Sic fplfaif lfM.nuir.st 16 PUBLLSKED JU'ERY FRIDAY MORN IX CI, BY j J, R. DfiliRLiROH AK$ Mm iITZ, ir* 6s JULIANA St., opposite the Ueqfcl Haasr BEDFOIU :, PJEN N 'A. TBBSS: $2.00 a year if paid strictly in advance. If not paid nitbin nix months 54.56. If nut paid within the year qs.OO. & |u slnm ffarib. ATTORNEYS AT LXWT JNO. H. FILLER. J. T. KJSAGY. FILLER * KEAGY Have formed a partnership in the practice of the low. Attention paid to Pensions, Bounties ami Claims agninst the Government. Office on Juliana street, formerly occupied by Hon.A- King. prll:'6s-*ly. TOUX PALMER, Attorney at LAW, Bedford, Pa.. Will promptly attend to nil business entrusted to his care. Particular attention paid to the collection of Military claims. Office on Jnlianna St., nearly opposite the Mengel House.) june 23, '65.1y JIB'-, B. CESSNA, _ ATTORNEY AT LAW, Office with JOHN CESSNA, on Pitt at., opposite the Bedford Hotel. AU business entrusted to bis care will receive faithful and prompt attention. Mili tary Claims, PcD.ions. Ac., speedily collected. Bedford, .June 9,1865. . J. K. JOHN LUTZ. DU RBORItOW A LU'FZ. ~ utTTOMJYE VS .IT JLrJiU*. BEBFORD, PA., Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to their care. Collections made on the shortest no ticc. They arc, also, regularly licensed Claim Agents and will give special attention to the prosecution of claims against tho Government for Pensions,% Back Pay, Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac. Office on Juliana street, ono door South of the 'Men-'el House" and nearly opposite the Inquirer 'office ' April 28, |®6s:t IHiISPY >l. A LSTPj li ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA., Will faithfnlly and promptly attend to all busi ness entrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoin ing counties. Military claims. Pensions, back pav, Bounty, Ac. speedily collected. Office with Mann A Spang, on Juliana street, 2 doors south of the Mengel House. apl 1, 1864. tf. M. A. POINTS, ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. RcspeetfuUy tenders his professional services to tho public. Office with J. W. Lingcnfelter, Esq., on Juliana street, two doors South of the "Metigle House." Dee. 9, 1864-tf. KIMMELL AND LTNGENFELTER, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Have formed a partnership in the practice of tho Law Office on Juliana Street, twv doors South of the Mengel House. aprl, 1864—tf. TOHN MOWER, J ATTORNEY AT LAW. BF.DFORD, PA. April 1, 1864. —tf. IMEWTISTST" —— , * E. >". lIJCKGK - J- C. MINNICB, JR. ENTISTS, BEDFORD. PA. Ot/ice in the Hank Building, Juliana Street. All operations ]iertaining to {surgical or Me chanical .Dentistry carefully and faithfully per formed and warranted. TERMS CASH. jan6'66-ly. DHENTISTRY. 1. N. BOWSER, RESIDENT DENTIST, Y\ OOD BERPT, PA., will spend the second Monday, Tues day, and Wednesday, of each month at Hopewell, the remaining three days at Bloody Run, attend ng to the duties of his profession. At all other hues he can be found in his office at Woodbury, excepting the last Monday and Tuesday of the r.une month, which he will spend in Martinsburg, Blair county, Penna. Persons desiring operations should call early, as time is limited. Ail opera iocs warranted. Aug. 5,1864,-tf. PHYSICIANS. WM.~w7jAMISOir,M.D., . YY BLOODY Res, PA., Respectfully tenders his professional services to the people of that place and vicinity. [deo3:lyr i> 11. FENNSYL, M. JL (late B'urgcon 56th P. V. V.) BLOODY RES, PA., Offers his professional services as Physician and Sur"coc to the citizens of Bloody Run and vicin- u _ ° decl-.lyr* DR. B. F. HARRY, Respectfully tenders his professional ser vices to the citizens oCßcdford and vicinity. Office and residence on Pitt Street, in the building . rinerly •ceupiedbj Dr. J. H. Hofins- April I.lSCl— tf. . T L. MARBOTIRG, M. I)., J . Having permanently located respectfully lendci - his pofessional services to the citizens ofßedlord and vicinity. Office on Juliana street, opposite the Dank, one door north of Hall A Pal mer's office. April 1, 1864—tf. HOTELS. PEDFORD HOUSE, 1) AT HOPEWELL, BF,PFORD COVSTY, PA., BY HARRY DKOLLIXGEK. Every atli ntion given to make guests comfortable, who stop at this House. Hopewell, July 29, 1564. BAXIiERS. G. W. RI 1T........0. E. SJIAXSOX F. BENEDICT pupp, SHANNON a CO., BANKERS, X\) BEDFORD, PA. BANK OF DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT. COLLECTIONS made for the East, West, North and South, and the general business of Exchange, transacted. Notes and Accounts Collected and Lemittances promptly made. REAL ESTATE bought and sold. apr.15,'64-tf. JLWLLLiI, Arc. Jm OHN KEIMIND, CLOCK AND WATCH-MAKBR, in the United States Telepraph Office, BEDFORD, PA. Clocks, watches, and all kinds of jewelry promptly repaired. All work entrusted to his care warranted to give entire satisfaction. [nov3-lyr DANIEL BORDER, PITT STREET, TWO DOORS WF.ST OF THE BED FORD HOTED, BEDFORD, PA. TCIIJIAKER AND DEALER IN JEWEL f KY. SPECTACLES. AC. lie keeps on hand a stock of fine Gold and Sil ver Watches, Spectacles of Brilliant Double Refin ed Glasses, also Scotch Pebble Glasses. Gold Watch Chains, Breast Pins, Finger Rings, best quality of Gold Pens. He will supply to order say thing hi his line not on hand, apr. 28, 1865—zx. JUSTICES OF THE PEACE. TOHN MAJOR, J JUSTICE OF THE PEACE, BOPEWEXL, BEDFORD COITWT. Collections and all business pertaining to his office will be attended to prompt ly. Will also attend to the sale or renting oi real