®hf fMLmI |ni]nim T8 PDBLUSHKD KVERY FRIDAY MORNINU, J;Y J. R. DIRBOKBOU AK JRP.S LI : TZ, CHS JULI ANA St., opposite the Meagel tlonse BEDFORD. PENN'A. TERMS t #4.00 a year if paid strictly in advance. ll' not |nid within six mouths 82.30. ll' not paid within the year $3.00. A TTORXEYS AT LAW. B. F. XKVERS J. W. DICKERS*)*. \ 1 KYERS * DICKERSON, iVI ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD, PENN'A., office same as formerly occupied by Hon. ff. P. Schcll, two doors cast of the Gazette office, will praetrue in the several Court* of Bedford couuty. Pensions, bounties and back pay obtained and the purchase of Real Estate attended to. May 11, '66—lyr. JOHN T. KEAGY, ATTORNEY AT LAW. BEDFORD, PRNN'A., Offers to give satisfaction to all who may en trust their legal business to him. Will collect moneys on evidences of debt, and speedily pro cure bounties and pensions to soldiers, their wid ows or heirs. Office two doors west of Telegraph *prll:'rt-iy- F B. CESSNA, ,J . ATTORNEY AT LAW, Office with JOB* CJBSSSA, on Jufianna street, in the office formerly occupied by King A Jordan, and recently by Filler A Keagy. All business entrusted to bis care will receive faithful and prompt attention. Military Claims, Pensions, Ac., needily collected. Bedford, June 0,1665. J- M'D. SHARPE,.... *• F - KEKI SMIIARPE A KERB, A TTORNE YS-A T-LA W. Will practice in the Courts of Bedford and ad joining counties. All business entrusted to their care will receive careful and prompt attention. Pensions, Bounty, Back Pay, Ac., speedily col lected from the Government. Office on Juliana street, opposite the banking house of Heed A Schell, Bedford, Pa- raar2:tf JOHN PALMER, Attorney at LAW, Bedford, Pa,. Will promptly attend to all business entrusted to his care. Particular attention paid to the collection of Military claims. Office on Julianna St., nearly opposite the Mcngel House.) junc23, *65.1y I. R. JOB* EUTI. DURBORROW A LUTZ, .1 TTOHJYE VS A T LA ll*, BEBFORD, PA., W ill attend promptly to all business intrusted to their rare. Collections made on the shortest no- Tboy are, also, regularly licensed Claim Agents and will give special attention to the prosecution of claims against the Government for Pensions, Back Pay, Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac. Office on Juliana street, one door South of Oie ' Menirel House" and nearly opposite the Inquirer office. _ April 28,1866: t Hi AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA., Will faithfully and promptly attend to all busi ness entrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoin iug counties. Military claims. Pensions, back pay, Bounty, Ac. speedily collected. Office with Mann A Spang, on Juliana street, 2 doors south ofthe Mengel House. apl 1, 1864.—tf. VF. A. POINTS, IVI ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Respectfully tenders hi.- professional services to the public. Offico with J. W. Lingenfclter, on Juliana street, two doors South of the "Mengle House." Dec. 9, 1864-tf. j KIMMELL AND LINGKNFELTER, i ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Have formed a partnership m the practice of the Law Office on Juliana Street, two doors South of the Mengel House, aprl, 1864—tf. FOHN MOWER, ? J ATTORNEY AT LAW. BEDFORD, PA. April 1,1864. tf. | DEXTISTfi. . S. • ■NRSKIOH, JR. I kENTISTS, BEDFORD, PA. 1 ) Office in the Bank Building, Juliana Street. All Operations pertaining to Surgical or Me chanical Dentistry carefully and faithfully per formed and warranted. TERMS CASH. Tooth Powders and Month Wash, excellent ar ticles, always on hand. jan6'6s-ly. DENTISTRY. I. N. BOWSER. RESIDENT DENTIST, \V OOD- HritrtY, Pa., visits Bloody Run three days of each month, commencing with the second Tuesday of the month. Prepared to perform all Dental oper ations with which he may be favored. T> rms trithin the re ash of all and strictly cash except 6v special contract. Work to be sent by mail oroth wisc, must be paid for when impressions are taken. nug6, '64:tf. PIIYSKIAW \IFM. W. JAMISON, M. D., Y\ BLOODT RUN, PA., It. .-| ectfully tenders his professional services to the peoph; of that place and vicinity. [decß:lyr OK. B. F. HARRY, Respectfully tenders his professional ser vices to the citisens of Bedford and vicinity. Office and residence on Pitt Street, in the building formerly occupied by Dr. J. H. Hofins. April 1, 1864 U. 1 IJ. MARBOLRG, M. D., J . Having permanently located respectfully tenders his pofessional services to the citisens ••! Bedford and vicinity. Office on Juliana street, ppusite the Bank, one door north of lfall A Pal mer's office. April 1, 1864 tf. IIA .Vl4 I:KS. G. <V. RI PP O. E. SHANNON P. BF.NRI'ICT I) I PP, SHANNON A CO., BANKERS, IV BEDFORD, PA. BANK OF DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT. COLLECTIONS made for the East, West, North and St nth, and the general business of Exchange, transacted. Notes and Accounts Collected and Remittances promptly made. REAL ESTATE bought and sold. apr.lfi, 64-tf. JEWELER, efce. ABSALOM GARLICK, Clock & Watchmaker and Jeweller, BLOODY Run, PA. Clocks, Watchos, Jewelry, 4c., promptly re paired. All work entrusted to bis care, warranted to give satisfaction. _ __ r lie also keeps on hand and for sale WATCH ES, CLOCKS, and JEWELR Y. Zs*- Office with Dr. J. A. Mann. my 4 TOHJf REIMCND, 'J CLOCK AND WATCH MAKER, in the United States Teleprapb Office, BEDFORD, PA. Clocks, watches, and all kinds of jewelry promptly repaired. All work entrusted to his care warranted to give entire satisfaction. Lnov3-lyr DA NIEL BORDER, PITT STREET, TWO DOORS WNST OF THE BED FORD HOTEL, BEBPORD, PA. TCIIMAKER AND DEALER IN JEWEL RY. SPECTACLES. 4C. He keeps on hand a stock of fine Gold and BiL '•er Watches, Spectacles of Brilliant Double Refin ed Glasses, also Scotch Pebble Glasses. Gold Watch Chains, Breast Pins, Finger Rings, best quality of Gold Pens. He will supply to order any thing in his line not on hand, apr. 28,1803 — it. DW. CEOUBE WHOLESALE TOBACCONIST, On IVnn street s fow doors went of the Court House, North side, Bedford, Pa., i now prepared tosell by wholesale all kinde of CIGARS. AU prdere promptly filled. Persons desiring anything 'u hir liue wiU do well to give him a call. Bedford, Oct 2<l, '63. DURBOKROW & LI'TZ Editors and Proprietors. THE BRAVE BOYS IN BLUE. A CAMPAIGN SONG. Respectfully dedicated to the Pennsylvania li ßoys in Blue." Aiß—lied, White and Blue. We come from the hill and tho mountain, To stand by the flag of the free. As rivers that roll from the fountain, And swell on their way to tho sc: From forges where hammers are ringing The vows of the brave and the true; Fer GEARY, we all gather, singing Three cheers for the Brave Boys in Blue. CHORUS: Thm cheers for the Brave Boys in Blue! Three cheers for tho Bravo Boys in Blue! For Geary, we all gather, singing Three cheers for the Bravo Boys in Blue! We come from the plain and the valley, From furnace, and foundry, and mine, And round our boltr leader we rally, While "fighting it cut on this line;" Our banner we will not surrender, But here our devotion renew, For GEARY, the Duion defender, Tho choice of the Brave Boys in Blue. CHORUS —The choice of the Brave, Je. On Treason wo'\c all put a stopper, And back to "tho last ditch" it rolls, The Iron Boys don't carry "copper," When forward they march to the polls; They stand by the Union forever, And GEARY, the bold and the true; No foeman the Onion can sever, When kept by the Brave Boys in Blue! CHORUS —When kept by the Brave, etc. BO THEY CALL THESE REfll NENTS? A POETICAL INCIDENT IN TUN CAREER OF MAJ. GEN. JOHN IV. GEARY. Shortly after the arrival of the troops sent West under Gen. Hooker, Gen. Geary, of Pa., was leading some regimental fragments to the post of duty assigned them. The Western regiments they passed on the road had, most of them, their full complement of men, and sneeringly asked, loud enough to be heard, "Do they call these regiments ?" Geu. Geary halted his column, and pointing to the battle- Hag of the regiment nearest hiin, spoke in language much like the following: Halt! halt! enough of this! Brace men Should have no words of scorn For those who carry yonder flag So soiled and scarred and torn; Look on its folds —'though stained with Smoke— And read a record there. Which, were you bravest of the brave, You might be proud to bear. Why, boys, that regiment when first It answered bugle call, Had full a thousand throbbing hearts, And valiant were they all: I've seen them when, with wild hurrah, They charged the rebel foe Upon our eastern battle-fields, And that's what thinned them so. Remember, though our ranks are thin, From conflicts shared before, Those left are veterans, and count Their battles by the score ; Their comrades sleep at Gettysburg, And Fredericksburg I ween, And on the many bloody fields That line the way between. GOVERNORBROWNLUW. His Address to the Loyal People of Tennessee —Andrew Johnson's Policy again Reviewed and Denounced—ln his own State as Everywhere he is Endorsed by none bnt Rebels—The Traitorous Scheme of the Reconstrnc ted and Coppeijohnsons Tn the Knoxville Whig of August 22d Governor Brownlow publishes an addres* to the loyal people of Tennessee, lie states at the outset that, unable to address his people in person, and in the present condi tion of his health, he takes this method of responding to the calls made upon him to speak at different points. After speaking of the ratification of the amendment to the Constitution by the Tennessee Legislature, the Governor continues: With loyal men in Tennessee, Johnson has no more influence than Jeff. Davis. Af ter all thg letters written by the inmates and hangers-on at n,c White House to members of the Tennessee Legislature, urging them not to accept the constitutional amendments, they were triumphantly adopted by a vote in the Senate of fifteen to sir, and in the House by forty three to thirteen. Whilst in neither branch of the Tennesseo Legislature can a resolution be adopted endorsing An drew Johnson or his policy, unless it be to declare him a TRAITOR and his policy TREA SON. both rank and damnable. Why do I charge all this? Because he is turning loyal men out of office by thou sands, to make room for rebels and traitors. Because he is appointing Tennessee legisla tive bolters to office as a reward for their revolutionary and villainous conduct. Be cause he betrayed the Breckinridge De mocracy after working with and for them, up to the day on which Lincoln was first elect ed. Because he betrayed the loyal North after they had elected him to the office of Vicfi PrftsiJpnt. Keonuso he hftfl betrayed the down trodden and unoffending negro, trying again to sell him into bondage, after promising to he his Moses. Because he has betrayed the Fenians to the British Gov ernment, after selling them guns and ammu nition, and impressing their minds with the belief that he was their friend. And last, but not least, because he has ucver been true to any but Andrew Johnson. As au offset to all this it will be said the writer of this address was a member of the Baltimore Convention, and put Mr. Johnson in nomination for the Vice Presidency, i bis is true, and the writer takes this occasion publicly to acknowledge that it was the worst act of his protracted and somewhat eventful life. But he has to say, in vindication of himself that the Tennessee delegation had agreed to present the name of Mr. Johnson for the second office, and the writer was made the organ through which to make known to the convention their wishes. Bet ter would it have been for the cause of Re publican liberty if the Tennessee delegation, including the writer, had all been in a rebel prison South, rather than in the Baltimore Convention, helping to plaee Johnson in a position where he, when his friends should murder the patriot Lincoln, should become President of these United States. It