Sic fplfaif lfM.nuir.st
16 PUBLLSKED
JU'ERY FRIDAY MORN IX CI,
BY j
J, R. DfiliRLiROH AK$ Mm iITZ,
ir* 6s
JULIANA St., opposite the Ueqfcl Haasr
BEDFOIU :, PJEN N 'A.
TBBSS:
$2.00 a year if paid strictly in advance.
If not paid nitbin nix months 54.56.
If nut paid within the year qs.OO.
& |u slnm ffarib.
ATTORNEYS AT LXWT
JNO. H. FILLER. J. T. KJSAGY.
FILLER * KEAGY
Have formed a partnership in the practice of
the low. Attention paid to Pensions, Bounties
ami Claims agninst the Government.
Office on Juliana street, formerly occupied by
Hon.A- King. prll:'6s-*ly.
TOUX PALMER,
Attorney at LAW, Bedford, Pa..
Will promptly attend to nil business entrusted to
his care.
Particular attention paid to the collection
of Military claims. Office on Jnlianna St., nearly
opposite the Mengel House.) june 23, '65.1y
JIB'-, B. CESSNA, _
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Office with JOHN CESSNA, on Pitt at., opposite the
Bedford Hotel. AU business entrusted to bis care
will receive faithful and prompt attention. Mili
tary Claims, PcD.ions. Ac., speedily collected.
Bedford, .June 9,1865. .
J. K. JOHN LUTZ.
DU RBORItOW A LU'FZ. ~
utTTOMJYE VS .IT JLrJiU*.
BEBFORD, PA.,
Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to
their care. Collections made on the shortest no
ticc.
They arc, also, regularly licensed Claim Agents
and will give special attention to the prosecution
of claims against tho Government for Pensions,%
Back Pay, Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac.
Office on Juliana street, ono door South of the
'Men-'el House" and nearly opposite the Inquirer
'office ' April 28, |®6s:t
IHiISPY >l. A LSTPj
li ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.,
Will faithfnlly and promptly attend to all busi
ness entrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoin
ing counties. Military claims. Pensions, back
pav, Bounty, Ac. speedily collected. Office with
Mann A Spang, on Juliana street, 2 doors south
of the Mengel House. apl 1, 1864. tf.
M. A. POINTS,
ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.
RcspeetfuUy tenders his professional services
to tho public. Office with J. W. Lingcnfelter,
Esq., on Juliana street, two doors South of the
"Metigle House." Dee. 9, 1864-tf.
KIMMELL AND LTNGENFELTER,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.
Have formed a partnership in the practice of
tho Law Office on Juliana Street, twv doors South
of the Mengel House.
aprl, 1864—tf.
TOHN MOWER,
J ATTORNEY AT LAW.
BF.DFORD, PA.
April 1, 1864. —tf.
IMEWTISTST"
—— , *
E. >". lIJCKGK - J- C. MINNICB, JR.
ENTISTS, BEDFORD. PA.
Ot/ice in the Hank Building, Juliana Street.
All operations ]iertaining to {surgical or Me
chanical .Dentistry carefully and faithfully per
formed and warranted. TERMS CASH.
jan6'66-ly.
DHENTISTRY.
1. N. BOWSER, RESIDENT DENTIST, Y\ OOD
BERPT, PA., will spend the second Monday, Tues
day, and Wednesday, of each month at Hopewell,
the remaining three days at Bloody Run, attend
ng to the duties of his profession. At all other
hues he can be found in his office at Woodbury,
excepting the last Monday and Tuesday of the
r.une month, which he will spend in Martinsburg,
Blair county, Penna. Persons desiring operations
should call early, as time is limited. Ail opera
iocs warranted. Aug. 5,1864,-tf.
PHYSICIANS.
WM.~w7jAMISOir,M.D., .
YY BLOODY Res, PA.,
Respectfully tenders his professional services to
the people of that place and vicinity. [deo3:lyr
i> 11. FENNSYL, M.
JL (late B'urgcon 56th P. V. V.)
BLOODY RES, PA.,
Offers his professional services as Physician and
Sur"coc to the citizens of Bloody Run and vicin-
u _ ° decl-.lyr*
DR. B. F. HARRY,
Respectfully tenders his professional ser
vices to the citizens oCßcdford and vicinity.
Office and residence on Pitt Street, in the building
. rinerly •ceupiedbj Dr. J. H. Hofins-
April I.lSCl— tf. .
T L. MARBOTIRG, M. I).,
J . Having permanently located respectfully
lendci - his pofessional services to the citizens
ofßedlord and vicinity. Office on Juliana street,
opposite the Dank, one door north of Hall A Pal
mer's office. April 1, 1864—tf.
HOTELS.
PEDFORD HOUSE,
1) AT HOPEWELL, BF,PFORD COVSTY, PA.,
BY HARRY DKOLLIXGEK.
Every atli ntion given to make guests comfortable,
who stop at this House.
Hopewell, July 29, 1564.
BAXIiERS.
G. W. RI 1T........0. E. SJIAXSOX F. BENEDICT
pupp, SHANNON a CO., BANKERS,
X\) BEDFORD, PA.
BANK OF DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT.
COLLECTIONS made for the East, West, North
and South, and the general business of Exchange,
transacted. Notes and Accounts Collected and
Lemittances promptly made. REAL ESTATE
bought and sold. apr.15,'64-tf.