estate Instruments of writing carefully prepar d. Alsose:tling up partnerships and other ac counts. Apl '6l—tj f NYENTO • 8' OFFICE!;. d'RPINEUIL & EVANS, Civil Engineers and Patent Solicitors. NO. 435 WALNUT ST., PHILADELPHIA. Patents solicited—Consultations on Enginoer ing, Draughting and Sketches, Models and Ma chinery of all kinds made and skilfully attended to. Special attention given to REJECTED CA SES and INTERFERENCES. Authentic Co pit • of all Documents from PaleDt Office procured. N. B. Save yourselves useless troublo and travelling expenses, as there is no actual need for personal interview with us. All business with these offices, can be transacted in writing. For further information direct as above, with stamp enclosed, for Circular with references. janl2:4y ■®eMcrri> acquirer, . i BCRBOBBOW Jk LIiTZ Editors and Pr<*prletorB. . THE OLD STORY. Come sit by me Katy, and tell me Of what he was talking last night, AVhenyou stoodat the gate till the moonbeams Had quenched all the stars with their light 1 Come back with cheeks glowing crimson, And with eyelashes glittering with tears, And a smile which, half sad, half triumphant, Still over your sad mouth appears. Did he talk of the beauty of Summer ? Or praise the wild rose'sperfume ? Or speak of the arbors so rustic, Where woodbine and Jessamine bloom! "He told you a story !" Oh, did he ? Well Katy dear, tell it to me. "You've almost forgot it?" Already I How very much flattered he'd be ! You say you ''think I may guess it !" Yes Katy the story I know ,- 'Tis the old tale, yet a sweet one : I'm certain that you found it so. 'Twas new in the first days of Adam, When wandering thro ugh Edeu' a fair bowers, In Eve's little ear it was whispered, Whileshe, .blushing, played with the flowers. Your're blashing too; what is the matter ? Why, what are .vou ci ying about ? Your grandfather told your grandmother The very same story, no doubt. Just three little words tell the story— What thousands of htmr ts they have thrilled! How many with joy they h are gladdened 1 How many with sorrow 1 mve filled ! These three little worda are : "I love you!" You see tis the very same .tale That you heard last night by the woodbdnes, Beneath the moon's silvery veil. Don't say I know nothing about it— You know very well it is true ; But, Katy my dear, did you tell Kim The same story that he told you ? ECHOES. Still the angel stars are shimg. Still the rippling waters (!o. But the angel voice is silent That I heard here long ago. Hark ! the echoes murmur low Long ago! Still the wood is dim and lonely, Still the plashing fountains play, But the past and all its beauty, Whither has it fled away? Hark! the mournful echoes say Fled away! Still the bird of night complaineth—* Now, indeed, her song is pain— Visions of my happy hours, Do I call and call in vain? Hark! the echoes cry again All in vain! Cease, O echoes, mournful echoes! Once I loved your voices well; Now my heart ia sick and weary, Days of old, a long farewell! Hark! the echoes sad and dreary Cry farewell, farewell! TIIE FREEDMEN'S BUREAU BILL. The President's Message. EXECTTIVE MANSION, > Washington, February 19, 1866. ) To the Senate of the United States : I have examined with care the bill which originated in the Senate, and has been pass ed by the two houses of Congress, to amend an act entitled "an act to establish a bureau for the relief of freedmen and refugees, and for other purposes. : ' Having, with much regret, come to the conclusion that it would not be consistent with the public welfare to give my approval to the measure. I return the bill to the Senate with my objections to its becoming a law. I might call to mind, in advance of these objections, that there is no immediate necessity for the proposed measure. The act to establish a Bureau for the relief of Freedmen and Refugees, which was approved in the month of March last, has not yet expired. It was thought stringent and extensive enough for the pur pose in view. Before it ceases to have ef fect, further experience may assist to guide us to a wise conclusion in the policy to be adopted in time of peace. I have, with. Congress, the stringent desire to secure to the Freedmen the full enjoyment of their freedom, and their property, and their en tire independence and equality and in mak ing contracts for their labor. But the hill before me contains provisions which, in my judgment, are not warranted by the Consti tution, and are not well suited to accomplish, the end in view. The bill proposes to estab lish, by authority of Congress, military ju risdiction overall parts of the United States in which the freedmen most abound, and it expressly extends the existing temporary jurisdiction of the Freedmen's Bureau with greatly enlarged powers, over those States In which the ordinary course of judicial pro ceedings has been interrupted by the rebel lion. The source from which this military jurisdiction is to emanate, is none other than the President of the United States, acting thlough the War Department, and the Commissioner of the breedmen s Bu reau. The agents to carry out this military jurisdiction are to be selected either from the army or from civil life. The country is to be divided into districts and sub-districts, and the number of salaried agents to lie em ployed may be equal to the number of coun ties or parishes in all the United States where freedmen and refugees are to be found. The subjects over which this milita ry jurisdiction is to extend in every part of the United States include protection to all employees, agents and officers of this Bu reau, in the exercise of the duties imposed upon them by the hill, in eleven States. It is further to extend over all cases affecting freedmen and refugees where discriminated against by local law, custom or prejudice, in those eleven States. The bill subjects any white person who may be charged with de priving a freedman of any civil rights or im munities belonging to white persons, to im prisonment or fine, or both,without t howev er, defining their civil rights and immuni ties, which are thus to be secured to the freedmen by military law. This military A LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWSPAPER, DEVOTED TO POLITICS, EDUCATION, LITERATURE AND MORAL S. jurisdiction also extends to all questions that may arise respecting contracts. The agent who is thus to e:,;ercisc the office of military judge, may bs a stranger, entirely ignorant of the laws of the place, and expo sed to the errors of< udgment to which all men are liable. 'The exerci.se of power, over which there ly no legal supervision, by n Tt T a Sents as is contempla ted by the bill, '.oust by the very nature of man be attende d by acts of caprice; injustice and passion. The trials having their origin under the bill are to take place without the intervention of jury, and without any fixed rules of law or evidence. The rules ou . ', e J/ o ** e uses are to be heard and determ ined by t ,ie numerous agents, under such rules p.nd regulations as the President, through the War Department, shall pre sent. er that we should provide for those who were passing suddenly from a condition of bondage to a state of freedom, but this bill proposes to make the Frecd inen's Bureau, established by the act of 1865, as one of many great and extraordina ry military measures to suppress a formida ble rebellion, a permanent branch of the public administration,with its powers great ly enlarged. I have no reason to suppose, and I do not understand it to be allege*! that the act ofMarch, 1865, has proved deficient for the purpose for which it was passed, although at that time and for a considerable period thereafter the Government of the United States remained unacknowledged in most of the States whose inhabitants had been involved in the rebellion. The insti tution of slavery, for the military destruc tion of which the Freedmen's Bureau was called into existence, as an auxiliary force, has been already effectually and finally abro gated throughout the whole country by an amendment to the Constitution of the Uni ted States, and practically its eradication has received the assent and concurrence of most of those States in which at any time it had existed. I am not therefore able to discern in the country anything to justify an apprehension that the powers and. agencies of the Freedmen's Bureau, which are effec ted for the protection of freedmen and refu gees, during the actual continuation of hos tilities, and of African servitude, will now, in time of peace and after the abolition of' slavery, prove inadequate to the same prop er ends. If I am correct in these views, there can be no necesity for the enlargement of the powers of the Bureau, for which pro vision is made in the bill. The third section of the bill authorizes a general unlimited amount of support to the destitute and suffering refuges and freedmen and their wives and children. Succeeding sections make provision for rent or purchase oflanded estates for freedmen, and for the erection for their benefit of suitable buildings for asylums and schools, the expences to he defrayed from the Treasury of the whole people. The Congress of the United States has never heretofore thought itself compe tent to establish any laws beyond the limits of the District of Columbia, except for the benefit of our disabled soldiers and sailors. It has never founded for any class of our own people, not even for the orphans of those who have fallen in the defense of the Union, but has left their education to the much more competent and efficient con trol of the states, of communities, or pri vate associations, and of individuals. It has never deemed itself authorized to ex pend the public money for the rent or purchase of homes for the thousands, not to say millions of the white race who are hon estly toiling day by day for their subsistence. A system for the support of intelligent per sons in the United States was never contem plated by the authority of the Constitution nor can any good reason be advanced why, as a permanent establishment, it should be founae il for one class or color of our people more than another. Pending the war, man refugees and freedmen received support from the Government, but it was never in. tended that they should henceforth be fed . clothed, educated and sheltered by the Uni ted States. The idea on which the slaves were assisted to freedom was that, on be coming free, they should be a self-sustaining population. Any legislation that shall im ply that they are not expected to attain a self-sustaining condition, must have a teu- BEDFORD, Pa.. FRIDAY, MARCH <3, 1866. dency injurious alike to their character and prosperity. The appointment of an agent for every county and parish will create an immense patronoge, and the expense of the numerous officers and their clerks to be appointed by the President will be great in the beginning with a tendency steadily to rnpre&ge. The appropriations asked by the Freedmen's Bureau as now established, for the year 1866 amount to $11,745,000. It may be safely estimated that the cost tq be incurred under the pending bill will require double that amount, more than the entire sum ex pended in any one year under 1 1 p administra tion of the second Adams. If fhe presence of an agent in every pariah anqcounty is to be considered as a war measure, opposition or even resistance might tie pr poked. so as to give effect to their jurljdijtion; troops would have to bo stationed frithin reach of every one of them, and thui a large force would become necessary, lyge appropria tions would therefore be repaired to sustain and enforce military jusriwtion in every county and parish, from the Potomac to the Rio Grande. The condition of our fiscal af fairs is encouraging, but in cider to sustain the present measure of publif confidence, it is necessary that we practice pot merely cus tomary economy, but, as fat as possible, general retrenchments. In addition to the objffitions already stated, the fifth section of tht bill proposes to take away land from its former owners without any legal proceedings being first had, contrary to that provision of the Con stitution which declares thtt no persons shall be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law. It does not appear that the lands to whiih this section refers may not be owned by minors or per sons of unsound mind, or by Ihose who have been faithful to all their obligations as citi zens ol the United States. If any portion of the land by such persons, il is not come tent for any authority to deprive them of it. If, on the other hand, it be ftund that the property is liable to confiscatim, even then it connot be appropriated to public purposes until, by due process of law, it shall have been declared forfeited to the Government. There are still further objections to the bill on grounds seriously affecting the class of persons to whom it is intended to bring re lief It will tend to keep the mind of the freedmen in a state of uncertain expectation, while to those among whom he lives, it will he a source of constant apprehension. Un doubtedly the freedmen should be protected, by the civil authorities, especially by the ex ercise of all the constitutional powers of the courts of the United States, and of the States. His condition is not so exposed as may at first be imagined. He is in a por tion of the country' where his labor cannot well be spared. Competion for his services from planters, from those who are construc ting or repairing railroads, or from eapital ; ists in his vicinity, or from other States, will enable him to command almost his own terms. He also possesses a perfect right to change his place of abode and if, therefore he does not find in one community or state a mode of life suited to his desires, or prop er remuneration for his labor, he can move to another where labor is more esteemed and better rewarded. In truth, however, each State, influenced by its own wants end inter ests, will do what is necessary and proper to retain its borders all the labor that is need ed for the dovelopments of its resources. The laws that regulate and demand will maintain their force, and the wages of the labor will be regulated thereby. There is no danger that the great demand for labor will not operate in favor of the laborer. Neither is sufficient consideration given to the ability of the freedmen to protect and take care of themselves. It is no more than justice to them to believe that as they re ceived their freedom with moderation and forbearance, so they will distinguish them selves by their industry, and they will soon show the world that in a condition of free dom they are self-sustaining and capable of selecting their own employment and their own places of abode; of insisting for them selves on a proper remuneration, of establish ing and maintaining their own asylums and schools. It is earnestly hoped that instead of wasting away, they will by their own ef forts establish for themselves a condition of rqepeet&bility and prosperity. It is certain that they can attain to that condition only through their own merits and exertions. In this connection, the query presents it self whether the system proposed by the bill will not, when put into complete operation, practically transfer the entire care, support and control of four millions of emancipated slaves to agents, overseers or taskmasters who, appointed at Washington, are to be located in every county and parish through out the United States containing freedmen anu refugees; and such a system would cer tainly tend to such a concentration of power in the Executive as would enable him, if so disposed, to control the action of a numer ous class, and use them for the attainment of his political ends. I cannot but add another very grave ob jection to this bill. The Constitution im peratively declares in connection with taxa tion, that every State shall have at least one Representative, and fixes the rule for the number to which in future times each State shall be entitled. It also provides that the Senate of the United States shall be com posed of two Senators from each State, and adds, with peculiar force, that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. The original act was necessarily passed in the absence of the States chiefly to be affected, because their people were then contumaciously enga ged in the rebellion. Now the case is chan ged, and some at. least of the States are at tending Congress by loyal Representatives, soliciting the allowance of the Constitutional right of representation. At the time, how ever, of the consideration and the passing of the bill, there was no Senator or Represen tative from the eleven States which arc to be mainly affected by its provisions. The very fact that reports were and arc made against the good disposition of the country, is an additional reason why they need and should have Representatives of" their own in Congress to explain their condition reply to accusations, and assist, by their local knowledge, in the perfecting of measures im mediately affecting themselves. While the liberty of deliberation would then be free, and Congress would have lull power to de cide aceording to its judgment there could be no objection ureed that the States most in terested had not been permitted to be heard The principle is firmly fixed in the minds of the American people that there should be •no taxation without representation. Great burdens are now to be borne by all the coun try, and we may best demand that they shal[ be borne without a murmur, when they are voted by a majority of the representatives of the people. I would not interfere with the unquestionable right of Congress to judge, each House for itself of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members; but that authority cannot be construed as inclu ding the right to shut out in time of peace any State from the representation to which it is entitled by the Constitution. At pres ent all the people of eleven States are exclu . those who where most faithful during tho war, not less than others. The State of Tennessee, for instance, whose authorities engaged in the rebellion, was restored to all her constitutional relations to the Union by iho patriotism and energy of her injured and betrayed people before the war was brought to a termination. They had placed them selves in relations with the General Govern ment, had established at State Government of their own, and as they were not included in the emancipation proclamation, they by their own act have amended their constitu tion so as to abolish slavery within the limits of their State. I know no reason why the State of Tennessee, for should not fully en joy all her Constitutional relations to the United States. The President of the United States stands towards the country in in a somewhat different attitude from that of any member of Congress chosen from a single district or State. The President is chosen by the people of all the States. Eleven States are not at present represented in to be his duty on all proper occasions to present their just claims to Congress. There always will be differences of opinion in the community, and individuals may be guilty of transgression of the law, but these do not constitute valid objections against the right of a State to representation. It would in no wise interfere with the discre tion of Congress^with regard to the qualifi. cation of members but I hold it my duty to recommend to you in the interests of peace, and in the interests of the Union, the admis sion of every State to its share of public leg islation, when however, insubordinate, insur gent or rebellious, its people may have been it presents itself not only in an attitude of loyalty and harmony, but in the persons of Representatives whose loyalty cannot be questioned under the existing constitutional or legal test. It is plain that an indefinite or permanent exclusion of any part of the country from representation must be atten ded by a spirit of disquiet and complaint. It is unwise and dangerous to pursue a course of measures which will unite any large sec tion of the country against another section of the country no matter how much the lat ter may predominate. The course of iinmi- f ration, the development of industry and usiness, and natural causes will raise up at the South men as devoted to the Union as those of any other part of the land; but if they are all excluded from Congress, if in a permanent stitutional relations to the country they may think they have cause to become a unit in feelings and sentiment against the Government. Under the political education of the American people, the idea is inherent and irradicable that the consent of the ma jority of the whole people is necessary to se cure a willing acquiescence in legislation. The bill under consideration refers to certain of the States as though they had not been fully restored to the United States. If they have not let us at once act together to secure that desirable end at the earliest possible moment, it is hardly necessary for me to inform Congress that in my own judgment, most of those States, so far at least as de- Cends upon their own action have already een fully restord, and are to be deemed to be entitled to the enjoyment of their consti tutional rights as members of the Union. Reasoning from the Constitution itself and from the actual situation of the country, I ! feel not only entitled, but bound to assume that with the Federal courts restored in the the several States and in the full exercise of their functions, the rights and interests of all classes of the people will with the aid of the military in eases of insufficiency of the law, be essentially protected against uncon stitutional infringement and violation. Should this expcctationuuhappily fail, which I do not anticipate then the Executive is al ready armed with the powers conferred by the act. of March, 1865, establishing the Freedmon's Buieau, and hereafter as hereto fore. he can employ the land and naval for ces of the country to suppress insurrection, and to overcome obstruction to the laws. I return the bill to the Senate, in the earnest hope that a measure involving ques tions and interests so important to the coun try, will not become a law unless upon deli berate consideration by the people, it shall receive the sanction of an enlightened public judgment. [Signed] ANDREW JOHNSON. SIR ROBERT WALPOLE. Was a leading politician and statesman, who held power for a period of iwenty-one years after the accession of the House of Hanover. He was born in 1676, and was educated at Cambridge university. He en tered upon public life at an early age, aud having attached himself to the Whig party, he became Secretary of War in 1708, du ring the reign of Queen Anne. On the ac cession of the Tory party to power he was removed, and impeached, according to the customs of the time, by the-dominant party. He was expelled by the House of Commons, hut the event rather increased his standing and popularity. On the accession of George the First, he entered the Cabinet as Paymas ter General. He was appointed First Lord of the Tieasury during the rebellion of 1715. In 1717 he was forced to resign, owing to political intrigues, hut re-entered the Cabinet in 1720, as Paymaster Ixcneral. The year following, in accordance with the popular vote, he was appointed First Lord of the Treasury, as the fittest person to repair the losses by the South Sea bubble. He was retained in office by George the Sec ond. In 1742 he was forced to resign in consequence of the unsuccessful prosecution of the unjust Spanish War. in which he engaged reluctantly in compliance with the popular demand. "Sir Robert Walpole was one of the most dexterous party leaders that ever appeared in the House of Com mons. lie was a man of sound common sense, rather than of genius. To him be longs the credit of having organized the administration and finances of England, very nearly on the bases on which they now rest. He "pursued inflexibly a peace policy, believing that that course was the most con ducive to the interests of England: In this view he was undoubtedly correct. England required repose after the exciting and ex hausting wars of William Third and Queen Anne. He devoted great attention to the development of the manufacturing and commercial interests of England .and the promotion of her internal resources. He died in 1745. „ „ T , , . The character of Sir Robert \v alpole has suffered in popular estimation from the charges of corruption. Rut historians now agree in at least partially exonerating him. To him is attributed the saying that "Every man had his own price." Rut \\ alpole. however he may have bribed oAers, was incorruptible by money, and the greatest fault that can be attributed to him is an uncontrollable desire for office. His admin istration certainly promoted the prosperity of England. No snow falls lighter than the snow of age none heavier, for it never melts. W fIEN is a boat like a heap of' snow? When it is a drift. VOLUME 39; NO . FREE TRADE, We regard Free Trade to be the curse of any country mainly devoted to agriculture; hence no nation in the world would suffer so much as the I. nited States with all our wants so immense and varied, under such a system. Of two countries which trade freely with each other, that which sells the products of her own manufacture, gains, becoins power ful, and governs; while the other, which ex ports agricultural products only, loses. Buf fers. and obeys. This law of economy is universal and inexorable. The statesman ship of England has been wisely guided by it it for over one hundred years, and the prices of the commodities of the world are fixed by England, and the whole world pays debts in Loudon. I defiance of this law, the advocates of British Free Trade assigned to outpost duty in the United States argue to Americans thatthey will grow rich by con fining themselves to cultivating the soil, and exchanging food in England for Iron. Cloth, Steel aud hardware, The farmers in Illi nois and lowa who sit at fires made of corn, bitterly feel that this is a wicked lie. The establishment in their neighborhood of even the smallest frctory, demonstrates that this is a lie. IV hy, then, should we for a moment lis ten to the clamors of the foreign merchants and their toadies of New York, backed Ity the fishy politicians, of doubtful loyalty, in various parts of the country, who demand unrestricted free trade.—lV e are not radical on this subject. While we may go for pro tection for the sake of protection, belieiving it to be the salvation of the country and the sheet anchor of our agriculture, w would have no pet interests, and only go for such a scale of duties as would afford "the industry of the United States that measure of protec tion which, while it would promote both skilled and unskilled labor, would at the same time advance the general prosperity of every other branch and especially the greatest of all branches, that of Agriculture. Farmers and all others should calmly in vestigate for themselves, and be slow to adapt the political dogmas of those whose affection for their country and its paramount interests, as exhibited in their lives, is poor an endorsement for the fidelity of their opin ions and movements. — Germantown Tele graph. How Farmers are Interested in Tariffs, The New York Tribune states that the Cambria Iron works in our State, paid in three years for salaries, wages and contract work as follows: 1860, £907,028,91. 1864, $1,399,890.82; 1865, $1,1%5,380,24. Near ly all this money went to laborers and their families, and the direct interest farmers had in it may be inferred from the reply of the Superintendent of the works to the interro gatories of the Internal Revenue Commis sioner. He said: "The population sustained by the opera tions of our company, consume annually a bout 2,000 head of beef cattle, 3,000 head of sheep, and the product of not less than 4,- 000 head of hogs. Our whole const imption of wheat flour is about 20,000 barrels. Johnstown is oae of the best market sia the country for all kinds of food. Large, quanti ties of the more perishable kinds, such as garden vegetables, butter, eggs, fruits. &c., are brought from Pittsburg aud otl ler West em markets; a.? tho production of the sur rounding country is unable to su.pply our demand." Fanning land within two miJes of the works is worth from $l5O to $3OO per acre, without improvements. If these facts do not show how deeply interested our farming clastes are in the development of manufac tures, we would be; puzzled to know what sort of reasoning or evidence would con vince them. A sound protective tariff is use ful in developing our minerals and staples, in relieving agricultural industry from the pressure of too much competition, in giving farmers a home market for their products, in supplying a useful and ingenious labor ing class with employment, in obtaining revenue for the government and reducing taxation, in making us independent of for eign nations for articles indispensable for gene ral use. and in really enlarging our na tions i wealth. When we have fairly estab lished our manufactures, we might prudent ly consider the subject of low tariffs or no tariffs. OUR NATIONAL BOUNDARIES.—Capt.—, of the U. S. Navy, was equally distinguished for his eccentricity of manner and for his proficiency in seamanship. Ou one occa sion, during a cruise in the Mediterranean, be so aecquit ted himself as to induce some English and French officers, who were en gaged upon similar service, (cruising) to tender him a complimentary dinner, as an evidence? of tl leir appreciation of his profes sional skill. At the time designated, many were present. Customary courtesies were being exchanged, and international toasts •and sentiments were being liberally indulged in, accompanied by corresponding potations when one of the officers of Iler Majesty's service, having become somewhat oblivious, remarked, with characteristic brusqueness: "Captain, I have but one great objection toyour countrymen." .'Ah!" naively said the Captain, "what is that?" "Their insatiable desire for the aquisition of territory." Then becoming excited by his subject, he continued—"l am satisfied. Captain, there will be no end to it." "Oh, yes," quaintly and coolly replied the Captain. "For God's sake, when?" emphatically inquired the officer. "When," responded the Captain, pre serving his equanimity, "we reach our nat ural boundaries." "Will you please to inform me where those may be?'' interrogates the English of ficer sarcastically. "Where!" said the Captain, assuming an inimitable manner, '' from Texas to the Aurora Boredlis/" SADNESS. There is s mysterious feeling that fre quently passes like a cloud over tne spirit. It comes upon the soul in the busy bustle of" life, in the social c-irele, in the calm and si lent retreat of solitude. Its power is alike supreme over the weak and the iron heart ed. At one time it is caused by a single thought across the mind. Again a sound will come booming across the ocean of mem ory, gloomy and solemn as the death knell overshadowing all the bright hopes and sunny feelings of the heart. Who can de scribe it, and yet who has not felt its bewil dering influence ? Still it is a delicious sort of sorrow, and like a cloud dimming the sunshine of the river, although casting a momentary shade of gloom, it enhances the beauty of returning brightness.£ In the ease of Thomas W. Pierce vn. the United States—a claim of $3O. > >1 ,-or tain of the Floyd accepts-.! of Claims has dismissed the peiiti u, or. the ground that Floyd had no power to nind the United States by the aoceptanoe in suit. RATES OF ADVERTISING, AU advertisement/" fortes* than 3 months 19 rents per line for each insertion. Special notices one half additional. All resolutions of Aesocia- • tion, communications of a limited or individual interest and notices of marriages and deaths, ex ceeding five lines, 10 cts. per line. AU legal noti ces of every kind, and all Orphans' Court ana other Judicial sales, are required bylaw to be pub lished in both papers. Editorial Notices 15 cents per line. AU Advertising due after first insertion A liberal discount made to yearly advertisers. 3 months. 6 months. 1 year. One square. % +.59 $ 8-0® Two squares 1.9# t,W Three 5quare5............. B.o# 12.0# 20. • One-fourth column H.fi# 26.00 35.90 Half column 18.0# 25.0# #5.00 One column 30.6# 45.09 80.00 SIR JOHN LAWRENCE has sent three na tive agents, disgmsed as merchants, to ex plore Central Asia by different routes. Each one is independent of the others, and kept in ignorance of their appointment, so that on their return three independent narrative* may be looked for. They are instructed to take note of all that they see, to observe the temper of the different peoples among whom they travel, whether movements are taking place in favor of Russia, and to visit Bok hara, Khokani and Samarcand before they turn back. TUB correspondent of the Boston Travel ler, writing from Concord. N. H. says the Democratic managers of that State invited Ex-Presideut Pierce to address them in the parlor of a hotel, the night before their Con vention, hoping that liis indorsal of the President might give them favor at >Y ash ington, but that they did not dare to risk the effect upon the people of the State of NEWSPAPER SUPPRESSION.— The order emanating from Gen. Grant for the sup pression of the Richmond Examiner, _ it_ is said, will not be the only one of a similar character if the present course of Rebel journals is not changed. It is notorious that many journals in the South are as bold and defiant in treasonable utterances as before or during the war. Gen. Grant is determined to put a stop to this firing of the Southern heart. NASHVILLE AN OIL MART.— The discov eries of petroleum at Burksville, Kentucky, are beginning to have their effect upon _ the commerce of Nashville. Several consign ments of the commodity have made their appearance in that market, and an enterpris ing Pittsburgh firm is making arrangements to put a boat regularly on the river between Nashville and the newly-discovered oil re gions. A CONTRABAND ON KENTUCKY UNION ISM. —A traveler dining at a hotel, in the in terior of Kentucky, not long since, seeing "Union Maringues," on the bill of fare, call ed for some; when brought he found them striped with secesh colors, red and white. Calling the "culled pusson," waiting on the table, he inquired: 'Do you call these red and white things Union? Where is the blue?" "Yah! Yah!" says Sambo, "dera's good 'tiuf Union for this place. Ginel Grant did' nt come in here with any of the hard licks to put in the blue; dey ony get scratch a little, make ae red and white come; da—ts's so; dem's good 'nuff Union for this yerr place." SlNGlNG.— Singing is a great institution. It oils the wheels of care, and supplies the place of sunshine. A man who sings has a good heart. Such a man not only works willingly, but he works more constantly. A singing cobbler will earn as much money again as a eordwainer who gives way to low spirits, and he who attacks singing throws a stone at the head of hilarity, and would, if he could, rob June of its roses and August of its meadow larks. Such a man should be looked to. A QUAKER intending to drink a glass of water, took up a small tumbler of gin. He did not discover his mistake until he got tie hind the door and swallowed the dose, when he lifted both hands and exclaimed: —"Ver- ily. I have taken unwarily the balm of the world's people. What will Abigail say when she smells my breath?" FIRESIDE EDUCATION.—The fireside is a seminary of infinite importance. It is im portant because it is universal, and because tbe education it bestows,being woven into the woof of ehildhocd, gives form and color to the whole texture of life. There are few who can receive the honors of a college, but all are the graduates of the hearth. A PUNCTUAL taan is rarely a poor man, and never a man of doubtful credit. His small accounts are feequentiy settled, and he never meets with difficulty in raising money to pay large demands. Small debts neglected, ruin credit and when a man has last that he will find himself at the bbttom of a hill he cannot ascend. THE Rochester Union says: "The rapids in the Niagara river, directly opposite the Cataract House, are hardly covered by water at the present time, in consequence of an ice-jam having formed above, causing the water to run close to the Canada shore. The like was never known, it is said, in that lo cality." TUB Kentucky Yeoman now contains in its daily issue more than two columns of gubernatorial proclamations, fifteen in all. offering rewards that amount in the aggre gate to over five thousand dollars, for the arrest of murderers who are yet at large. A SPECIAL to the Commercial says: Gen eral Lee is iu Georgetown, the guest of his former ward, the wife of the Spanish Sec retary of Legation. RELIEVE misfortune quickly. A man is like an egg—the longer he is kept in hot water the harder he is when he is taken ; OUt. WHV is it natural that a young lady, having seven lovers should desire to add an other to the list? Because all ladies wish to fasten eight (fascinate.) QUITE OBVIOUS. —It would never answer for two ill-tempered men to go up in a bal loon together, because they would he so like ly to fall out on the way. SWEARING in conversation indicates a perpetual distrust of a person's own reputa tion, and is an acknowledgment that he thinks his bare word uot worthy of credit. A Philosopher on being asked from whence he received his first lesson in wis dom replied: "From the blind, who never take a step until they have felt the ground before them." SOCRATES, being silent in company, was requested to join in the conversation. He replied : "\V hat I know would be improper here; and of what would be proper here. - 1 am ignorant." WHY is it that the moment of popping the question is so terrible to young fellows, that they frequently cannot utter a word? Because, just then, they love the fair one beyond expression. :• ' ; MRS. PARTINGTON'S youngest scion as serts that the only difference to him wheth er ho goes to school Or goes a-fishing, is tbat in the former case he hates his book, and in the latter he baits his hook. EvEPYyoung lady ispubbe spirited enough to be willing to have her father's house used as a court house.