is the settled purpose of the traitors at the North, and the rebels of the South, to involve this country in another bloody war, and this they aim to do during the next two years, under the lead of Andrew John son. An attempt to force Southern traitors into their seats in Congress with bayonets, will be made the occatkon tor the outbreak. Let the despot now at the head of the Gov A LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWSPAPER, DEVOTED TO POLITICS, EDUCATION, LITERATURE AND MORALS. eminent attempt a thing of this kind if he dare. A million of gallant Union men will at onc-e appear in the District of Columbia, surrounding both the Capitol and White House, disposing of the hcid* of lending traitors after the most approved style of the age in which the King of England lost his head. If another war shall he forced upon the country, the loyal masses, who consti tute an overwhelming majority of the people of this great nation, intend it shall bono child's piny. They Trill, as they ought to do, make the entire Southern Confederacy as God found the earth when he commenced the work of creation, "without form and void." They will not, and ought not leuro a rebel fence-rail, out-house or dwelling in the olevoi} seceded States. And as for the rebel population, let them be exterminated. And when the war is wound up, which should be done rapidly, and with swift de struction let the lands be surveyed and sold out to pay the expenses of the war, and settled only by a people who will respect the stars and stripes. Should another conflict of arms be forced upon the country —as I honestly believe it will, by the combined efforts of Northern traitors and Southern rebels—the work of reconstruction, after the conflictls over, will be easy. A surveyor general, with a deputy and land office for each county in the rebel States, and a few bayonets to guard them, are all that will be required. The loyal men of Tennessee will allow me to contrast Andrew Johnson of 1865 with Andrew Johnson of 1866. His official des patches shall speak for him : WASHINGTON, D. C.. I July 16, 1865—3.50 I'. M. J To Gov. G. W. Brovmlotc : I hope, as I have no doubt you will see, that the laws passed by the last Legislature are faithfully executed, and that all illegal voters at the approaching election be kept from the polls, and that the election of members of Congress be conducted fairly. Whenever it becomes neocssary for the exe cution of the ballot-box, you will call upon Gen. Thomas for sufficient military force to sustain the civil authority of the State. I have just read your address, which 1 most heartily endorse. ANDREW .IOIINSON, President, U. S. A. My "address," the people of Tennessee will recollect, avowed the very principles upon which I have since acted, and upon which the President is now making war. lixactly one year from the day when lie tel egraphed the foregoing, he sent the follow ing to General Thomas, refining military aid to compel the attendance T>f refractory members, and of two armed tnobs resisting the House and its legally constituted offi cers: WASHINGTON, Juiy 16, 1866. Gun. Grant will insrtuct General Thomas that the facts stated in his telegram do not warrant the interference of the militpry authority. The administration of the laws and the preservation of the peace in Nash ville belong properly to the State authorities, and the duty ol the United States forces is not to interfere in any way in the controver sy between the political authorities of the State, and General Thomas will strictly ab ; stain from any interference between thein. At the saute time I was refused the acc essary military aid at Nashville to protect the Legislature and its legal officers from mob violence; the President, soon thereafter ordered the Government authorities at Now Orleans to use the military toaid an.m/ur/a tctl Rebel mob to break Bp a Union conven tion of peaceable and loyal men, which has resulted in the cruel murder and wounding of hundreds of'loyal white and colored men. This feast was intended for Nashville, and was only prevented by the prompt action of a talented, fearless aud patriotic Congress, admitting Tennessee to her original position in the Federal Union. Rut loyal men of Nashville, and of all parts of the State are still environed with dug "her Holpa- pers of the State all encourage violence and resistance of law. Ex Gov. Neil S. Brown, in a recent rebel meeting in Nashville, is reported by the rebel papers to have cau tioned die Radicals of Tennessee-—meaning the Union men —to beware, and cited the case of Robespierre and associates at the time of the French revolution. Having no hope of protection from the President, in the event of an attack from a rebel moo, I shall look with confidence to the Northwes tern States to come to our rescue, as soon as attacked by the minions of Jeff Davis and and Andrew Johnson. And if further de velopments seem to justify it, I will call out the loyal militia of the State, and call upon the Legislature to arm and equip theui. We must and will meet these traitors and sustaiu the Government?, State and Na tional, or tall with our faces to the foe! I trust the loyal Southern Convention, to be held in Philadelphia the 3d of September, will have a full representation, from Ten nessee. The Washington Intelligencer, President Johnson's organ, says the conven tion of Southern Unionists is called to as semble in Philadelphia, beat.use there is no place in any Southern State where such a convention tcould be tolerated,. This is the old familiar style. Really, the world has not moved much. In 1856 Fre mont speakers were not "tolerated" in cer tain States. In 1858 these States would not "tolerate" anti-Lecompton speakers. In 1860 they would not "'tolerate" the elec tion of Abraham Lincoln; Thoponsequenco was that in 1863 these people had to "tole rate" a mass convention called by Grant, at Yicksburg; in 1864 similar meetings of Sher man's men in Atlanta and Savannah, and in 1865 a grand convention in the neighbor hood of Appomattox. Arc these same States anxious to renew the experiment? If so, there arc a million veteran soldiers who are ready to "fight it out on that line." until lawful assemblages of Union men arc tolerated on every acre of ground belonging to the United States — New Orleans not even excepted. Who arc most bitterly opposed to the present Radical Congress? Jeff. 1 )avis is dead out against it. Robert E Lee, Beauregard, Bragg, Kirby Smith and all the whipped generals, colonels and captains in the late rebel army are against it. Alexander H. Ste phens, all ex-rebol Congressmen and rebel legislators are against it. Audrcw Johnson and all his rebel Democratic supporters are against it. The men in the South who con scripted Union men, who burned down Union dwelling*, robbed the Union 1 ami lies of all they had, and made war hideous along our borders, are against it. The sneaking hissing Northern Copperhead, who creep after Southern rebels for the sake of social position or pecuniary reward, is against it. The Northern and Southern Democracy who are still bent upon the over threw of the Government, and the restora tion of slavery, are against it. Every, guerilla chief, highway robber and whisky bloat of the rebel army, is against it. Every traitor who edited a rebel paper during the war, and at its breaking out, is against it. v) ho arc in ftivor of the Radical Congress and its bold and patriotic course? Every radical lover of his country, North and South, are in frvor of it. Every uneon- BEDFORD, Pa.. FRIDAY. SEPTEMBER 7, 1866. ditional Union man, who stands by his conn" try in opposition to another war, is in favor of it. Every man who prefers the loss of the negro to that of the Union, is in favor of it. livery mother that has lost a son; every wife that has given her husband; every one who visits the sacred graves that lie all over the land, and on every line of march; and every one who in tears and sorrow think and speak of their losses, are with our brave and patriotic Congress, and will not be turn ed against that body, as it is now the only hope of the country, livery clergyman, and every good man in the churches, who be lieves that we have had strife enough and wishes no more demoralization, stand by Congress, an( j prays for its success and pres ervatieu. Urcry man in and. out of the church, who thinks more of law and order, ami of our Government, than he docs of office and spoil*, , n en(m EveFv man not in the Johnson-yebel conspiracy to bring on another rebellion, is for Congress, and will stand by that body to the last. The reconstructed rebels of this State, and their dirty organs, represent Mr. John son as having obtained for me the posi tion of Governor of this Commonwealth and consequently as being an ungrateful man. The facts are, that 1 hold my position in spite of Mr. Johnson, and in the face of his opposition to my nomination and election. I was born nominated and elected against his wishes, and for my position lam alone in debted to the loyal people of the State. I was nominated by a convention of 540 loyal delegates, representing every county but one in the State, ivithout a dissertting voice; and running upon the general ticket system, I ran about 2,000 votes ahead of the Legis lative ticket. I repeat lam under no obli gations to the President for the position I hold at present. His rebel admirers in Tennessee have boasted that he would set aside the present State Governor of Tennessee, and appoint a military Governor. He dare not do so without subjecting himself to impeachment | and expulsion from office. Tennessee and her Governor sustain the same relation to the Federal Union that the States of Massa chusetts, Ohio and Pennsylvania do, and their Governors, and the President dare not usurp the control of either. The rebel papers and orat rs of the coun try think that 1 displayed a great want of dignity in sending a private despatch to the Secretary of the United Stai s Senate, giv ing the news of the ratificati .□ of the con stitutional amendment, and giving my respects "to the dead dog of the White House.'' The very same persons and papers went almost wild with glee when the Presi dentof the United States, addressing a cop perhead mob from the steps of the White House, a well known editor and the Secretary of the Senate a "dead duck." They were never weary of reiterating and wringing the changes on this choice bit of vulgarity, and could see no impropriety or indecency or blackguardism in it. But now that Governor Brovcnloic retorts, with more truth and quite as much dignity and regard for the courtesies of life, these toadies are horrified beyond reason. The President displayed his profound regard for the courtesies of life —not to say J is/niln —in denonnoing me to tho mnuUi* of the Tennessee legislature, and others vis iting Washington, with curses and bitter ness, for fifteen months past! He increas ed his stock of dignity when he caused to be written various letters to Nashville, to pro. cure the defeat ot the constitutional amend ments by reducing the House below a quorum ! He went for dignity when, at his inauguration as Vice President, he ac hibited himself in the presence of Congress men. foreign ministers and even ladies 1 This man may do to hold up as an example of dignity among the traitors and low order of toadies who have him in charge ! Ido not belong to that school of dignitaries. 1 feel called upon to warn the honest, loyal masses against a matured scheme* of the Johnson Copperhead leaders to have the Government pay them for all the negroes they lost by the war. Not more than one in ten of the loyal men South ever owned any slaves, or desired to own them, and it would be downright robbery to tax nine laboring men to pay for the slaves of one gentleman. A direct tax is the* only mode by which the Government can pay for the emancipated slaves, and it is better that one loyal slave owner suffer than that nine honest laborers, equally loyal, suffer to make his losses good. Most of the men now in the Copperhead ranks in the South are men who expect, when the Southern States are represented in Congress, that they will be compensated for their negroes. Not a few of them think that they will even get slavery restored. Our poople can afford to pay a direct tax to liquidate the war debt, through a period of several years, but tax them to pay for FOUR MILLIONS OF SLAVES, owned by a small number of nabobs and original secessionists and they will not get through with tax-pay ing in a life time! To the Union masses, the hard working voters, 1 say in all candor, watch the men who advocate this paying for their lost negroes. If tho Government will tax the slave owners alone to pay for the negroes, I go for it, but I shall never cousont to tax men to pay for negroes who never owned any, ana never desired to own" any. Slave holders got up the big dance in 1801 —they continued the frolic for four years—and they are the very men to pay the fiddler ! The present Legislature of Tennessee has been more bitterly and pcrsevenngly nbuacd than any General Assembly that ever con vened in the State, and yet no legislative body ever did so much for the best interests of tho State. Sixteen months ago j this body of men assembled in the capital, and took charge of what little was left of the State and ncr records. The State was prostrated, her archives gone South, her money squandered, and her credit utterly ruined. War was still raging, courts were nowhere held with safety, and justice was administered only within a few fortified posts, protected by bayonets. Country governments were broken up, and peace officers could do nothing. Our schools and academics were closed, as they had been during the four years of war and anarchy which previously reigned, Our grand sys tem of railroads was in ruii.s, while the military authorities were running such as were necessary to their success. Guerrillas : prowled without restraint over the whole | State, and our farmers were liable any night ■ to lose their last horses and their only hope of raising bread. The Legislature, by its : judicious legislation, has placed the State j upon her feet again, enabled the treasury to j meet all demands,' and put the railroads in running order, and enabled them to meet 1 the interest on their loans. The credit of the State is restored , and the State herself is restored to tho Union. The courts are everywhere open for the transaction of bu- I sincss. The farming operations of the , country aro going on finely, and our :/)hools ; are opening in every county. In a word, it j has been the proud privilege of this Legis- i lature to restore this noble old Common wealth to prosperity in business, and to her i ancient position in the Federal Union. And I the members of the Legislature .have done this in defiance of the abuse of traitors, the slanders of their prostituted papers, and in the very face of a war made upon them by the President, whose patronage and dicta tion were brought to bear upon them through bad men who had sold out to the Administration, or lacked the manhood to stand up against its denunciation. All hon or to the patriotic Legislature of Tennessee, and the brave men in both Houses, who have faced the storm of rebel abuse, Cop perhead slanders and the treason of those in high places ! I cannot close this address without warn ing the loyal men of the State against the speeches, arguments and appeals of that class of leading men who in their worse than Belsh&zzar revelry, praise Andrew Johnson as the man after their own heart. In Mid- i tr* . go —..—ore OreaKTTig oat of the rebellion, their frenzied rage always directed itself with unerring precis ion against the Government and its Union friends. Most of them either belonged to a vigilance committee or a rebel military league, sacrificing better men than them selves to the Moloch of rebel hate. In East Tennessee, for the most part, they were men who sought office under the Con federate Government, spoke and wrote in favor of the rebel cause, denounced Lin coln's violation of the constitution, and at a later day advocated the election of' McClel lan and Pendleton! Most of these men would like to see a second rebellion, as a means of acquiring political notoriety and making money. They are not of that class who would enter the ranks and fight for their principles. They are the advocates of a convention to set aside the present State Government, even if the experiment should cause scenes to be enacted tor which civi lization will be made to blush. The massa cre of Fort Pillow, the brutality of Ander sonville, the base assassination of Lincoln, the murderous lury of the Memphis mob, the wholesale hanging and shooting down of East Tennessee Unionist® —all at length Saraleled by the inexcusable slaughter in few Orleans, have no terrors for these Tennessee admirers of Mr. Johnson, though he is becoming startled at the atrocity ofhis own deeds, and the legitimate fruits of his insane policy. In this address I have used great plainness of speech, and for the reasons, first, that I desired and intended to be understood; and next, because this is no time for putting forth an uncertain sound. I have desired to act in harmony with the President —so has the great Union party of the country, the Legislature of the State, and Congresgj as I took occasion to write him about the beginning of this year. I hope he may publish that short letter. I have resolved that the President should not call a Grayback Convention at Philadelphia - a convention to be composed of ofhCe-hold ing Republicans, of delegates from the party that opposed the war, and of delegates from the re'oel Congress and the rebel armies, and out of these materials organize a Johnson- Democratic-Rebel party, and turn me over to it, to be dictated to and controlled by the men who fought four years to destroy the country. This is the |>&3.s to which we have come at last, and those who are willing that a faithless President shall transfer them to his npw party organization, can go, ana may joy IRN with TUORN. Divide and sub-divide as we may, there can be but two parties in this country —a disloyal and a loyal party. Choose ye between these parties, whose only issue is, ! whether this State and nation arc to be gov erned by loyal or disloyal men. It is proper for me to sous that my term of service will expire in October, 1867, aud that I shall not be a candidate for re election to the office I now hold, or to any other of fice within the gift of the people. Whilst I am in office I shall endeavor to do my whole duty, as I have done, without regard to con sequences. In retirement, I will continue to vote and act only with the party that is radi cal in its loyalty io the Union, and radical in its opposition to all the- schemes and devices of rebels and rebel spmpathizers. W. G. BROWNLOW, Governor of Tennessee. Knoxville, August 17, 1866. lIIE PHILADELPHIA PLATFORM. The New York Times amused itself a day or two ago with drawing a fancied parallel between the Philadelphia platform of last week and that of the Union party in 1864. 'Hie comparison does credit to the ingenuity of the writer. It rests upon such coinciden ces as the resolutions in both platforms that gratitude is due to the army and navy.—the resolution of the.Baltimore platform that slavery must be extirpated and the Phila delphia affirmation that slavery has been abolished, —the declaration of both that the national debt is inviolable, and the profess ions of devotion made by both to the ad ministration for the time being. All things considered, the points of resemblance are not of remarkable significance, perhaps, but to have discovered them at all is doing very well for a journal which undertakes to fight the battle for the rebellion under the Union flag. Certainly nobody else would have thought of hunting for such a parallel. But there arc two parties interested who are not to be deceived by any such ingenious fetch as this comparison. Nobody need ex pect that by any process the resolutions of the Philadelphia convention can be made palatable to the Southern wing of Mr. Johnson's party. They repudiate and spurn the declaration of principles, with more energy than elegance. They resent the demand that they should bind themsel ves to hold sacred the national debt and to dudaru that the war has sustained the au thority of the Constitution and the like; and they think in incredible tbattbeir delegates should have agreed to such terms. Nor is } the platform likely to be recommended to them any more strongly by the Times's notable discovery that in substance it follows : the Baltimore resolution of 186-1. Is it not adding insult to injury tocxpect high struDg Southern gentlemen nrtt only to rejoice in their own defeat but to do it in almost the words of the uiud sill party which defeated them? That is ordering them not only to eat their leek, but to cat it from the point of the enemy's sword. They will simply kick the resolutions out of doors altogether, wisely contenting themselves with the prac tical results of the convention, which were certainly all in their favor. x\nd on the other hand, the Northern people will not he blinded by any nonsense of platforms to the vital luu-chief of these practical results. Even if the professions of the resolutions were fairer than they are, they could not conceal the fact that the con vention proposed as its solo object to restore the Southern States with increased political l>ower, and without guarantees of good behavior, as the reward for rebellion, and that as a means to this end the convention and the President whom it support® threat en civil war in language which is incapable of misconstruction. Although the conven tion had taken the Beatitudes for its plat form r its sinister purpose would still nave been elear; and it would stillhave been found impossible to cheat a people who are in earnest and who know how to penetrate cheap disguises, by affecting to point to mere general pro less ions of pure intention as evidence of character.— Boston Advertiser. YOLUMK 39; NO 40. THE BASIS OF REPHESENTATION One of the main points at issue between the Oopperjohnsonites and the Republicans is the second section of the Constitutional amendment which restricts representation to enfranchised population. The South deny that negroes are citizens, and refuse to allow them to vote, hold office, sit on juries, or testify in the courts where not compel led by Federal power. But the rebels of the South insist on holding thirty-two ertra seats in Congress and < thirty-two votes in the Electoral College by virtue of the pres ence of this disfranchised negro population among them. The Republicans of the "North ' reject this demand as wholly inad missablcr, extravagant and supercilious. The Republicans sSfy that the late slave states and Copperheads demand that they be rep resented on the basis of the disfranchised uegroes as well as enfranchised whites. They deny that the negroes are citizens or voters ; nevertheless they insist on offset ting them against four millions ofNorthern white voting citizen?. Reduce the issue to figures and see how it comes out. The whole number of representatives in a full House is 241 On the basis of enfranchised population the House would stand thus : OH Free States. 166 Old Slave States 75 On the Johnson-Rebel plan of counting the disfranchised negroes, the two sections would be representee as follows : Old Free States 150 Old Slave States 91 Loss to the North, 32 votes. The Republicans offer to let the South into Congress with seventy five members in the House and thirty-two members in the Senate ; but the Copporjohnsonites declare that ten States of the South will not come in unless the South shall have ninety-one seats in the House as well as thirty-two in the Senate. The ten States yet out of Congress con tain rather more than three millions of negroes and less than five millions of whites. On the voter basis they are entitled to forty five seats in the House, but they insist on having fifty-seven seats. They can't get the extra twelve seats except by taking them from the North. If the North surrenders twelve of its seats to these Bebel States, the loss of legislative power is twenty-four votes, to the loyal section oftho Union. The Republicans say to the late rebels of these insurgent States, "We will consent to let | you have forty-five seats in the House of Representatives." Johnson steps forward j and swears that they shall have fifty-seven seats, and shall not enter the Capitol until they get that number. The Republicans in behalf of the North ask the question : "As forty-five seats com pletely represent all the enfranchised popu lation of these ten rebel States, who are to elect the twelve extra members in case the North surrenders that number?" The reply is the white rebels. But as the white rebels will be fully represented, who are to be the constituents of those twelve extra members ? Answer : The three millions of negroes in those ten rebel States. WiH the ntgroes_be allowed 10 select u,~:. representatives ? Answer : No ; the white rebels will select them for the nogroes. Will | they select twelve white reconstructed reb els to represent the loyal blacks, who, in Congress, will vote against the wishes, interests, and principles of the negroes on every question? Yes, certainly. Very well, say the Republicans, in behalf of the North, we can not afford to give up twelve of our seats in Congress to the rebels of the ten excluded States to be filled and/used in any such manner. If those States refuse toconie into Congress on the basis of en franchised population, they may stay out until they change their minds. But mark well the fact that they are not excluded from representation by the Repub licans, but by their own act, in _ refusing to enter Congress on the same basis of repre sentation on which the North is represent ed, viz : on the bases of enfranchised popu lation. Andrew Johnson persuades them not to come in until he bullies and scares the North into a compliance with his mon strous demand. He and his Copperhead allies will have a good time of it in dragoon ing the loyal North into surrendering six teen of its seats in Congress to the rebels of the South. This style of making trea son odious will not go down on this side of Mason and Dixon s line, as Moses will discover after the October and November elections. — Chicago Tribune. JOHN' M. BOTTSON THE SITUATION John M. Boots thus vividly described, in a Fourth of July speech at Baltimore, the consequence of supporting "the new party" contemplated by the Philadelphia Conven tion: "In the present condition of things, there is to be a great effort made to get up a 'new party,' and a Convention is called fo meet in Philadelphia, some time next month, I believe. It is an embarrasing question for me to know, not as Mr. Webster said, where lam to go, but how lam to vote. No, it is not an embarrassing question. That was a slip of the tongue- L shall have no embar rassment about it. I shall vote for the un conditional Union party of this nation. [lmmense applause f. There may be a great deal of radicalism in it; but I never saw a party in which there was not radical ism. Radicalism is sometimes a little too fast, and sometimes conservatism is a little too slow; but you have a medium between the two that will regulate it. "1 am not to abandon those who agree with mo on this great question of the restora tion of this Union because there are radicals in the party, and when, if Ido not agree with them, I have to go into another party, where there is more radicalism, and a more obnoxious radicalism than I find in the great Union party. Of all radicalism, that which is most obnoxious to me is the radicalism of the Democracy. [Applause.] And I will vote with any party, ldo not care who or what it is, to beat it down and keep it down. [Great applause.] Muoh as I suffered, and much as we all suffered in this war, I would so help me God, ten times over rather go through another rebellion than to see that party restored, and to see the great war car ried on by the United States, the hundreds of thousands of lives that have been lost, and the millions of money that have been expended, all go for nothing, except to re store that party, who alone are responsible for all this. [lmmense applause. J Get up another party? There can be but two par tics in this Union, the one is a loyal party, and the other is a disloyal party. [Great applause. ] He who does not vote with the loyal party must go with the disloyal, and vote to bring the rebels and copperheads i nto power again. [Applause. ] Mu"WeQ, Annie, how do you get along with that stupid fool of a lover of yours? Did you succeed in getting rid of him?" "O, yes, I got rid of nim easy enough. I married him, and have bo lover now. " RATES OF ADVERTISING. •All adyrtiMateaU for lots tkan 3 jaoatiw 10 cents per line for each insertion. Special notices oaehalf additional. All resolutions of Associa tion, communications of a limited or individual interets and notices of marriage* and deaifiA a reeding five linos, 10 U. per line. All legal nati ves of every kind, aid al! 0/phans' Court and other Judicial sales, are required by law to be pub lished in both papers. Editorial Notices 15 cent per line. All Advertising doe after first Insertion A liberal discount made to yearly advertisers. 3 months. 6 months, i year. One square $ 4.56 $ 6.00 JlO.Ov Two squares.. 6.00 9.00 16.00 Three squres 8.00 12.00 20.00 One-fourth column 14.00 20.06 35.90 Half column.: lt*o 25.00 45.00 One column. 30.00 45,00 8000 IMPROMPTUS.—Burns, going to church one Sunday, and finding it difficult to pro cure a seat, was kind! v'invited by a young lady into her pew. The sermon being upon the terrors of the law, and the preacher beiog particularly severe in his denuncia tion of sinners, the lady, who was very attentive, became much agitated. Burns perceiving it, wrote with his pencil, on a blank leaf of her Bible, the following : t "Fair maid yon need not take the hint Nor idle texts pursue ; 'Twas only sinners that he meant, Not Angels such as you." After Burke had finished his extraordina ry speech against Warren Hastings, the latter (according to his private secretary, Mr. Evans) wrote the following sarcastic "Oft have we wondered that on Irish ground No poisonous reptile ever yet was found : The secret stands revealed in Natures work— She saved her venom to create a BCRKE I" Dr. Johnson's definition of a note of admiration (!) made on the moment, is very neat: "I see—l see—l know not what : I bee a dash above a dot, Presenting to my contemplation A perfect point of admiration!" WONDERFUL YARN.—The "local" of the Wheeling Register gets off the following : As a gentleman was passing along Fourth street yesterday, he passed a place where a number of boys were playing marbles. One of them, in shooting his marble, cleverly put it under the gentleman's foot. The f;entleman slipped and tumbled against a ady, also passing precipitating her, along with himself, upon a large hog, who was examining the guttur geographically for debris. The hog, frightened out of his propriety, bolted off, an d ran between the legs of another gentleman, who, in falling, frightened a span of horses attached to a wagon in an alley. A man who was in a carpenter shop near by, was about to light a cigar, and upon starting up to see what was the matter, dropped his lighted match among the shavings, and a fire came near being originated. Thus ended this budget of accidents for the day. of the dryest humorists I cVer met," says Sala, "b P. T. Barnum. On board the river steamere in the States they feed you at a moderate outlay, very sump tuously, but the portions supplied are usu ally of micrisoopic dimensions. Barnum had taken passage on one of these stately Noah's Arks. He called at tea time for a beef steak. The negro brought him the usual shriveled mite of broiled flesh, certain ly not sufficient for more than two mouth ftills. Barnum poised the morse! on his fork, scanned it critically as though it were a sample of steak submitted to his inspec tion, then returned it to the waiter, saying, "Yes-s, that's what I mean. Bring me more of it." THE PRINTER'S LITASV. —From want of gold, from wives that scold from maidens old, by sharpers "sold" —preserve us! From foppish sneers, mock auckiraeers, and wo man's us! From stinging and leaky boots—protect us! From creak ing doors, a wife that snores, and all such bores—defend us! From the landlord's band, a greed) band, now infesting our land —preserve us! From a solid steak which is our fate, sometimes to partake—hence forth deliver us! From making "pi," which does annoy the tempers try —prevent as! A DEMURE DAMSEL. —May is considered an unfortunate marrying month. A girl, on being asked to unite herself in the silken tie, tenderly hinted that May was an un lucky month for marrying. "Well, make it June, theD," honestly replied the swain, anxious to accommodate. The damsel paused a moment, hesitated, cast down her eyes, and with a modestblush, said: "Wouldn't April do as well?" B@T.A French Nobleman, who had been satirized by Voltairc, meeting the poet soon after, gave him a hearty drubbing. The poet immediately flew to the Duke of Or leans, told him how he had been used, and begged he would do him justice. "Sir," replied the Duke, "it has been done you already." A SHREWD preacher, after an eloquent charity sermon, said to his hearers: "1 am afraid, from the sympathy displayed in your countenances, that some of you may give too much. I caution you, therefore, that you should be just before you are generous; and wish you to understand that 1 desire no one who cannot pay his debts to put any thing in the plate." The collection was a rare one. THERE is a simplicity that is a defect, and a simplicity that is a great virtue. Simplic ity may be a want of discernment. When we speak of a person as simple we may mean that ho is credulous and perhaps vul gar. Tne simplicity that is a virtue is some thing sublime : every one loves and admires it, but it is difficult to say exactly what this virtue is.— Fenelon. #®=.One of Gough's Stories is a neat hit at those dilatory people who are always behind time. Some one said to a person of this class, "I see that you belong to the three-handed people." "Three-handed ! that's rather uncommon." "0 no common enough—two hands like other people—and a Utile behind-hand." 8®,,. A collection of epigrams entitled "The Wild Garland," contains one on the bankruptcy of a person named Homer: — ' 'That Homer should a bankrupt be Is not so very (kld-d'-ye et; If it bo true, as I'm instructed, So IU-he-had his books conducted." WHAT IS A FLIRT ?—A young lady of more beauty than sense; more accomplish ments than learning ; more charms of per son than grace of mind ; more admirers than friends; more fools than wise men for attendants. THE worth of a book consists in the spirit it breathes —the lessons it inculcates—the influence it exerts —if these are unexception able, do not atop to inquire about the au thor. _ YOUNG MAN : Are you waitine for some door to opeu into a broad and useful future? Don't wait Select the door and pry it open, even though you get your fingers pinched. It docs us good to admire what is good and beautif* But it does infinitely more good to love it. We grow like what wc ad mire. But we become one with what we love. : HAPPINESS grows at our owa firesides, and is not to be pioked in the stranger agar dens. *
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers