the lives and liberties of the loyal men of this country. That decision has taken away every protection in every one of these rebel States from every loyal man, black or white, who resides there. That decision has unsheathed the dagger of the assassin, and places the knife ot the rebel at the throat of every man who dares pro claim himself to be now. or to have been heretofore, a loyal Union man. If the doc trine enunciated in that decision be true, never were the people of any country any where, or at any time, in such terrible per il as are our loyal brethren at the South, whether they be black or white, whether they go there from the North, or are natives of the rebel States. Now, unless Congress Is at on-e to do something to protect tnu.-e_ people from the barbarians who are now daily mur during them ; who are murdering the loyal whites daily, and daily putting into secret graves not ouly hundreds but thousands of the colored people of that couutry—unless Congress proceeds at once to adopt some means for their protection, I ask you and every man who love- liberty, whether we will not be liable to the just cen-ure of the world for our negligence, or our cowardice, or our want of ability to do so ?' Now, sir, it is for these reasons that I insist op the passage of some such measure as this. This is a bill designed _to enable 'oyal ruen. o far a I could di criminate them in these States, to form governments, which shall be in loyal hands, that they may protect themselves from such outrages as t have mentioned. Instates that have never been restored since the rebellion from a state of conquest, and which are this day held in captivity under the laws of war, the military authorities, under this decision and its extension into disloyal States, dare not order the commanders of departments to enforce the laws of the country. One of the most atrocious murderers that has ever been let loose upon any community has lately been liberated under this very decis ion, because the Government extended it, perhaps according to the proper construe i tion, to the conquered States as well as to ! the loyal States. A gentleman from Richmond, who had ' personal knowledge of the facts, told me 1 the circumstances of the murder. A color [ ed man, driving the family of his employer, drove his wagon against a wagon contain ! ing Watson and his family. The wagon of Watson wa- broken. The next day Wat son went to the employer of the colored man and complained. The employer offer ed to pay Watson every dollar that he might j assess for the damage that had_ been done. | "No 1" said he, "I claim the right to chas tise the scoundrel. He followed tlia col ored man, lookout his revolver, and delib erately shot him dead in the pi . ,-c-nce of ! that community. No civil authority would prosecute him ; and, when taken into cus tody by the military authority, he is dis charged, by order of the President, under i this most injurious and iniquitous decision. ! Now, sir, if that decision be the law, then ! it becomes the more necessary that we should proceed to Like care that such a con struction as that shall not open the door to greater injuries than have already been sus , mined. Thus mueh 1 have said at the out set of my romarks, which shall not l>e very '/he pt pie have once more nobly done their duty. May I as!:, without offenee, will Congress have the i ouragc to do its du- BEDFORD. P3.. FRIDAY. JANUARY 18. 1867 ty ? or will it be deterred by the clamor of ignorance, bigotry, and despotism from per fecting a revolution begun without their consent, but which ought not to bo ended without their full participation and concur rence? Possibly the people would not have inaugurated this revolution to correct the palpable incongruities and despotic provis ions of the Constitution, but having it forc ed upon them, will they be so unwise as to suffer it to subside without erecting this na tion nto a perfect republic ? Since the surrender of the_ armies of the Confederate States of America, a_ little has been done towards establishing this Govern went upon the true principles of liberty and justice ; and but a little if we stop here. We have broken the material shackles of four millions Ol'slaves. TVu Lav* uiivUatiieU incut from the State so as to allow them locomo tion, provided they do not walk in paths which are trod by white men. We have allowed them the unwonted privilege of attending church if thev can do so without offending the sight of their former masters. We have even given them that highest and most agreeable evidence of liberty as defined by the "great plebeian"— the "right to work!" Rutin what have we enlarged their liberty of thought ? In what, have we taught them the science and granted them the privilege of self-government? We have imposed upon them the privilege of fighting our battles, of dying in defence of freedom, aud oi hearing their equal portion of taxes . but where have we given them the privilege of ever participating in the formation of the laws or the government of their native land ? By what civil weapon have we enabled them to defend themselves against oppression and injustice? Call von this liberty? Call you this a free republic where 1,000, OtX are subjects but not citi zens? Then Persia, with her l ings and sa traps, was free ; then Turky is free. Their subjects had liberty of motion and of labor; but the laws were made without and against their wi'l. But I must declare that, in my judgment, they were as really free govern ments a ours is to-day. I know they had fewer rulers and more subjects. But those rulers were no more despotic than ours, and their subjects had just as large privileges in governing the country as ours have. Think not J would slander my native land. I would reform it. Twenty years ago I denounced it as a despotism. Then twenty millions of white men enchained four millions of black men. I pronounce it no nearer to a true re public now, when twentv -five millions of a privileged class exclude five millions from all paatieipation in the rights of govern ment. The freedom of government docs not de pend upon the quality of its laws, but upon the power that has the right to enact them. During the dictatorship oi Pericles hi- laws were just, but Greece was not free. During the !a-t century Russia has been blessed with most r mark able emperors, who have gene rally decreed wise and just laws : but Russia i. not free. No government can be free that does not allow all its citizens to participate in the Jfor are degrees of tyranny. But every other government is a despotism. It has always been observed that the larger the number of rulers, the more cruel the treatment of the subject races. It were better for the black man if he were governed by one king than by twenty millions. What are the great questions which now divide the nation ? In the midst of the po litical Babel, which has been produced by the intermingling of- rebels, pardoned traitors, hissing Copperheads and apostate Republicans, such a confusion of tongues is heard that it is difficult to under stand either the questions that ore asked or the answers that are given. Ask what is the "President's policy?" and it is difficult to d- fine it. Ask what is the "policy of Con ress? ' and the answer is not . Iways at hanu. A few moments may be profitably spent ia seeking the meaning of each of these terms. Nearly six years ago a bloody war arose between different sections of the Uni ted States. Eleven States, possessing a very large extent of territory, and ten or twelve millions of people, aimed to sever their connection with the Union, and to form an independent em [lire founded on the avowed principle of human slavery, and excluding every free State from this confed eracy. They aid not claim to raise an in surrection to reform the Government of the country —a rebellion against the laws— but they asserted -their entire independence of that Government, and of all obligations to its laws, They were satisfied that the Uni ted States ,-hould maintain its old Constitu tion and laws. They formed an entirely new U-m.-titution ; a new anl distinct govero uieiit, call' i the "Confederate States of America." They pa.-sed their own laws, without regard to any former national con nection. Their government became perfectly organized, both in its civil and military de partments. Within the broad limits of those eleven States the"Coufederate sta e.s" lit.d as perfect and absolute control as the United States had over the other twenty five. The "Confederate States" refused to negotiate with the United St. tes, except uj'oti the basis of independence —of perfect j national equality. The two powers uiutu ujly prepari ddo settle the question by arms. They each raised more than half a million of armed men. The war was acknowledged by other nations as a public war between in dependent. belligerents. The parties ac knowledged each other as such, and claimed to be governed by the law of nations and the laws of war in their treatment of each other. On the result of the war depended the fate and ulterior condition of the contending par ties. No one then pretended that the eleven States had any rights under the Constitu tion of the United States, or any right to interfere in the legislation of the country. Whether they should ever have, all men of both sections, without exception, agreed would depend on the will of Congress, if the United States wen victorious. The Con federate States claimed no rights unless they could conquer theui by the contest of arms. Pre-ident Lincoln, Vice President Johnson an<l both branches of _ Congress repeatedly declared that the belligerent States could never again intermeddle with the affairs of i the Union, or claim any right as members of the United States Government until the | legislative power of the Government should declare them entitled thereto. Of course i the rebels claimed no such rights ; for ! whether their States were out of the Union : as they declared : or were disorganized and ; "out of their proper relations" to the Gov ernment, as some subtle metaphysicians contend, their rights under the Constitution had all been renounced and abjured under oath, and could not be resumed on their own mere motion. How far their liabilities remained, there was more dificrence of opin ion. The Federal arms triumphed. The Con federate armies and Government surrender ed unconditionally, The law of nations then j fixed their condition. They were subject to I the controlling power of the oonquerers. No former laws, no former compacts or 1 treaties existed to bind the belligerents. They had all been melted and consumed in the_fierce fires of the terrible war. The Unjted States, according to the usage of nations appointed military provisional gov ernors, to regulate their municipal institu lions, until the law-making power of the conquqrer should fix their condition and the law by which they should be permanently governed. True, some of those governors were illegally appointed, being civilians. No one then supposed th t those States had any governments, t xcept uch as hey had form ed under their rebel organization. No sane man believed that they had any organic or municipal laws which the United States were bound to. respect. Whoever had then asserted that those States had remained un fractured, and entitled to all the rights aud pitYllegCß Yt 11 Id I lllL-J cujo/tat in. tout UIC rebellion, and were on a level with their loy al conquerors, would have been deemed a fool, and would have been found insane by any inquisition "rfe lunatico inquirendo." In monarchical governments, where the sovereign power rcts in the crown, the king would have fixed the condition of the con quered provinces. He might have extend ed the laws of his Empire over them: allow ed them to retain portions of their old in stitutions ; or, by conditions of peace, have fixed upon them new and exceptional laws. . In this couutry the whole sovereignty rests with the people, and i- exercised through their Representatives in Coneress assem bled. The legislative power is the sole guardian of that sovereignty. No other branch of the Government, no other depart ment, no other officer of the Government, possesses one single particle of the sover eignty of the nation. No Government offi cial, from tire President and Chief Justice down, can do any one act which is not pre scribed and directed by the legislative pow er. Suppose the Government were now to Le organized for the first time under the Constitution, and the President had been ilected. and the judiciary appointed, what ejuld either do until Congress passed laws to regu'ato their proceedings ? What power would the President have over any one subject of government until Congress had legislated on that subject ? No State could order the election of members until Congress had ordered a census and made an apportionment. Any exception to this rule has been a work of grace in Con gress by passing healing acts. The Presi dent could not even create bureaus or de partments to facilitate bis Executive opera tions. He must ask leave of Congress. Since, then, the President eannot enact, alter, or modify a single law ; cannot even create a petty office within his own sphere of duties ; if, in short, he is the mere ser vant of the people, who issue their com mands to hint through Congress, whence docs he derive the constitutional power to create new States ; to remodel old ones ; to dictate organic laws ; to fix the qualifica tions of voters ; to declare that States arc republican and entitled to repre- ntation. aud to command Congress to admit their representatives? To my mind it is cither the most izoocant and shallow mistake of uis uttneSv or tne most brazen auu luqiuucm. usurpation of power. It is claimed lor him by some as the Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy. How absurd that a mere executive officer should claim creative pow ers. Though Commander-in Chief by the Constitution, he would have nothing to command, either by land or water, until Congress raised both army and navy. Con gress also prescribes the rules and regula tions to govern the army. Even that is not left to the Commander-in-Chief. Though the President is Cotntnander-in- Chicf, Congress is his commander : and God willing, he shall obey. He and his minions shall learn that this is not a Government of kings and satraps, but a Government of the people, and that Congress is the people. There is not one wot in the Constitution that gives one particl of any hiog but judi cial and executive power to any other de partment of Government but Congress. The veto power is no exception ; it is merely a power to compel a reconsideration. What can be plainer? "Ail legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States. Such shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives," [Art 1, sec. 1, Con. U. S.J To reconstruct the nation —to admit now States — to guarantee republican govern ments to old States, are all legislative acts. The President claims the right to exercise them. Congress denies it and asserts the right to belong to the legislative branch. They have determined to defend these rights against all usurpers. They have determin ed that while in their keeping the Constitu tion shall not be violated with impunity. This I take to be the great question between the President and Congress. He claims the right to reconstruct by his own power. Con gress denies him ai power in the matter, except those of advice, and has determined to maintain such deuial. "My Policy" as serts full power in the Executive. The pol icy of Congress forbids him to exercise any power therein. Beyond this Ido not agree that tho "policy" of the parties are defined. To be sure litany subordinate items of the policy of each may be easily sketched. The Presi dent i for exonerating the conquered rebels from all the expense and damages of the ar, and for compelling the loyal citizens to ay the whole debt caused by tbe rebellion. He inse-ts that those of ot poojiW who vere plundered and their property burned or destroyed by rebel raiders sliali not be indemnified, but shall bear their own loss, w bile the rebels shall retain their own pro perty, most of which was declared forfeited by the Congress of the United States. He desires that the traitors (haviug sternly exe cuted that most important leader rightly merges as a high examplejshould be exempt from further tine, imprisonment, forfeiture, exile, or capital punishment, and be declared entitled to all the rights of loyal citizens. He desires that the Stales created by him shall be acknowledged as valid _ States, while at the same time he inconsistently declares that tiic old rebel States are in full existence and always have been and have equal rights with the loyal States. lie opposes the amendment to the Constitution which chan ges the base of representation and desires the oid slave States to have the .enetit of tlieii increase of freemen without increasing the number of votes; tu short, he desires to make the vote of one rebel in South Carolina equal to the vote oi three freemen in Penn syivaniaor New York. He is determined to force a solid rebel delegation into Congress from the South, and, together with Northern Copperheads, could at once control Congress and elect all future Presidents. In opposition to these things a portion of Congress seetus to desire that the conquered belligerent shall, according to the law of nations, pay at least a part of the expenses and damages of the war; and that especially the loyal people who were plundered and impoverished by rel>el raiders, shall Le fully indemnified. A majority of Congress de sires that treason shall be made odious, not by bloody executions, but by other adequate punishments. Congress refuses to treat the States cre ated by him as of : iv validity and denies MtJMK 10; NO 3 that the( , rebel htatea have any existence which gi i them any rights under the Con -titutieii. Congress instate on changing the bads of representation so as to put white voters on an equality in loth sections, and that su'-h change shall precede the admission of any State. I deny that there is any un derstanding, expressed or implied, that upon the adoption of the amendment by any State that such State may be admitted before the amendment becomes part of the Constitution Such a course would soon surrender the Government into the hands of rebels. Such a coerce would be senseless, inconsistent and illogical. Congress denies that any State lately in rebellion has any government or constitution known to the Constitution ?.L& e &&&&*&& <*¥&£ can such a State adopt the amendment? To allow it would be yielding the whole ques tion and admitting the unimpaired rights ol the seceded States. I know of no Repub lican who does not ridicule what Mr. Sew ard thought a cunning movement, in coun ting Virginia and other outlawed States among those which had adopted the consti tutional amendment abolishing slavery. It is to be regretted that inconsiderate and incautious Republicans should ever have supposed that the slight amendments already proposed to the Constitution, even when incorporated into that in-lrument would satisfy the reforms necessary for the security of the Government. Unless the rebel States, before admission should be made republican in spirit and placed under the guardianship ofloyal men, all our blood and treasure will have been spent in vain. I waive now fhe question of punishment, which if we are wise will still be inflicted by moderate confiscations, both as a reproof and example. Having these States, as we all agree, entirely within the power of Con gress.it is our duty to take care that no injus tice shall remain in their organic laws. Holding them "like clay in the hands of the potter," we unist see that no vessel is made for destruction. Having now no gov ernments, they must, have enabling acts. The law oflast session with regard to Territories settled the principles of such acts. Impar tial suffrage both in electing the delegates and ratifying their proceedings is now the fixed rule. There is more reason why col ored voters should te admitted in the rebel States than in the Territories, In the States they form the great mass of the loyal men. Possibly with their aid loyal governments may be established in most of those States. Without it all are sure to be ruled by trai tors; and loyal men, black and white, will be oppressed, exiled or murdered. There are several good reasons for the passage of this bill. In the first place, it is just. J am now confining my argument to negro suffrage in the rebel States. Have not loyal blacks quite as good a right to choose rulers and make laws as rebel whites? In the second place, it is a necessity in order to protect the loyal white men in the seceded States. The white Union men are in a great minority in each of those Statas. With them the blacks would act in a body; auu it dcucvcu uiiii in e&cu ui fcaiu ouices, except one, tho two united, would form a majority, control t"'e States, aud protect themselves. Now ey are the victims of daily murder; T must suffer constant persecution or be 'led. The convention of Southern loyalis - lately held in Phila delphia, . .tost unanimously agreed to such a hill as absolute necessity. Anoth good reason is, it would insure the a*ce lancy of the Union party. Do you avow the party purpose.' exclaims some horror-stricken demagogue. I do. For I believe, on my conscience, that on the continued ascendancy of that party depends the safety of this great nation. If impartial suffrage is excluded in the rebel States, then everv one of them is sure to send a solid rebel representative delegation to Coneress, and cast a solid rebel electoral vote. They with their kindred Copperheads of the North, would always elect the President and control Congress. While slavery sat upon her defiant throne, and insulted and intimidated the trembling North, the South frequently divided on questions of policy be tween Whigs and Democrats, and gave vic tory ultimately to that section. Now you must divide them between loyalists, without regard to color, and disloyalists, or you will be the perpetual vassals of the free trade, irritable, revengeful South. For these, among other reasons, lam for negro suff rage in every rebel State. If it be just it should not be denied; if it be necessary, it should be adopted; if it be a punishment to traitors, they deserve it. But it will be said, as it has been said, "This is negro equality!" What is negro j equality, about which so much is said by ] knaves, and some of which is believed by men who arc not fools? It means, asunder stood by hottest. Republicans, just this much and no more: Every man, no matter what his race or color; every earthly being who has an immortal soul, lias an equal right to justice, honesty and fair play with every "other man; and" the law should secure hiui those rights. The same law which con demns or acquits an African should condemn or aequit a white man. The same law which gives a verdict in a white man's favor should give a verdict in a black man's favor on the same sum of facts. .Such is the law oi* God and such ought to be the law of man. This doctrine does not mean that a negro t-Jiall wit on eke cm o©cetj or ovt at s uw table with a white man. This is a matter of taste, which every man must decide for himself. The law has nothing to do with it If there be any who are afraid of the black man in office or in bnsmese, I have only to advise them to try and heat their competitor in knowledge and business ca pacity; aud there is no danger that his white neighbors will prefer his African rival to himself. 1 know there is among those who are influenced by this cry of '"negro equality," the opinion that there is still danger that the negro will be the smartest. For I never saw even a contraband slave that had not more sense than such men. There are those who admit the justice and ultimate utility of granting impartial suffrage to all men, but they think it is un '"'\niincien: philosopher, whoso antagonist admitted that what he required was just, but deemed it hueihtic, a-ked him: "I>o you believe in 1 lades?'' I would say to those above referred to, who admit the justice of human equality before the law, but doubt its policy: "l)o vou believe-in hell? How do yon answ the principle inscribed iu our political se ure, "That _to secure these rights gow aeuts are instituted among mm, derivti their just powers from the con- tof fhi governed?" Without such con it government is a tyranny, and you e-et ing it are tyrants. Of course, t bis doc iot admit malefactors to power, ; or there would soon bo no penal laws, and society would become au anarchy, litit this step forward is an assault upon igno rance and prejudice, and timid men shrink from it. Are such men fit to sit in the places of statesmen? . There arc periods in the history ot nations when statesmen can make themselves names RATES OF ADVERTISING All dTorticement* for )* than 8 mouth* 10 cnt* l<er line for each insertion. Special ftotlee* onchalf additional. All reirituticn* of Awoeia tivn. rommiinicatinna of a limited or individual interrta and notice" of marriage* and deaths, ex seeding See line*, U ct*. per line. AH legal notl -'■* of every kind, and all Orphans' Court and other Judicial sales, are required by taw to be pub lished in both paj>er. JuiltoriaJ Notices 15 ecu's per line. All Advert -dngdue after first insertion. A liberal discount made to yearly advortiicrs. 3 mouth*, 8 months. 1 year One square $ 4-50 $ 8.00 #lo.flo Two squares 8.80 9.80 18.00 Three azures.- 8.00 12.00 2.0<1 One-fourth column 14.00 20.00 35.00 Half c01umn..... 18.00 25.09 45.00 One c01umn..... 39.00 45.00 80.00 for posterity; but such occasions are never improved by cowards- In the acquisition of true fame courage is ju.t as necessary in the civilian as in the military hero. In the Reformation there were men engaged as able, aud. perhaps more learned than Martin Luther. Melancthon and others were ripe scholars and sincere reformers, I but none of them had his courage. lie alone was willing to go where duty called, though "devils were as thick as the tiles on the houses" And Luther is the great lumi nary of the Reformation around whom the others revolve as satellites aud shine by his light. We may not aspire to fame. But great events fix the eye of history on small object* and magnify their meanness. Lot a* at least er*p* that condition. Senator >Vadc Speaking to the Southern People. Congressional excur-ionists. when Senator Wade responded to the toast— The Con gress of the United States." After telling them that his views were the same in all latitudes, he went on to say: "I tell you Congress did get up certain stated principles at the last session with great, unusual delib eration; that they were careful in every word andevcry letter that bespoke the sentiment. They appealed from the enunciation of that sentiment to the people for their approval or disapproval and the people with one united come up and said that what we have done is right I say to you there is no hope that Congress will recede one inch from what they have done. This i say to you not for the purpose of stirring up your passion.-: became, if it must be so, as fair antagonist-, we will not deceive you in anything. We think/ sirs, tliat what we did last winter was right. You have not asked the question. Ido not speak of the people of "enncs-ee, who are entirely out of this eonti oversy. They have joined their fortunes to the Government; I know that they will never recede from it. There are other States that without consideration, have thrown the doings of Congress to the winds. Are they calculating to make any other terms? You have not called upon us for any other terms, but thrown them aside as utterly worthless. And in my judgment, sirs, while I assure you that every man in the North is as anxious for the Union as any man can possibly be, we regret it as much as you can possibly regret it, the cir cumstances which for a time suspended our relations. We ardently hope it may be re sumed again npon the principles of right, justice, liberty and equality. "We know the time is not distant when this thing wiil be done; there is no doubt of it. The fiat has gone out. We shall be united again, and upou the principles of jus tice and security, such as will bring no fur ther controversy." OoiToESTWY. It cannot be that earth is man's only abiding place. It cannot be that our life is a bubble east up by the ocean of eternity to float a moment upon its waves, and sink in nothingness. Else why is it the high and glorious aspirations, which leap like angels from the temple of our hearts are forever wandering unsatisfied ? Why is it that the rainbow and cloud come over us with a beauty that is not of earth, and then pass off to muse on their loveliness ? Why is it that the stars which "hold their festival around the midnight throne," are set above the grasp of our limited faculties, forever iuoeking us with their unapproachable glo ry ! And finally, why is it that bright forms of human beauty are presented to our view and taken from us ; leaving the thousand streams of our affection to flow back in an Alpine torrent upon our hearts? We are bom for a higher destiny than that of earth. There is a realm where the rain bow never fades ; where the stars will be spread out before us like the islands that slumber on the_ ocean, and whore the beau tiful beings which pass before us like shad ows, will 3tay forever in our presence. The Condition of Europe. The Old World seems in a constant tur moil from which America, we trust, will always keep aloof. Prussia is engaged in "annexing," by swallowing up surround ing States, in spite of the protests of their people. Russia is "reforming" Poland by taking away every evidence of her separate nationality. Austria is tossed in a sea of trouble, her empire being in a state of inte gration. France is trying to emulate the military strength of ihe new German Con federacy by increasing an army the French people are loathe to support. Spam is on the brink of a revolution. England is in danger from an Irish outbreak, and her ru ling classes are afraid of ',Reform." Tur key is feebly defending herself from becom ing a prey to the great nations that stand ready to divide her territories. Each Euro pean nation is fomenting the troubles of its rivals and the entire face of Europe threat ens a wot in which the strong countries will -wallow up the weak ones and riveriol blood be shed only to add to the miseries of the people. l.n-B. —We are not sent into life as a but terfly is sent into summer, gorgeously hov ering over the flowers, as if the interior spirits of the rainbow had <ionic down to greet these kisses of the season upon the ground ; but to labor for the world's ad vancement, and to mould our characters in to God's likeness, and so, through toil and achievenienst, to gain happiness. I would rather break stones upon the road, if it were not for the disgrace of being in a chain gang, than to be one of those contemptible joyniongers. who are so rich and so empty that they are continually goiug about to find something to make them happy. DARK HOURS. —To every man there are many many dark hours, hours when he leels inclined to abandon his best enterprise; hours when his heart's dearest hopes appear delusive; hours when he feels himself une qual to the burden, when all his aspirations seem worthless. Let no one think that he alone has dark hours. They are the com mon lot of humanity. They are the touch, stone to try whether we are current coin or not. A GOOI> book and a good wife are excel lent things for those who know how to justly appreciate tDeir value. I here are men, however, who judge of both by the beauty of the cover. MAN is like a snowball. Leave him lie in idleness against the sunny fence of pros perity, and all that's good in him melts Hke Duttcr, but kick him around and ho gath ers strength with each successive revolution until he grows into an avalanche. To suc , yon must keep moving. N EV ER retire at night without being wiser | than when you arose in the morning.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers