ihe gfnpim IS PUBLISHED KVKIIY FRIDAY MORNING, BY J. R. DURBORROW \!*i> JOHS LITZ, ON JI LIANA St., opposite the Mengel House BEDFORD, PENN'A TKRttS! (2.00 ti year iipinC strictly in advance. If not wli.iii! Ki\ inonltv SJ.S9. II" not itritiiin the jfr 83.00. V TTORSEYS At LAW, B. F. W. DICKKBFOS. MLYERS t DICKERSON, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BUDFOKD, FUSTR'A., Office fame as formerly occupied by Hon. W. P. Schell, two doors ea-t of the Gazette office, will practice in the several Courts of Bedford county. Pensions, bounties and back pay obtained and the purchase of Real Estate attended to. 51ay 11, '66— lyr. JOHN T. KEAGY, ATTORNEY AT LAW. BEDFORD, PESN'A., Offers to ;.ivc satisfaction to all who may en trust their legal business to him. Will collect moneys on evidences of debt, and speedily pro cure bounties and pensions to soldiers, their wid ows or heirs. Office two doors west of Telegraph office. aprll:'66-ly. JR. CESSNA, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Office with JOHN CESSNA, on Julianna street, in •be office f rrnerlv occupied by King A Jordan, and recently by' Filler &. Keagy. All business entrusted to his care will receive faithful ard prompt attention. Military Claims, Pensions, Ac., speedily collected. Bedford, June 9,1865. J- M'D. SHARPS E - R - KERB SIIARPE A KERR, A TTOKNE YS-A T-lA W. Will practice in the Courts of Bedford and ad joining counties. All business entrusted to their care will receive careful and prompt attention. Pensions, Bounty, Back Pay, Ac., speedily col lected from the Government. Office on Juliana street, opposite the banking house of Reed A Schell, Bedford, Pa. mar2:tt J OHK PALMER, Attorney at Law, BcfUord, Pa,. Will promptly attend to all business entrusted to his care. : Ssb- Particular attention paid to the collection of Military claims. Office on JuliaDna st., nearly opposite the Mengel House.) june 23, "65.1y J. K. DURBORROW JOBS LtlT*. DURBORROW A LI TZ. JTTOR.VJE IPS .IT 1,.f 11% BEBFORD, TA., Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to their care. Collections made on the shortest no tice. They are, also, regularly licensed Claim Agents ;in d will give special attention to the prosecution of claim.-against the Government for Pensions, I>. ; 4 Pay, Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac. ifficc on Juliana street, one door South of the 'Mangel House" and nearly opposite the Inquirer „r,,re. April 28, 1865:t USFY M. ALSIP, Vj ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA., Will faithfully and pr mptly attend to all busi ness entrusted to his care in Bcdf-. rd and adjoin iug counties. Military claims, Pensions, back pay, Bounty, Ac. speedily collected. Office with Mann A Spang, on ' Juliana street. 2 doors south of the Mengel House. apll, 1864.—tf. Ml". A. POINTS, ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Respectfully tenders his professional services to the public. Office with J. W. Lingenfelter, Esq., on Juliana street, two doors South of tho •'Mengle House." Dee. 9, 1 Sfit-tf. KIMMELL AND LINGENFELTER, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, HEDFORD, PA. Have formed a partnership in the practice ol the Law Office on Juliana Street, two doors South of the Mengel House ftprl, 1364—tf. IOHN MOWER, J ATTORNEY AT LAW . BEDFORD, PA. April 1,1864.—tf. DKXTISTS. C. 5. *• c - Jn - DENTISTS, BEDFORD, PA. Office in the Bank Buildimj, .Juliana Street. All operations pertaining to Surgical or Me chanical Dentistry carefully and faithfully per formed and warranted. TERMS CASH. Tooth Powders and Mouth W ash, excellent ar ticles, always on hand. ian6'6s-ly. DENTISTRY. I. N. BOWSER, RBSIDBRT DJJSTIST, WOOJS BKRRY. Pa., visits Bloody Run three day of each month, commencing with the second Tuesday of the month. Prepared to perform all Dental oper ations with which he may be favored. Term* tc.ithin tb rear! of all and etrictli/ raih except by special contract. Work to be sent by mail or oth wise, must be paid for when impressions are taken. augs, '64:tf. PHYSICIANS. \ITM. W. JAMISON, M. D., VV BLOODY Res, PA., Respectfully tenders his professional services to tho people of that place and vicinity. [dccß:lyr OR. B. F. HARRY, Respectfully tenders his professional ser vices to the citizens of Bedford and vicinity. Office and residence on Pitt Street, in the building formerly occupied hy Dr. J. 11. Hofius. April 1, 1964—tf. I L. MARBOURG. M. D., J Having permanently located respectfully lenders hi? pofessional services to tbo citizens of Bedford and vicinity. Office or. Juliana street, opposite the Bank, one door north of Hall A Pal mer's office. April 1, 1864 —tf. BANKERS. O. W. BTJPP O. E. SHASXOS F. BENRIJICT RDPP, SHANNON A CO., BANKERS, BBBFOBB, PA. BANK OF DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT. COLLECTIONS made for the East, West, North and Scuth, and the genera! business of Exchange, transacted. Notes and Accounts Collected and Remittances promptly made. REAL ESTATE bought and sold. apr.15,'64-tf. JEWELER, A<*. ABSALOM GARLICK, Clock At Watchmaker and Jeweller, BI.OODT RCN, PA. Clocks, Watches, Jewelry, Ac., promptly re paired. All work entrusted to bis care, warranted to giv e .ktiafaotion. ile also keeps on hand and for sale WATCH ES, CLOCKS, and JE WELR Y. fffj" Office with Dr. J. A. Mann. my 4 I OHN REIMUND, fj CLOCK AND WATCH-MAKER, in tho United States Telepraph Office, BEDFORD, PA. Clocks, watches, and all kinds of jewelry promptly repaired. All work entrusted to hisearc warranted to icive entire satisfaction. £nov3-lyr DANIEL BORDER, PITT STREET, TWO DOORS WEST OF TBE BED FORD HOTEL, BF.BPORD, PA. TCJIMAKEK AND DEALER IN JEWEL RT. SPECTACLES. AC. He keeps on hand a stock of fine Gold and Sil ver Watches, Spectacles of Brilliant Double Refin ed Glasses, also Scotch Pebble Glasses. Gold Watch Chains, Breast Pins, Finger Rings, best quality of Gold Pens. He will supply to order ay thing in his line not on hand, aj r. 28, 1865—u. I V W. CHOUSE U. WHOLESALE TOBACCONIST, On Peun street u few doors west of the Court House, Norlh side, Bedford, Pa., is now prepared tosoll by wholesale all kinds of CIUAK3. All orders promptly filled. Persons desiring anything in his line vrill do well to gire