JLWLLLiI, Arc.
Jm OHN KEIMIND,
CLOCK AND WATCH-MAKBR,
in the United States Telepraph Office,
BEDFORD, PA.
Clocks, watches, and all kinds of jewelry
promptly repaired. All work entrusted to his care
warranted to give entire satisfaction. [nov3-lyr
DANIEL BORDER,
PITT STREET, TWO DOORS WF.ST OF THE BED
FORD HOTED, BEDFORD, PA.
TCIIJIAKER AND DEALER IN JEWEL
f KY. SPECTACLES. AC.
lie keeps on hand a stock of fine Gold and Sil
ver Watches, Spectacles of Brilliant Double Refin
ed Glasses, also Scotch Pebble Glasses. Gold
Watch Chains, Breast Pins, Finger Rings, best
quality of Gold Pens. He will supply to order
say thing hi his line not on hand,
apr. 28, 1865—zx.
JUSTICES OF THE PEACE.
TOHN MAJOR,
J JUSTICE OF THE PEACE, BOPEWEXL,
BEDFORD COITWT. Collections and all business
pertaining to his office will be attended to prompt
ly. Will also attend to the sale or renting oi real
estate Instruments of writing carefully prepar
d. Alsose:tling up partnerships and other ac
counts. Apl '6l—tj
f NYENTO • 8' OFFICE!;.
d'RPINEUIL & EVANS,
Civil Engineers and Patent Solicitors.
NO. 435 WALNUT ST., PHILADELPHIA.
Patents solicited—Consultations on Enginoer
ing, Draughting and Sketches, Models and Ma
chinery of all kinds made and skilfully attended
to. Special attention given to REJECTED CA
SES and INTERFERENCES. Authentic Co
pit • of all Documents from PaleDt Office procured.
N. B. Save yourselves useless troublo and
travelling expenses, as there is no actual need for
personal interview with us. All business with
these offices, can be transacted in writing. For
further information direct as above, with stamp
enclosed, for Circular with references.
janl2:4y
■®eMcrri> acquirer,
. i
BCRBOBBOW Jk LIiTZ Editors and Pr<*prletorB.
.
THE OLD STORY.
Come sit by me Katy, and tell me
Of what he was talking last night,
AVhenyou stoodat the gate till the moonbeams
Had quenched all the stars with their light 1
Come back with cheeks glowing crimson,
And with eyelashes glittering with tears,
And a smile which, half sad, half triumphant,
Still over your sad mouth appears.
Did he talk of the beauty of Summer ?
Or praise the wild rose'sperfume ?
Or speak of the arbors so rustic,
Where woodbine and Jessamine bloom!
"He told you a story !" Oh, did he ?
Well Katy dear, tell it to me.
"You've almost forgot it?" Already I
How very much flattered he'd be !
You say you ''think I may guess it !"
Yes Katy the story I know ,-
'Tis the old tale, yet a sweet one :
I'm certain that you found it so.
'Twas new in the first days of Adam,
When wandering thro ugh Edeu' a fair bowers,
In Eve's little ear it was whispered,
Whileshe, .blushing, played with the flowers.
Your're blashing too; what is the matter ?
Why, what are .vou ci ying about ?
Your grandfather told your grandmother
The very same story, no doubt.
Just three little words tell the story—
What thousands of htmr ts they have thrilled!
How many with joy they h are gladdened 1
How many with sorrow 1 mve filled !
These three little worda are : "I love you!"
You see tis the very same .tale
That you heard last night by the woodbdnes,
Beneath the moon's silvery veil.
Don't say I know nothing about it—
You know very well it is true ;
But, Katy my dear, did you tell Kim
The same story that he told you ?
ECHOES.
Still the angel stars are shimg.
Still the rippling waters (!o.
But the angel voice is silent
That I heard here long ago.
Hark ! the echoes murmur low
Long ago!
Still the wood is dim and lonely,
Still the plashing fountains play,
But the past and all its beauty,
Whither has it fled away?
Hark! the mournful echoes say
Fled away!
Still the bird of night complaineth—*
Now, indeed, her song is pain—
Visions of my happy hours,
Do I call and call in vain?
Hark! the echoes cry again
All in vain!
Cease, O echoes, mournful echoes!
Once I loved your voices well;
Now my heart ia sick and weary,
Days of old, a long farewell!
Hark! the echoes sad and dreary
Cry farewell, farewell!
TIIE FREEDMEN'S BUREAU BILL.
The President's Message.
EXECTTIVE MANSION, >
Washington, February 19, 1866. )
To the Senate of the United States :
I have examined with care the bill which
originated in the Senate, and has been pass
ed by the two houses of Congress, to amend
an act entitled "an act to establish a bureau
for the relief of freedmen and refugees, and
for other purposes. : ' Having, with much
regret, come to the conclusion that it would
not be consistent with the public welfare to
give my approval to the measure. I return
the bill to the Senate with my objections to
its becoming a law. I might call to mind,
in advance of these objections, that there is
no immediate necessity for the proposed
measure. The act to establish a Bureau
for the relief of Freedmen and Refugees,
which was approved in the month of March
last, has not yet expired. It was thought
stringent and extensive enough for the pur
pose in view. Before it ceases to have ef
fect, further experience may assist to guide
us to a wise conclusion in the policy to be
adopted in time of peace. I have, with.
Congress, the stringent desire to secure to
the Freedmen the full enjoyment of their
freedom, and their property, and their en
tire independence and equality and in mak
ing contracts for their labor. But the hill
before me contains provisions which, in my
judgment, are not warranted by the Consti
tution, and are not well suited to accomplish,
the end in view. The bill proposes to estab
lish, by authority of Congress, military ju
risdiction overall parts of the United States
in which the freedmen most abound, and it
expressly extends the existing temporary
jurisdiction of the Freedmen's Bureau with
greatly enlarged powers, over those States
In which the ordinary course of judicial pro
ceedings has been interrupted by the rebel
lion. The source from which this military
jurisdiction is to emanate, is none other
than the President of the United States,
acting thlough the War Department, and
the Commissioner of the breedmen s Bu
reau. The agents to carry out this military
jurisdiction are to be selected either from
the army or from civil life. The country is
to be divided into districts and sub-districts,
and the number of salaried agents to lie em
ployed may be equal to the number of coun
ties or parishes in all the United States
where freedmen and refugees are to be
found. The subjects over which this milita
ry jurisdiction is to extend in every part of
the United States include protection to all
employees, agents and officers of this Bu
reau, in the exercise of the duties imposed
upon them by the hill, in eleven States. It
is further to extend over all cases affecting
freedmen and refugees where discriminated
against by local law, custom or prejudice, in
those eleven States. The bill subjects any
white person who may be charged with de
priving a freedman of any civil rights or im
munities belonging to white persons, to im
prisonment or fine, or both,without t howev
er, defining their civil rights and immuni
ties, which are thus to be secured to the
freedmen by military law. This military
A LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWSPAPER, DEVOTED TO POLITICS, EDUCATION, LITERATURE AND MORAL S.
jurisdiction also extends to all questions
that may arise respecting contracts. The
agent who is thus to e:,;ercisc the office of
military judge, may bs a stranger, entirely
ignorant of the laws of the place, and expo
sed to the errors of< udgment to which all
men are liable. 'The exerci.se of power,
over which there ly no legal supervision, by
n Tt T a Sents as is contempla
ted by the bill, '.oust by the very nature of
man be attende d by acts of caprice; injustice
and passion. The trials having their origin
under the bill are to take place without the
intervention of jury, and without any fixed
rules of law or evidence. The rules ou
. ', e J/ o ** e uses are to be heard and determ
ined by t ,ie numerous agents, under such
rules p.nd regulations as the President,
through the War Department, shall pre
sent. <s, n o previous presentment is required,
nor an y indictment charging the commission
ol crime against the laws, but the trial
' uust proceed ou charges and specifications.
The punishment will be not what the law
J declares, but such as a courtmartial may
think proper, and from these arbitrary tri
bunals there is no appeal, no writ of error
to any of the courts in which tho constitu
tion of the United States vests exclusively
the judicial power of the country. While
the territory and the class of actions and of
fenses that are made subject to this meas
ure, are so extensive, the bill itself, should
it become a law, will have no limitation in
point of time, but will form a part of the
permanent legislation of the country. I
cannot reconcile a system of military juris
diction of this kind with the words of the
Constitution, which declare that no person
shall be held to answer for a capital or oth
erwise infamous crime Unless on a
presentment or indictment of a
grand jury, except in cases arising in the
land (ir naval forces or in the militia when in
[ actuaj service ia time of war or public dan
ger, and that in all criminal prosecutions the
accused shall enioy the right to a speedy
and public trial by an impartial jury of the
Stat eor district wherein the crime shall
have been committed. The safeguards
wh\ch the wisdom and experience of our
for efathers established as securities for the
protection of the innocent, the punishment
of the guilty, and the equal administration
of justice, are to be set aside, and for the
sake of a more vigorous interposition in be
half of justice, we are to take the risk of the
many acts of injustice that would of necesi
ty follow from an almost countless number
of agents established in every parish or
county in nearly a third of the States of the
Union, over whose decision there is to be no
supervision or control by the Federal
courts. The power that would be thus pla
ced in the hands of the President in time of
peace, certainly ought never to be entrusted
to any one man. If it be asked whether
the creation of such a tribunal within a
State is warranted as a measure of war, the
question immediately presents itself, wheth
er we are still engaged in war. Let us not
unnecessarily disturb the commerce and
credit and industry of the country by de
claring to the American people and the
world that the United States are still in a
condition of civil war. At present there is
no part of our country in which the author
ity of the United States is disputed. Of
fenses that may bb committed by individ
uals should not work a forfeiture of the
rights of the same communities. The coun
try ha J entered or is returning to a State of
fieace and industry, and the rebellion is in
act at an end. The measure, therefore,
seems to be as inconsistent with the actual
condition of the country as it is at variance
with the Constitution of the United States.
If, passing from general consideration, we
examine the bill in detail, it is open to
weighty objections. In time of war it was
eminently proi>er that we should provide
for those who were passing suddenly from a
condition of bondage to a state of freedom,
but this bill proposes to make the Frecd
inen's Bureau, established by the act of
1865, as one of many great and extraordina
ry military measures to suppress a formida
ble rebellion, a permanent branch of the
public administration,with its powers great
ly enlarged. I have no reason to suppose,
and I do not understand it to be allege*! that
the act ofMarch, 1865, has proved deficient
for the purpose for which it was passed,
although at that time and for a considerable
period thereafter the Government of the
United States remained unacknowledged in
most of the States whose inhabitants had
been involved in the rebellion. The insti
tution of slavery, for the military destruc
tion of which the Freedmen's Bureau was
called into existence, as an auxiliary force,
has been already effectually and finally abro
gated throughout the whole country by an
amendment to the Constitution of the Uni
ted States, and practically its eradication
has received the assent and concurrence of
most of those States in which at any time
it had existed. I am not therefore able to
discern in the country anything to justify an
apprehension that the powers and. agencies
of the Freedmen's Bureau, which are effec
ted for the protection of freedmen and refu
gees, during the actual continuation of hos
tilities, and of African servitude, will now,
in time of peace and after the abolition of'
slavery, prove inadequate to the same prop
er ends. If I am correct in these views,
there can be no necesity for the enlargement
of the powers of the Bureau, for which pro
vision is made in the bill.
The third section of the bill authorizes a
general unlimited amount of support to the
destitute and suffering refuges and freedmen
and their wives and children. Succeeding
sections make provision for rent or purchase
oflanded estates for freedmen, and for the
erection for their benefit of suitable buildings
for asylums and schools, the expences to he
defrayed from the Treasury of the whole
people. The Congress of the United States
has never heretofore thought itself compe
tent to establish any laws beyond the limits
of the District of Columbia, except for the
benefit of our disabled soldiers and sailors.
It has never founded for any class
of our own people, not even for the orphans
of those who have fallen in the defense of
the Union, but has left their education to
the much more competent and efficient con
trol of the states, of communities, or pri
vate associations, and of individuals. It
has never deemed itself authorized to ex
pend the public money for the rent or
purchase of homes for the thousands, not to
say millions of the white race who are hon
estly toiling day by day for their subsistence.
A system for the support of intelligent per
sons in the United States was never contem
plated by the authority of the Constitution
nor can any good reason be advanced why,
as a permanent establishment, it should be
founae il for one class or color of our people
more than another. Pending the war, man
refugees and freedmen received support
from the Government, but it was never in.
tended that they should henceforth be fed .
clothed, educated and sheltered by the Uni
ted States. The idea on which the slaves
were assisted to freedom was that, on be
coming free, they should be a self-sustaining
population. Any legislation that shall im
ply that they are not expected to attain a
self-sustaining condition, must have a teu-
BEDFORD, Pa.. FRIDAY, MARCH <3, 1866.
dency injurious alike to their character and
prosperity.
The appointment of an agent for every
county and parish will create an immense
patronoge, and the expense of the numerous
officers and their clerks to be appointed by
the President will be great in the beginning
with a tendency steadily to rnpre&ge. The
appropriations asked by the Freedmen's
Bureau as now established, for the year
1866 amount to $11,745,000. It may be
safely estimated that the cost tq be incurred
under the pending bill will require double
that amount, more than the entire sum ex
pended in any one year under 1 1 p administra
tion of the second Adams. If fhe presence
of an agent in every pariah anqcounty is to
be considered as a war measure, opposition
or even resistance might tie pr poked. so as
to give effect to their jurljdijtion; troops
would have to bo stationed frithin reach of
every one of them, and thui a large force
would become necessary, lyge appropria
tions would therefore be repaired to sustain
and enforce military jusriwtion in every
county and parish, from the Potomac to the
Rio Grande. The condition of our fiscal af
fairs is encouraging, but in cider to sustain
the present measure of publif confidence, it
is necessary that we practice pot merely cus
tomary economy, but, as fat as possible,
general retrenchments.
In addition to the objffitions already
stated, the fifth section of tht bill proposes
to take away land from its former owners
without any legal proceedings being first
had, contrary to that provision of the Con
stitution which declares thtt no persons
shall be deprived of life, liberty or property
without due process of law. It does not
appear that the lands to whiih this section
refers may not be owned by minors or per
sons of unsound mind, or by Ihose who have
been faithful to all their obligations as citi
zens ol the United States. If any portion
of the land by such persons, il is not come
tent for any authority to deprive them of it.
If, on the other hand, it be ftund that the
property is liable to confiscatim, even then
it connot be appropriated to public purposes
until, by due process of law, it shall have
been declared forfeited to the Government.
There are still further objections to the
bill on grounds seriously affecting the class
of persons to whom it is intended to bring re
lief It will tend to keep the mind of the
freedmen in a state of uncertain expectation,
while to those among whom he lives, it will
he a source of constant apprehension. Un
doubtedly the freedmen should be protected,
by the civil authorities, especially by the ex
ercise of all the constitutional powers of the
courts of the United States, and of the
States. His condition is not so exposed as
may at first be imagined. He is in a por
tion of the country' where his labor cannot
well be spared. Competion for his services
from planters, from those who are construc
ting or repairing railroads, or from eapital
; ists in his vicinity, or from other States,
will enable him to command almost his own
terms. He also possesses a perfect right to
change his place of abode and if, therefore
he does not find in one community or state
a mode of life suited to his desires, or prop
er remuneration for his labor, he can move
to another where labor is more esteemed and
better rewarded. In truth, however, each
State, influenced by its own wants end inter
ests, will do what is necessary and proper to
retain its borders all the labor that is need
ed for the dovelopments of its resources.
The laws that regulate and demand will
maintain their force, and the wages of the
labor will be regulated thereby. There is
no danger that the great demand for labor
will not operate in favor of the laborer.
Neither is sufficient consideration given to
the ability of the freedmen to protect and
take care of themselves. It is no more than
justice to them to believe that as they re
ceived their freedom with moderation and
forbearance, so they will distinguish them
selves by their industry, and they will soon
show the world that in a condition of free
dom they are self-sustaining and capable
of selecting their own employment and their
own places of abode; of insisting for them
selves on a proper remuneration, of establish
ing and maintaining their own asylums and
schools. It is earnestly hoped that instead
of wasting away, they will by their own ef
forts establish for themselves a condition of
rqepeet&bility and prosperity. It is certain
that they can attain to that condition only
through their own merits and exertions.
In this connection, the query presents it
self whether the system proposed by the bill
will not, when put into complete operation,
practically transfer the entire care, support
and control of four millions of emancipated
slaves to agents, overseers or taskmasters
who, appointed at Washington, are to be
located in every county and parish through
out the United States containing freedmen
anu refugees; and such a system would cer
tainly tend to such a concentration of power
in the Executive as would enable him, if so
disposed, to control the action of a numer
ous class, and use them for the attainment
of his political ends.
I cannot but add another very grave ob
jection to this bill. The Constitution im
peratively declares in connection with taxa
tion, that every State shall have at least one
Representative, and fixes the rule for the
number to which in future times each State
shall be entitled. It also provides that the
Senate of the United States shall be com
posed of two Senators from each State, and
adds, with peculiar force, that no State,
without its consent, shall be deprived of its
equal suffrage in the Senate. The original
act was necessarily passed in the absence of
the States chiefly to be affected, because
their people were then contumaciously enga
ged in the rebellion. Now the case is chan
ged, and some at. least of the States are at
tending Congress by loyal Representatives,
soliciting the allowance of the Constitutional
right of representation. At the time, how
ever, of the consideration and the passing of
the bill, there was no Senator or Represen
tative from the eleven States which arc to
be mainly affected by its provisions. The
very fact that reports were and arc made
against the good disposition of the country,
is an additional reason why they need and
should have Representatives of" their own
in Congress to explain their condition reply
to accusations, and assist, by their local
knowledge, in the perfecting of measures im
mediately affecting themselves. While the
liberty of deliberation would then be free,
and Congress would have lull power to de
cide aceording to its judgment there could be
no objection ureed that the States most in
terested had not been permitted to be heard
The principle is firmly fixed in the minds of
the American people that there should be
•no taxation without representation. Great
burdens are now to be borne by all the coun
try, and we may best demand that they shal[
be borne without a murmur, when they are
voted by a majority of the representatives of
the people. I would not interfere with the
unquestionable right of Congress to judge,
each House for itself of the elections, returns
and qualifications of its own members; but
that authority cannot be construed as inclu
ding the right to shut out in time of peace
any State from the representation to which
it is entitled by the Constitution. At pres
ent all the people of eleven States are exclu .
those who where most faithful during
tho war, not less than others. The State of
Tennessee, for instance, whose authorities
engaged in the rebellion, was restored to all
her constitutional relations to the Union by
iho patriotism and energy of her injured and
betrayed people before the war was brought
to a termination. They had placed them
selves in relations with the General Govern
ment, had established at State Government
of their own, and as they were not included
in the emancipation proclamation, they by
their own act have amended their constitu
tion so as to abolish slavery within the limits
of their State. I know no reason why the
State of Tennessee, for should not fully en
joy all her Constitutional relations to the
United States. The President of the United
States stands towards the country in in a
somewhat different attitude from that of any
member of Congress chosen from a single
district or State. The President is chosen
by the people of all the States. Eleven
States are not at present represented in
to be his duty on all proper occasions to
present their just claims to Congress.
There always will be differences of opinion
in the community, and individuals may be
guilty of transgression of the law, but these
do not constitute valid objections against
the right of a State to representation. It
would in no wise interfere with the discre
tion of Congress^with regard to the qualifi.
cation of members but I hold it my duty to
recommend to you in the interests of peace,
and in the interests of the Union, the admis
sion of every State to its share of public leg
islation, when however, insubordinate, insur
gent or rebellious, its people may have been
it presents itself not only in an attitude of
loyalty and harmony, but in the persons of
Representatives whose loyalty cannot be
questioned under the existing constitutional
or legal test. It is plain that an indefinite
or permanent exclusion of any part of the
country from representation must be atten
ded by a spirit of disquiet and complaint.
It is unwise and dangerous to pursue a course
of measures which will unite any large sec
tion of the country against another section
of the country no matter how much the lat
ter may predominate. The course of iinmi-
f ration, the development of industry and
usiness, and natural causes will raise up at
the South men as devoted to the Union as
those of any other part of the land; but if
they are all excluded from Congress, if in a
permanent stitutional relations to the country
they may think they have cause to become a
unit in feelings and sentiment against the
Government. Under the political education
of the American people, the idea is inherent
and irradicable that the consent of the ma
jority of the whole people is necessary to se
cure a willing acquiescence in legislation.
The bill under consideration refers to certain
of the States as though they had not been
fully restored to the United States. If they
have not let us at once act together to secure
that desirable end at the earliest possible
moment, it is hardly necessary for me to
inform Congress that in my own judgment,
most of those States, so far at least as de-
Cends upon their own action have already
een fully restord, and are to be deemed to
be entitled to the enjoyment of their consti
tutional rights as members of the Union.
Reasoning from the Constitution itself and
from the actual situation of the country, I
! feel not only entitled, but bound to assume
that with the Federal courts restored in the
the several States and in the full exercise of
their functions, the rights and interests of
all classes of the people will with the aid of
the military in eases of insufficiency of the
law, be essentially protected against uncon
stitutional infringement and violation.
Should this expcctationuuhappily fail, which
I do not anticipate then the Executive is al
ready armed with the powers conferred by
the act. of March, 1865, establishing the
Freedmon's Buieau, and hereafter as hereto
fore. he can employ the land and naval for
ces of the country to suppress insurrection,
and to overcome obstruction to the laws.
I return the bill to the Senate, in the
earnest hope that a measure involving ques
tions and interests so important to the coun
try, will not become a law unless upon deli
berate consideration by the people, it shall
receive the sanction of an enlightened public
judgment.
[Signed]
ANDREW JOHNSON.
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
Was a leading politician and statesman,
who held power for a period of iwenty-one
years after the accession of the House of
Hanover. He was born in 1676, and was
educated at Cambridge university. He en
tered upon public life at an early age, aud
having attached himself to the Whig party,
he became Secretary of War in 1708, du
ring the reign of Queen Anne. On the ac
cession of the Tory party to power he was
removed, and impeached, according to the
customs of the time, by the-dominant party.
He was expelled by the House of Commons,
hut the event rather increased his standing
and popularity. On the accession of George
the First, he entered the Cabinet as Paymas
ter General. He was appointed First Lord
of the Tieasury during the rebellion of
1715. In 1717 he was forced to resign,
owing to political intrigues, hut re-entered
the Cabinet in 1720, as Paymaster Ixcneral.
The year following, in accordance with the
popular vote, he was appointed First Lord
of the Treasury, as the fittest person to
repair the losses by the South Sea bubble.
He was retained in office by George the Sec
ond. In 1742 he was forced to resign in
consequence of the unsuccessful prosecution
of the unjust Spanish War. in which he
engaged reluctantly in compliance with the
popular demand. "Sir Robert Walpole was
one of the most dexterous party leaders
that ever appeared in the House of Com
mons. lie was a man of sound common
sense, rather than of genius. To him be
longs the credit of having organized the
administration and finances of England,
very nearly on the bases on which they now
rest. He "pursued inflexibly a peace policy,
believing that that course was the most con
ducive to the interests of England: In this
view he was undoubtedly correct. England
required repose after the exciting and ex
hausting wars of William Third and Queen
Anne. He devoted great attention to the
development of the manufacturing and
commercial interests of England .and the
promotion of her internal resources. He
died in 1745. „ „ T , , .
The character of Sir Robert \v alpole has
suffered in popular estimation from the
charges of corruption. Rut historians now
agree in at least partially exonerating him.
To him is attributed the saying that "Every
man had his own price." Rut \\ alpole.
however he may have bribed oAers, was
incorruptible by money, and the greatest
fault that can be attributed to him is an
uncontrollable desire for office. His admin
istration certainly promoted the prosperity
of England.
No snow falls lighter than the snow of age
none heavier, for it never melts.
W fIEN is a boat like a heap of' snow?
When it is a drift.
VOLUME 39; NO .
FREE TRADE,
We regard Free Trade to be the curse of
any country mainly devoted to agriculture;
hence no nation in the world would suffer so
much as the I. nited States with all our wants
so immense and varied, under such a system.
Of two countries which trade freely with
each other, that which sells the products of
her own manufacture, gains, becoins power
ful, and governs; while the other, which ex
ports agricultural products only, loses. Buf
fers. and obeys. This law of economy is
universal and inexorable. The statesman
ship of England has been wisely guided by
it it for over one hundred years, and the
prices of the commodities of the world are
fixed by England, and the whole world pays
debts in Loudon. I defiance of this law, the
advocates of British Free Trade assigned to
outpost duty in the United States argue to
Americans thatthey will grow rich by con
fining themselves to cultivating the soil, and
exchanging food in England for Iron. Cloth,
Steel aud hardware, The farmers in Illi
nois and lowa who sit at fires made of corn,
bitterly feel that this is a wicked lie. The
establishment in their neighborhood of even
the smallest frctory, demonstrates that this
is a lie.
IV hy, then, should we for a moment lis
ten to the clamors of the foreign merchants
and their toadies of New York, backed Ity
the fishy politicians, of doubtful loyalty, in
various parts of the country, who demand
unrestricted free trade.—lV e are not radical
on this subject. While we may go for pro
tection for the sake of protection, belieiving
it to be the salvation of the country and the
sheet anchor of our agriculture, w would
have no pet interests, and only go for such
a scale of duties as would afford "the industry
of the United States that measure of protec
tion which, while it would promote both
skilled and unskilled labor, would at the
same time advance the general prosperity
of every other branch and especially the
greatest of all branches, that of Agriculture.
Farmers and all others should calmly in
vestigate for themselves, and be slow to
adapt the political dogmas of those whose
affection for their country and its paramount
interests, as exhibited in their lives, is poor
an endorsement for the fidelity of their opin
ions and movements. — Germantown Tele
graph.
How Farmers are Interested in Tariffs,
The New York Tribune states that the
Cambria Iron works in our State, paid in
three years for salaries, wages and contract
work as follows: 1860, £907,028,91. 1864,
$1,399,890.82; 1865, $1,1%5,380,24. Near
ly all this money went to laborers and their
families, and the direct interest farmers had
in it may be inferred from the reply of the
Superintendent of the works to the interro
gatories of the Internal Revenue Commis
sioner. He said:
"The population sustained by the opera
tions of our company, consume annually a
bout 2,000 head of beef cattle, 3,000 head of
sheep, and the product of not less than 4,-
000 head of hogs. Our whole const imption
of wheat flour is about 20,000 barrels.
Johnstown is oae of the best market sia the
country for all kinds of food. Large, quanti
ties of the more perishable kinds, such as
garden vegetables, butter, eggs, fruits. &c.,
are brought from Pittsburg aud otl ler West
em markets; a.? tho production of the sur
rounding country is unable to su.pply our
demand."
Fanning land within two miJes of the
works is worth from $l5O to $3OO per acre,
without improvements. If these facts do
not show how deeply interested our farming
clastes are in the development of manufac
tures, we would be; puzzled to know what
sort of reasoning or evidence would con
vince them. A sound protective tariff is use
ful in developing our minerals and staples,
in relieving agricultural industry from the
pressure of too much competition, in giving
farmers a home market for their products,
in supplying a useful and ingenious labor
ing class with employment, in obtaining
revenue for the government and reducing
taxation, in making us independent of for
eign nations for articles indispensable for
gene ral use. and in really enlarging our na
tions i wealth. When we have fairly estab
lished our manufactures, we might prudent
ly consider the subject of low tariffs or no
tariffs.
OUR NATIONAL BOUNDARIES.—Capt.—,
of the U. S. Navy, was equally distinguished
for his eccentricity of manner and for his
proficiency in seamanship. Ou one occa
sion, during a cruise in the Mediterranean,
be so aecquit ted himself as to induce some
English and French officers, who were en
gaged upon similar service, (cruising) to
tender him a complimentary dinner, as an
evidence? of tl leir appreciation of his profes
sional skill. At the time designated, many
were present. Customary courtesies were
being exchanged, and international toasts
•and sentiments were being liberally indulged
in, accompanied by corresponding potations
when one of the officers of Iler Majesty's
service, having become somewhat oblivious,
remarked, with characteristic brusqueness:
"Captain, I have but one great objection
toyour countrymen."
.'Ah!" naively said the Captain, "what
is that?"
"Their insatiable desire for the aquisition
of territory." Then becoming excited by
his subject, he continued—"l am satisfied.
Captain, there will be no end to it."
"Oh, yes," quaintly and coolly replied the
Captain.
"For God's sake, when?" emphatically
inquired the officer.
"When," responded the Captain, pre
serving his equanimity, "we reach our nat
ural boundaries."
"Will you please to inform me where
those may be?'' interrogates the English of
ficer sarcastically.
"Where!" said the Captain, assuming an
inimitable manner, '' from Texas to the
Aurora Boredlis/"
SADNESS.
There is s mysterious feeling that fre
quently passes like a cloud over tne spirit.
It comes upon the soul in the busy bustle of"
life, in the social c-irele, in the calm and si
lent retreat of solitude. Its power is alike
supreme over the weak and the iron heart
ed. At one time it is caused by a single
thought across the mind. Again a sound
will come booming across the ocean of mem
ory, gloomy and solemn as the death knell
overshadowing all the bright hopes and
sunny feelings of the heart. Who can de
scribe it, and yet who has not felt its bewil
dering influence ? Still it is a delicious sort
of sorrow, and like a cloud dimming the
sunshine of the river, although casting a
momentary shade of gloom, it enhances the
beauty of returning brightness.£
In the ease of Thomas W. Pierce vn. the
United States—a claim of $3O. > >1 ,-or
tain of the Floyd accepts-.! of
Claims has dismissed the peiiti u, or. the
ground that Floyd had no power to nind the
United States by the aoceptanoe in suit.
RATES OF ADVERTISING,
AU advertisement/" fortes* than 3 months 19
rents per line for each insertion. Special notices
one half additional. All resolutions of Aesocia- •
tion, communications of a limited or individual
interest and notices of marriages and deaths, ex
ceeding five lines, 10 cts. per line. AU legal noti
ces of every kind, and all Orphans' Court ana
other Judicial sales, are required bylaw to be pub
lished in both papers. Editorial Notices 15 cents
per line. AU Advertising due after first insertion
A liberal discount made to yearly advertisers.
3 months. 6 months. 1 year.
One square. % +.59 $ 8-0®
Two squares 1.9# t,W
Three 5quare5............. B.o# 12.0# 20. •
One-fourth column H.fi# 26.00 35.90
Half column 18.0# 25.0# #5.00
One column 30.6# 45.09 80.00
SIR JOHN LAWRENCE has sent three na
tive agents, disgmsed as merchants, to ex
plore Central Asia by different routes. Each
one is independent of the others, and kept
in ignorance of their appointment, so that
on their return three independent narrative*
may be looked for. They are instructed to
take note of all that they see, to observe the
temper of the different peoples among whom
they travel, whether movements are taking
place in favor of Russia, and to visit Bok
hara, Khokani and Samarcand before they
turn back.
TUB correspondent of the Boston Travel
ler, writing from Concord. N. H. says the
Democratic managers of that State invited
Ex-Presideut Pierce to address them in the
parlor of a hotel, the night before their Con
vention, hoping that liis indorsal of the
President might give them favor at >Y ash
ington, but that they did not dare to risk
the effect upon the people of the State of
NEWSPAPER SUPPRESSION.— The order
emanating from Gen. Grant for the sup
pression of the Richmond Examiner, _ it_ is
said, will not be the only one of a similar
character if the present course of Rebel
journals is not changed. It is notorious that
many journals in the South are as bold and
defiant in treasonable utterances as before or
during the war. Gen. Grant is determined
to put a stop to this firing of the Southern
heart.
NASHVILLE AN OIL MART.— The discov
eries of petroleum at Burksville, Kentucky,
are beginning to have their effect upon _ the
commerce of Nashville. Several consign
ments of the commodity have made their
appearance in that market, and an enterpris
ing Pittsburgh firm is making arrangements
to put a boat regularly on the river between
Nashville and the newly-discovered oil re
gions.
A CONTRABAND ON KENTUCKY UNION
ISM. —A traveler dining at a hotel, in the in
terior of Kentucky, not long since, seeing
"Union Maringues," on the bill of fare, call
ed for some; when brought he found them
striped with secesh colors, red and white.
Calling the "culled pusson," waiting on the
table, he inquired: 'Do you call these red
and white things Union? Where is the
blue?" "Yah! Yah!" says Sambo, "dera's
good 'tiuf Union for this place. Ginel Grant
did' nt come in here with any of the hard
licks to put in the blue; dey ony get scratch
a little, make ae red and white come; da—ts's
so; dem's good 'nuff Union for this yerr
place."
SlNGlNG.— Singing is a great institution.
It oils the wheels of care, and supplies the
place of sunshine. A man who sings has a
good heart. Such a man not only works
willingly, but he works more constantly. A
singing cobbler will earn as much money
again as a eordwainer who gives way to low
spirits, and he who attacks singing throws a
stone at the head of hilarity, and would, if
he could, rob June of its roses and August
of its meadow larks. Such a man should
be looked to.
A QUAKER intending to drink a glass of
water, took up a small tumbler of gin. He
did not discover his mistake until he got tie
hind the door and swallowed the dose, when
he lifted both hands and exclaimed: —"Ver-
ily. I have taken unwarily the balm of the
world's people. What will Abigail say
when she smells my breath?"
FIRESIDE EDUCATION.—The fireside is a
seminary of infinite importance. It is im
portant because it is universal, and because
tbe education it bestows,being woven into
the woof of ehildhocd, gives form and color
to the whole texture of life. There are few
who can receive the honors of a college, but
all are the graduates of the hearth.
A PUNCTUAL taan is rarely a poor man,
and never a man of doubtful credit. His
small accounts are feequentiy settled, and
he never meets with difficulty in raising
money to pay large demands. Small debts
neglected, ruin credit and when a man has
last that he will find himself at the bbttom of
a hill he cannot ascend.
THE Rochester Union says: "The rapids
in the Niagara river, directly opposite the
Cataract House, are hardly covered by water
at the present time, in consequence of an
ice-jam having formed above, causing the
water to run close to the Canada shore. The
like was never known, it is said, in that lo
cality."
TUB Kentucky Yeoman now contains in
its daily issue more than two columns of
gubernatorial proclamations, fifteen in all.
offering rewards that amount in the aggre
gate to over five thousand dollars, for the
arrest of murderers who are yet at large.
A SPECIAL to the Commercial says: Gen
eral Lee is iu Georgetown, the guest of his
former ward, the wife of the Spanish Sec
retary of Legation.
RELIEVE misfortune quickly. A man is
like an egg—the longer he is kept in hot
water the harder he is when he is taken
; OUt.
WHV is it natural that a young lady,
having seven lovers should desire to add an
other to the list? Because all ladies wish
to fasten eight (fascinate.)
QUITE OBVIOUS. —It would never answer
for two ill-tempered men to go up in a bal
loon together, because they would he so like
ly to fall out on the way.
SWEARING in conversation indicates a
perpetual distrust of a person's own reputa
tion, and is an acknowledgment that he
thinks his bare word uot worthy of credit.
A Philosopher on being asked from
whence he received his first lesson in wis
dom replied: "From the blind, who never
take a step until they have felt the ground
before them."
SOCRATES, being silent in company, was
requested to join in the conversation. He
replied : "\V hat I know would be improper
here; and of what would be proper here. - 1
am ignorant."
WHY is it that the moment of popping
the question is so terrible to young fellows,
that they frequently cannot utter a word?
Because, just then, they love the fair one
beyond expression. :• ' ;
MRS. PARTINGTON'S youngest scion as
serts that the only difference to him wheth
er ho goes to school Or goes a-fishing, is tbat
in the former case he hates his book, and in
the latter he baits his hook.
EvEPYyoung lady ispubbe spirited enough
to be willing to have her father's house used
as a court house.