him a call. Bedford, Oct. 20, '65. DPKBORROW Ar LITZ Editors and Proprietors. ADDRESS OF THE Non-reconstructed States Issued by the Philadelphia Convention. WHAT SOUTHERN LOYALTY SUFFERS. Read Northern Men, and then Say Whether the Policy of Andrew Johnson Should he Endorsed at the Ballot-Box. General Warmouth, from the committee on the Non-reconstructed States, then sub mitted the following, the different passages of which were greeted with great applause : REPORT or THE COMMITTEE oif IfUN-RE CONSTRUCTED STATE The Committee on the Non-reconstructed States have the honor to submit the follow ing report on the social and political status of the loyalists of such States, together with their needs and requirements : Previous to the war for sectional disunion, the patriotic traditions the social pride, the individual interests, and the religious and educational influences of the South were identified and closely allied with the Ameri can Union. The patriotic instincts of the overwhelming majority of the_ Southern people, without regard to condition of life, were in harmony with these elements. There were social bonds extending from Maine to California, and the ties of interest and con sanguinity ramifying every fibre of the Re public, and embracing every hearthstone and altar in the land. Those who meditated treason were forced by this patiiotic sentiment to put on the livery of republicanism to serve monarchy in. The disunion plotters, for instance, declared that they held to the dogma of State Rights, because its vindication was the only means by which to conserve American nationality. They sought to check the Federal instincts of the American people by declaiming against what they termed the anti-republican character of a strong, all sufficient national government. Thirty years of ceaseless agitation and political intriaue failed to dissever the bonds of a common country. Those who secretly worked for the overthrow of American insti tutions, saw at last that the South must have new social, political and military tradi tions—that the name of Washington and the deeds of Bunker Ilill must be oblitera ted by blood before tlie final work of South ern independence could be achieved. A nretc-xt for war was sought, and the Gulf States precipitated into revolution. In the In the early stages of that revolution the necessities of the conspirators compelled them to keep up the pretext of patriotism, until the madness and blood; bed born of actual strife should place the liberties, per sons, and property of the Southern people within their control. At the proper moment force was substituted for fraud ; the long concealed and bloody purpose of sec tional disunion, per se. openly declared, with human slavery as its cornet- stone. The pride of men once committed to the cause, the thirst lor military glory, or the new love of military adventure, the suddenly aroused and unthinking impulse of woman, the new sympathies, new resentments, new hopes, and new traditions springing incvi tably from a state of war, were calculated upon and deliberately directed lor the accomplishment of the traitors purpose. After four years of bloody strife the first phrase of the contest closed by the surren der of Lee to General Grant. The termination of the bloody conflict found the people of tho South crushed to the earth by the twofold influences of mili tary defeat and a long reign of military des potism, wielded by the disuuionists with a selfishness and ferocity unparalleled in the history of political crime. Freed by the Union arms from the tyrants, our unfortunate countrymen were once more as freemen face to face with the authors of their misery. They had seen every pledge made to them violated ; every principle, or pretext of principle, trampled under foot. They saw around them the desolation which had been wrought in the interests of a selfish aristocracy, and they returned to their ruined homes and decimated families, leaving the authors of all their woes to pay the penalties of all their crimes ar.d receive, as they deserved, the execration of mankind. Should the people of the South, under the influence and guidance of the loyal men return to the ancient traditions of their fathers, and recognize loyal society in the interest of American nationality and repub lican liberty ; or should they under the gui dance and influence of the traitors who but lately ruled over them, be confirmed in the prejudices of disunion ? This was the inquiry which, at the close of the war, sprung spontaneously from the mind of every lover of his country. Upon its decision de pended the question whether the North or South had fought in vain. When the armies of the United States compelled the surrender of these rebel for ces, and the insurgents returned to their homes, the patriots of the South welcomed them back in the spirit of forgivenecs and brotherly love. Their hoHses were thrown open to them, and in the hour of reunion t hey overlooked their great crime and en deavored to heal the wounds of injured 1 pride and unsuccessful ambition. The first question they asked themselves was this : •'What will the Government do with us?" ft was the general anticipation among them, that having revolted against the Govern ment ; bavin'j fought for four years to es tablish an independent government, that the United States, in justice to the hun dreds of thousands of noble patriotic sol diers who had died for their country, in justice to the loyal men of the South, and injustice to its violated law. would impose such penalties on the leaders of the rebel lion as wou'd prevent theni front assuming to control by administration, direction or voice, the governments of the insurrcetory States. With the full knowledge of the issues which they themselves has deliber ately made, compelling the Government to join issues with arms in its own defence, and having after a long and bloody trial, been utterly defeated and overthrown, they were conscious of their own uuworthiness to participate in the work of reconstruction. Indeed, judged by tbe code under which they had governed during rebellion, they had cause to tremble for fear of confiscation of property and banishment. in this they were confirmed and their fears intensified when, by the assassination of President Lincoln, Mr. Johnson, whose pledges to the country "that treason should be made odious and traitors punished," became the Executive of the nation. Their fears were relieved and their depression turned to feeliugs ot exultation and triumph when the North Carolina proclamation ue vclo]>cd the President's policy. From that hour the question, "What will the Govern ment do with us ?" was no longer asked, but they at once began to deliberate what they would do with the Government. Tho anx A LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWSPAPER, DEVOTED TO POLITICS, EDO CATION, LITERATURE AND MORALS. ious question of patriotism as to tvlio should guide the work of loyal reconstruction was answered also. The question with them, uttered with whispering lips and heating hearts, was "What will the disuuionists do with us ?" The press of the South, owned and con trolled by loaders of armies, divisions, brigades aud regiments of the rebel set, ice, and by the immediate political adherents of Jeff Davis, with significant and startling unanimity supported the Executive plan. The ruling ideas aud representative men of the loyal nation were attacked with renewed revolutionary violence ; the American Con gress denounced as rumps, acting without authority. The policy of the I'resident, backed by his great patronage and increased power, assured them in the hope of being placed in absolute power in tbeir States and restored ultimately to their wonted influ ence in the national legislature. Those who had remained faithful in their allegiance were denounced as traitors and as unworthy the confidence or respect of the countiy ; and those who did not endorse the Execu tive policy were persecuted in the Dame of the President with the added malice of un successful revolution. The executive, legislative and judicial offi cers of the States, filled with ex-rebel officers of high position and rank, elevated in con sideration of services rendered and sacrifi ces for the Confederacy, burning under the effect of recent defeat, produced in-a great measure by the loyalists of the South, launched at them every shaft of persecution and intolerance. Almost every Union man. who by appointment or otherwise, held office or place has been summarily removed to give place to men who had distinguished themselves in the Confederate service, and so anxious and determined were they in re moving every element of power from Union men that forms of law in many cases were disregarded. State officers in Louisiona, for instance, upon the most flimsy pretense, were superseded by illegal appointment and ejected by force, without trial or the forms ol' law. The Legislatures vent their indignation on the colored people by the enactment of what are kindly termed labor laws, which as absolutely maintain slavery, with the excep tion of buying and seTl'ng the people, as the previous enactments for that purpose. As an instance, the law.-- passed by some of our Legislatures provide that all persons engaged in agricultural pursuits as laborers shall be required, during the first ten days of the month of January in each year, to make contracts for the ensuing year, and in case of failure such laborer shall be arrested by the civil authorities and hired out, and however much the laborer may be dissatis fied he dare not leave, under the penalty of apprehension and of being forced to labor upon the pnblic works without compensa tion, until he will consent to return to his employer. It is punished with fine and im prisonment to entice or persuade away, feed, harbor or secrete any such laborer, In this way, compelled to contract within a limit of ten days, punished by legal enslavement for violating a simple contract, and prevented from obtaining shelter, food or employment by the severest penalties, he is made a serf in the liaiue of iroodom, and suffers all ,1" the evils of the institution of slavery, with out receiving that care which the master, from a sense of his own interest, would give to the bondsman. By the act of some of our Legislatures it is made at respass for any man to enter upon the plantation of another without the consent of the owner or agent and punishable with fine and imprisonment. The object of this law is evidently to prevent laborers front l leaving the plantations upon which they are compelled to engage. It is also made law ful for the employer to fine and punish his employee for failing to labor to suit the em ployer, or disobey any orders. The interpretation of laws and decisions by the courts have been characterized by the same unwholesome and intolerant spirit. The laws passed in the days of slavery for its protection are enforced with the same exactness to-day as ten years ago. Citizens have been arrested on the charge of having told negroes that they were rightfully enti tled to vote, thrown into re-Don, retained for months, tried by a judge wniiout a jury, refused time to send for witnesses or counsel, convicted and sentenced to punishment in the penitentiary. There is no redress of any grievances or atrocities perpetrated upon Union men or deserters from tho rebel armies during the war. It is even unnecessary to plead spe cial orders from a Confederate officer, for it is said that ail citizens belonged by law to the militia, and as both the fetate aud Con federate governments hud repeatedly order ed the militia to apprehend deserters at any time or place, it is held tha; the acts passed to screen Confederate officers and soldiers from the consequences of acts committed in obedience to orders covers all acts committed against deserters or conscripts in the at tempt of apprehension. As against Union men, however, the iaw is strictly construed by the courts ; the slightest infraction of a conscript in flying to our lines, or by a deserter starving in his cave, is sure to meet with speedy retribution. Did a man resist a conscript officer to the death, it is murder. Did a conscript officer arrest women and children and keep them forty hours in a tierce storm, without food, and subjected to the grossest indignities and violence, producing the death of some and perilling the lives of others, "It Is done in obedience to military authority"' and the rebel goes unpunished. In short, in all actions whose cause occurred during the war, there is plenty of law against the Un ion man, but there is none for him. In cau -cs occurring at the present time the fierce hatred of the men who were right whilst disuuionists were wrong, is sufficeut to prc vcut them passing tho triple guard with which treason has surrounded her temples of injustice viz : disloyal magistrates, disloy al grand juries and disloyal petit juries, to say nothing of the disloyal agencies of the Government. Union men are ostracised aud proscribed socially in most parts of the South- Sol diers of tho Union armies arc compelled in many places, to discard the blue which they have worn with honor, in order to protect themselves from insult and violence. .Min isters of the Gospel arc silenced and excom municated from the churches on account of their ancestral and steadfast loyally to the Republic. Disloyal men have ciations, which are known in Virginia as the Legion of Honor, and in South Carolina and Louisiana as relief societies, all of them composed of Confederate soldiers, and pre sided over and controlled by their former leaders and chieftains, and used for the pur pose of fostering the animus of resistance to our Government and keeping alive the hope of Southern independence. Their object is to monopolize all places of trust and power, preserve the exelusivenessof the South, and at the proper time, wnen some hoped for feud may divide the people of the North,.it will again throw its sword in the scale, and achieve its long cherished dis union purposes. Loyal men are taunted and threatened in BEDFORD. Pa- FRtDAY. SEPTEMBER 21. 1860. I private, and denounced in public assembla ges. Bowed down and crushed by the foul spirit ola prevailing and clamorous disloyal population, many of our people are selling their estates for whatever they can get to procure money to enable them to leave and come North. Paring the continuance of the war rebels fesred that punishment would be meted out to them for the wrongs done to Union men, should they fail in their ob jects. This fear was a protection, especial ly during 1863 and 1864. Now even this ! guarantee is taken away, for our prosecutors are the vicegerents of the national power at tho South. Tie Union man is discarded and abused. He has to look forward to a I life of continual persecution for himself and ' serfdom for his children. The free North offers the only refuge. Without protection for the present and future there is no hope but in exile. One of the strongest evidences of the in tolerance of the disunionists is lately given in the action of the civil authorities of the city of New Orleans towards a convention, composed of gentlemen of known loyalty. On the 30th of July last, in pursuance of a proclamation of Rufus K. Howell, one of the judges of the Supreme Court of Louisi ana, the convention which framed the organ ic law under which the civil government of Louisiana assumed to act, and which ad journed subject to the cab of its president, met at the capital of the State, in the city of New Orleans. From the time of the Governor's request for the convention to re assemble, the press of the city, owned and controlled by ex-generals and colonels aud other officers of the rehel army, and by those in sympathy with them, attacked, with the greatest violence, the convention as a body, and the members as individuals, descending to the most violent and abusive language for the purpose of influencing the minds of the returned rebel soldiers and their adherents against the convention and its members. Public meetings were held in the city, at which the most violent and incendiary speeches were made against the assembling of the convention. The Mayor of the city, by means of his police, put in circulation the report of his determination to suppress that body if it should attempt to meet in the city of New Orleaus. The Judge of the Criminal Court made a charge to the Grand Jury, in which he discussed and endorsed the policy of Andrew Johnson, and instruc ted them to find bills of indictment against those gentlemen who should respond to the call of the President of the convention and the Governor of the State. Having thus inflamed the public mind against the con vention by every means in his power, and invoked the aid of a corrupt judge and a disloyal Grand Jury, the foreman of which was an ex-colonel of the rebel army, the Mayor of the city addressed a letter to Ma jor General A. Baird, commanding the de partment of Loisiaua, in which he used the following language: "It is mv intention to disperse this unlavv fnl assembly if found within the corporate limits of the city, provided they meet with out the sanction of the military authorities, " thus claiming the authority as Mayor of the city to pass upon the legality of a conven tion which made the government under wKicli he held hi* 1 offioc, and Whosj tution he had sworn to.support, and claim ing the right and asserting his determination to disperse it in case it should be found vrithui the corporate limits of the city. It wou'u be supposed, after the able and manly Ye ply of General Baird to this letter, that the determination officially expressed would not have been further contemplated. That officer, after having informed the May or that the convention had not asked for any such authority or sanction, said ; "When asked if 1 intended to furnish the j convention with a military guard I have re plied . ' No; the Mayor of the city, with his police, will amply protect its sitting.' If these persons assemble, as you say is intend ed, it will be, I presume, in viitue of the universally-conceded right of all loyal citi zen - of the United States to meet peaceably and discuss freely questions concerning their civil governments; a right which is not re stricted by the fact that the movement pro posed might terminate in a change of exist ing institutions. If the assemblage ii. question has the legal right to remodel the State government it should be protected in so doing. If it has not, then its labors must be looked upon simply as a harmless plea-tantry to which no one ought to object. As to your concep tion of the duty imposed by your oath of office, I regret to differ with you entirely. I cannot understand bow the Mayor of a city can undertake to decide so important and delicate a question as the legal authority upon which a convention claiming to rep resent the people of an entire State bases its action." Your committee arc informed that this reply of Gen. Baiid was the cause of a per sonal interview between the Lieutenant Gov ernor and tho General, at which it was agreed that whatever warrant of arrest might be issued should ke submitted to him beiore any attempt was made to have it executed ; and that, upon the endorsement of the Gen eral's objections, the matter should be refer red to the President of the United States for liis action. This fact being known, pro duced a feeling of security on the part of the members of the convention- On the morning of the 30th of July ap peared a proclamation, requesting the peo ple to remain away from the convention, that peace and order might bo preserved ; it was believed at the time that this was is sued with tbe sincere desire to preserve the peace ; hut the sequel will show that it was only a mantle to coyer the real design. At twelve o'clock the night before the police were withdrawn from their beats, and assem bled at their respective station houses, and k#ides the weapons usually used hv police men, each was given a navy re volver. Thus armed they were held at the station-houses to await orders. In addition to these measures, others had been taken by Harry T. Hays, sheriff of the parish of Orleans and an cx-gcneral of the rebel army, pardoned by the President to enable him to assume that office. He had reorganized a portion of his old brigade as deputy sheriffs, and they wore ordered to be in readiness on that occasion. They were doubly armed with revolvers, and prepared to act with all the efficiency of military dis cipline. From early in the morning the streets of New Orleans were unusually crowded. The Union men were assembling in the convention hall, and many were in the street iu front of the building. At the corner of Dryades street and Canal were stationed a large number of young men in citizen's dress, recognized as members of rebel military organizations, evidently wait iog for the signal of attack, and whose sub sequent conduct proves conclusively that they too were armed and stationed there for a bloody purpose. At twelve o'clock the convention met, and alter a short session adjourned for one hour, to give time for the absent members to ap pear. Your committee are informed that it was the intention of the members of the conven tion to record the names of those who might bo present during the day, and then to ad journ until a day subsequent to thce2ections to fill uacancies, which were already ordered by the Governor of the State. Near one o'clock the bells of the city tolled a signal, and the police, joined by hundreds if return ed rebel soldiers in citizens' dress, attacked, without auy provocation, the pecplo collect ed in front of the Capitol. They, being mostly unarmed, were forced to retreat. Met by another body of police and citizens, they were compelled to submit to unheard-of and unparalleled butchery. The street in front of the Capitol being thus cleared, an atbick was made upon the hall, whore the convention had assembled. The members and audience were found seated, in accord ance with the request of the Rev. Dir. Hor ton, Dr. A. P. Dostie and others. Without any attempt at arrest —without one word of provocation—the assailants opened upon them a terrific volley. Driven back upon the wa", with no means of escape, and with dead aud wounded men all around them, their offers of surrender answered by pistol shots, the besieged, in their desperation, seized the chairs of the hall and drove their assailants (who had by this time emptied their revolvers) from the room. These at tacks were reneated until every man had been either killed or wounded, or had effec ted his escape. Whi'st this was going 08, the streets of the city for several squares around the building were a scene of carnage; and whoever was seen with a dusky skin, or of well-known loyalty, by any of the city officials or their supporters (the Union hating mob), was ei-ker killed or wounded. E very bearer of a flag of truce from the hall of the convention was met with wounds and death. Many of the victims, afhfr being wounded, were subjected to the most brutal lacerations and indiguities. It is a fact worthy of notice that this mob was not an ordinary one. It was not com posed of the dregs of the populace, but of men who claimed to be and are regarded as the most respectable citizens of New Or leans. Men of high standing in the com munity were there ; some dressed as police men, and some as firemen; while others, without any attempt at disguise, were open ly using their influence to excite the masses to still greater fury. The instances of bru tality characterizing this revolting massacre, are too many and too horrible to recite in a document of this kiud ; but this history of the age, in no land civilized or uncivilized, will narrate a talc of more merciless, unpro voked and unnecessary bloodshed. It was the expressed intention of G oneral Baird to have the United States troops in close proximity to the Capitol, in order that the public peace might be preserved. This intention had been communicated by bint to the Lieutenant Governor, who, without authority, and in contempt of the Governor of the State, assumed to confer with the General on the course to be pursued. This official, when informed of the General's de sign, took occasion to tell him that the con vention would meet at six o'clock in the evening, knowing well that the hour fixed upon was twelve o'clock M. Thus deceived | General Baird was surprised to learn, when the reports of the massacre were carried to him, that the convention bad met at twelve o'cloek and had adjourned All the circumstances connected with this tragic event —the expressed intention of the Mayor to disperse the convention unless it met with the sanction of the military authorities, the withdrawal of the police from their beats in the city twelve hours before that appointed for assembling of the convention, the arming of them with revolv ers, the signal given at one o'clock, and the prompt arrival of all the police of the city, including the six or seven hundred special policemen sworn in for the occasion, the presence of the Mayor during the tumult, the deception practiced by the Lieutenant Governor to keep troops out of the city— all clearly prove that the bloody tragedy was, as General fcheridan states, a "premeditated massacre." And from the brutal manner in which over four hundred Union men were killed and wounded; from the tact that not one single policeman or participant in the murderous affair has been arrested; from the fact that the same men whose hands are yet red with the blood of the patriotic sol diers of the republic, and crimsoned anew in that of the martyrs of the 30th of July, are still retained in office and power in that city it is clear that there is no security for the lives, the liberty or the property of loyal citizens. It is a part of the history of this massacre that indictments were found by the Grand Jury of the parish, composed of ex-rebel soldiers and their sympathizers, against the survivors of the Convention, for having disturbed the peace of the community ; and that to-day many of them are under heavy bonds to appear and answer the charge. Nor did this seeui to satisfy the judge of the criminal court, for the Grand Jury was brought before him on the following day and instructed to find bills of indictment against the members of the convention and specta tors, charging them with murder —giving the principle in law and applying it to this case, that whoever is engaged in an unlaw ful proceeding from which death ensues to a human being, is guilty of murder; and alleging that as the convention had no right to meet, and the police had killed many men on tho day of its meeting, thosurvivers were therefore guilty of murder. The state of affairs which led to this mas sacre is believed to be the legitimate result of tho reconstruction policy of Andrew Johnson. For it is an indisputable fact that, upon the reception of Gen. Baird's reply to Mayor Monroe, a delegation was sent to Washington to confer with the President of the United States, and that immediately after the conference with that functionary, a despatch was sent to New Orleans informing the Mayor that he would be sustained by the President iu his deter mination to suppress the convention. The President, ignoring the provision of ihe Constitution which authorized the Ex ecutive of tho nation to suppress insurrec tion in a Htate only when called upon by the Legislature of said State, or, in case of its not being in session, by the Executive of -aid Htate, ignoring the Governor and all rules of official intercourse been the State and National Governments, sent a despatch in which he used the following language to Andrew J. Herron, attorney general of .Louisiana, on the day of the massacre : "You will call on General Sheridan, or whoever else may be in command, for suffi cient force to sustain the civil authorities in suppressing all illegal or unlawful assem blies." This placed Gen. Sheridan and the Uni ted States troops under the command of an attorney general of ajnon reconstructed State whose greatest merit may be said to consist in the fact that he had served four years as an officer of high rank in the rebel army— giving him the power which the Governor himself could not exorcise, and allowing him to say whether a convention of loyal citizens was unlawful and compelling Gen. Sheridan to enforce, by the strong arm of the Govern ment, his interpretation. It might have been pleaded at first, with some show of plausibility, in the President's defence, that VOLUME 39; XO 42. ho was misinformed as to the real status of the convention, and the actual facts of its bloody dispersion; but after weeks have elepsed, after Gen. Sheridan's full report characterizing the so called riot as a 1 'pre meditated massacre," after the report of the Military Commission appointed by General Baird to investigate'thc affair, after the exodus of so many well known Unionists of Louisiana on account of the total want of governmental protection this plea can no longer be urged: and when it is, moreover remembered that not a single arrest of the guilty parties has been made, and that the' same pardoned, perjured Mayor, with tsis murderous rebel police, has been permitted to continue the exercise of the power be has so greatly abused, can it be claiuftd, even by the most credulous or the most charitable, that the President is not responsible for the bloodshed of that day? But why continue Ac recital of this horri ble record. We have before us evidence from every portion of the South, proving the extent and increasing volume of the spirit, of intolerance and pesecutiou above 6et forth This committee is in possession of informa tion that Union men dare not attend this j convention for fear of \ iolence upon their 1 return. Gentlemen of this convention have, since in this city, received notices warning them not to return homo. We have omitted the relation of acts of ferocity and barbarism too hoi rible to relate and the recital of which would scarcely be credited by a humane civilized people. We submit to the impar tial judgment of the American people, if these State governments, thus ruled by a disunion oligarchy, and based on the politi cal disfranchisement of three millions of colored citizens and the social disfranchise ment of the entire loyal white citizens, are republican in form? Of doubtful legal exist ence, they are undoubtedly despotic in the interest of treason, as we of the South know but too well. The review of the condition of the South before the war, aud of the events which transpired since, brings us to the considera tion of the confirmed, consolidated, intoler ant aud defiant powers of disunion which now control every department of the non reconstructed States. All of the restraining influences in favor of the Union as existing before the war have perished frern the land, save the feeble light kept alive by the loyalists. The armed ef forts to overthrow the Government having been treated solely as an unsuccessful but heroic act, the leaders of the rebellion stand justified in the eyes of their own people. This is the basis of their moral justification. They possess the lands of the South through the favoritism of the military des potism enthroned at Richmond during the war. They absorbed by contracts and spec ulation the wealth of our section. They have been confirmed in the possession of this ill gotten wealth by the pardoning pow er of the Executive. By the provisions of the national bank act requiring local resi dence for directors, they possess control of the financial power of these Thus, with the lands, the eotton, tobacco and rail road wealth and wielding the banking influ ence of the country, and speaking by au thority of the President as the supporters of his dynasty and administration policy, they dominate witn an aDSOiutc power. If a conflict of arms for the gratification of sectional and party hatred could be, as we have seen, precipitated notwithstanding the restraining influences which existed previ ous to the late war, what guarantee have we against a repetition of the bloody experi ment in polities, now that the entire South is more intensely sectionalized than ever? Overawed by the fearful array of power which surrounds them, abandoned by the President, and impoverished by the ruthless rule which has so loDg oppressed them how can the Union men of the South hope, unai ded, to maintain their ground. The remedy which is proposed in the President's policy will only increase our sufferings and open the way for perpetuating the tyranny of our oppressors. The admis sion of the Representatives of these treasona ble conventions into Congress, carries with it the admission ot their vote in the Electo ral College, They will on uiany vital ques tions of legislation, hold the balance of pow er in Congress, and they will also hold the balance of power in Presidential elections. The effect of their vote in Congress, it is true, can be neutralized by keeping in the halls of the National Legislature a solid body of men with whom it will be impossible for the agents of treason to affiliate. But the same cheek cannot be applied in the electo ral College. The hope of wielding the uni ted Southern vote in the next Presidential election has already corrupted the fountains of national justice at the Capitol. An open and shameless coalition has been formed which needs only for its consumation the success of the President's policy. Into that coalition have been already drawn, by one influence or another, men heretofore identi fied with the dearest affections of the Amer ican people. Thus the work of political corruption will go on, the South compact, defiant and sectionalized with its anti-repub lican institutions resting on negro serfdom as the corner stone, the North torn by fac tions and distracted by the ambition of as piring politicians and contending parties. This conflict of sections will progress—trans- ferred from the battlefields to the halls of national legislation. The spirit of disunion Will seek to gain by the ballot what it failed to achieve by the sword. The second open armed attempt at separation will be simply a question or time and favorable oppor tunity. There is but one way to destroy this prin ciple of sectionalism in the South. It is by overturning the corner-stone on which it rests. This work cannot be left to the vol untary act of the disunion class because their aristocratic, anti American instincts will find their natural gratification in the secondary form of slavery. If the question of emanci pation has been left to the voluntary action of these States, does any one suppose they would have adopted the Constitutional amendment'? Would their chosen represen tatives have voted in Congress for ttio civil rights bill? Can we look to a landed oligar chy for measures of liberation for the people? Fellow-countrymen, it is onr duty to tell you that nothing can be expected from the disunion element in the interest of freedom, right or Union. We arc driven to make this declaration after having exhausted every means to induce these desperate men to do justice. We are forced to this conclu sion by tbat blind and intolerant spirit which has abused the magnanimity of the nation and returned all our deeds and words of charity and forgiveness with ingratitude and persecution. The time has come when the States of the South must be governed by those who love the Union and glory in its fame, or by those who hate it There can be no middle ground. Our enemies and yours would not permit us to occupy middle ground if we desired to do so. They claim to rule. They claim to rule over us by vir tue of their treason. They claim to degrade, debase and proscribe us because of our patriotism. Acting in conjunction with the noble and generous spirit of Christian charity under RATES OF ADVERTISING. All advertisements for les than 3 months 10 cents per line for each insertion. Special notices onehalf additional. All resolutions of Associa tion, communications of a limited or individual interets and notices of marriages and deaths, ex ceeding five lines, 10 cts. per line. All legal noti ces of every kind, and all Orphans' Court and other Jadicial sales, are required by law to fcc pub lished in both papers. Editorial Notices 14- cent per line. All Advertising due after first insertion A liberal discount made to yearly advertisers. 3 months, fi months. 1 year. One squaro. r. 8 4.50 $ 0.00 slo.ov Two aquares.iv..... 6.00 9.00 16.00 Three sqttfes - 8.00 12.00 20.00 One-fourth c01umn...... 14.00 20.00 35.00 Half c01umn................ 18.69 25.00 45.00 One column 30.00 45.00 8000 which the North was witling to receive back those who had wronged as, the Union men of the South met tlicir neighbors, friends and kindred willing to forgive and forget the past. We declare that all our efforts as well as those of the Government have been met with hyi>ocrisy or ingratitude. in making this final appeal to the country wc declare that the disunion leaders of the South are Again the deliberate, wanton ag- Taey offer as a pretext for our persecution, that the representatives of the American people in Congress have proposed in a spirit of injustice and proscription to afflict the South with mere partisan legisla tion. Speaking here to day, in the name of the loyalists ot the South we affirm that Congress in order to avoid discord and con flict, has actually abstained from doing much which it ought to have done and possesses the power to do. V e affirm that the loyalists of the South look to Congress with affectionate gaatitude and confidence as the only means to save us from peisc3ution, exile, and death itself. And we also declare that there can be no security for us or our children—there can be nj safety for the countiy against the fell spirit of slavery now organized in the form of serfdom, unless the Government, by na tional and appropriate legislation, enforced by national authority, shall confer on every citizen in the States we represent the American birthright of impartial suffrage and equality before the law. This is theone all-sufficient remedy. This is our great need and pressing necessity. This is the only policy which will destroy sectionalism by bringing into effective pow er a preponderating force on the side of loy alty. It will lead to an enduring pacification, because based upon the eternal principles of justice. It is a policy which will finally re generate the South itself, because it wiil introduce and establish there a divine prin ciple of moral politics , which, under God's blessing will, in elevating humanity, absorb and purify the unchristian hate and selfish passions of men. It will bless those who give as well as those who receive. It will be the crowning act of glory to our free Republic, and when done will be receiv ed, as was received the act of emancipation, with joy and piaise throughout the world, as the final realization of the promises ofthe Declaration of American independence. 11. C. WARMOT TH, Louisiana, Chm'n C. G. BAYLOR, of Georgia, D. 11. BINGHAM, of Alabama A. W. TOURGEE of North Carolina, R. O. SIDNEY, of Mississippi, JAMES H. BELL, of Texas, JOHN HACXHTTRST, of Virginia, Committee. itebel Opinion of Philip Sheridan and the Union Generals. "General Phil. Sheridan grew, during the war,' says the Union Springs (Alabama) Ttrn<c, of August Ist, "to be quite notorius. His blood is Irish, and being an Irishman, he was full of fight. He commanded Irish men. They wou'd fight. Hence, in au army of yankce blue bellies, who were most splendidly drilled in retrograde tactics, and against a man whose taste for peach brandy was stronger than his sense of duty, this little five-feet-eight of resolute Fin neganism made some reputation. We rather liked the little fellow on account of his pluck 3 and were glad to see him promoted, even in an army of cravens and thieves. Ho studied hard at West Point; he behaved well in Washington Territory, and it pleased us to see him escape the paternal pick and shovel which had contributed largely to the internal improvements of Ohio. "I\ hy, then, has he spoiled all by his foolish show of authority? Why has he proved to the world that he is only a vulgar ditcher at heart after all, and that his high rank is not the reward of merit, but tho mere results of fortuitous circumstances? This is really too bad. We have henceforth to acknowledge these Yankee hybrids as countrymen, and it would be gratifying to Southern gentlemen to know that some of them had just claims to decency and respect. But one by one, the leaders of the Northern army show themselves to be only blackguards and braggarts. ''Butler turned thiol at the start; Tur chin was a natural born imp of perdition; Thomas has displayed a remarkable aptitude for giving white people's churches to his black betters; Sherman found the torch a more congenial weapon to his unknightly nature than the sword; Grant tried to be a politician, and faded as signally as when he attemptdd to defeat Lee fairly; and now one of the small fry, a shorttailed, slimy tadpole of the latter spawn, the blathering disgrace of an honest fathef, an everlasting libel upon his Irish blood, the scorn of brave men and the synonym of infamy, Major General Phil. 11, Sheridan, has added his name to this list oi outrages upon humanity by the issue of General Order No. 14, Mili tary Division of the Gulf." BS=.ln his speech at the St. Cloud Hotel in Memphis, accepting the nomination for the Vice Presidency, Andrew Johnson thus urged the necessity of a rigid franchise law in Tennessee: "I saw that the traitor has ceased to bo a citizen, and in joining the rebellion has become a public enemy. lit forf' Ued his right to vote with loyal men when he raioun ccd his citizenship and sought to destroy our Government. We say to the most honest •md industrious foreigner who conies from England and Germany to dwell among us and to add to the wealth of the country, Before you can bo a citizen yon must stay here for five years." If we arc so cautious about foreigners, who voluntarily renounce their homes to livo with us, what should we say to the traitor who, although born and reared among us, has raised a paricidal hand against the Government which always pro tected him? My judgemen tis that he should be subjected to a seven ordeal before he is re stored to citizenship,'' And vet this man, in his speech last Sat urday, (reported yesterday,) had the impu dencc to ask, in substsnec. what principles and promises he had betrayed. Brass can go no farther. THE POINT OF THE .MAT TEK..—"The leading proposition on which this conspiracy against the country is to be conducted, is the monstrous absurdity that the rebel States have an inherent, 'continuous,' un conditioned, constitutional riyht to form a part of the Federal Government, when they have once acknowledged the fact of the de feat of their inhabitants, in an armed at tempt to overthrow and subject it, —a pro position which implies that, victory paralyzes the power of the victors, that ruin begins when success is assured, that the only effect of beating a Southern rebel in the field is to exalt him into a maker of laws for his antago nist." — Atlantic Monthly for Septembtr. A MAN exclaimed in a tavern, "I'll bet a sovereign I have got the hardest name in the company." "Pone, ' said one of the company: "what's your name?" "Stone," cried the first. "Hand me the money," said tho other, "my namo is Harder.' *
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