ihe fkdford IS PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING, BY J, R. DtIItRORROW AND JOHN LIT/, ox JULIANA St., opposite the Stengel House BEDFOHT), PENN'A. TKRIMS: 92.00 a year if paid strictly in advance. If not paid within six months $l3O. If not paid within the year $3.00. grofrggfomq & -Cards, ATTORNEYS AT LAW. JOHN PALMER, Attorney at Law, Bedford. PH.. Will promptly attend to all business entrusted to his care. AS. Particular attention paid to the collection of Military claims. Office ou Julianna St., nearly opposite the Mengel House.) june 23, '65.1y JB. CESSNA, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Office with JOHN- CBSSXA, on Pitt St., opposite the Bedford Hotel. All business entrusted to his care will receive faithful and prompt attention. Mili tary Claims, Pensions, Ac., speedily collected. Bedford, June 9,1865. J OHN T. KEAGY, ATTORNEY AT LAW, BF-DKOKD, PA., Will promptly attend to all legal business entrust ed to his care. Will give special attention to claims against the Government. Office on Juliana street, formerly occupied by Hon. A. King. aprll:'6s-*ly. _ J. It. DURBORROW JOHN LVTZ. DURBORROW A LUTZ, ATTORNEYS f T EJt II*. BF.BFOBD, PA., Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to their care. Collections made on the shortest no tioe. They arc, also, regularly licensed Claim Agents and will give special attention to the prosecution of claims against the Government for Pensions, Back Pay, Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac. Office on Juliana street, one door South of the '•Mengel House" and nearly opposite the Inquirer office. April 28, 1866:tf INSPY M. ALSIP, J ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFonn, PA., Will faithfnlly and promptly attend to all busi ness cntrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoin iug counties. Military elaims, Pensions, back pay, Bounty, Ac. speedily collected. Office with Mann A Spang, on Juliana stroet, 2 doors south ofthe Mengel House. apl 1, 1864.—tf. M. A. POINTS, ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD. PA. Respectfully tenders his professional services to the public. Office with J. W. Lingcnfelter, Esq., en Juliana street, two doors South of the '•Mengle House." Doc. 9, 1564-tf. KTMMEUL AND LINGENFELTER, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD, I>A. Have formed a partnership in the practice of the Law Office on Juliana Street, two doors South of the Mengel House, aprl, 1864 —tf. JOHN MOWER, ATTORNEY AT LAW. BEDFORD, PA. April 1,1864.—tf. DENTWTN. C. If. HICKOK J. G. SIINNICH, JR. DENTISTS, BEDFORD, PA. Office in the Bank Building. Juliana Street. All operations pertaining to Surgical or Me chanical Dentistry carefully and faithfully per formed and warranted. TERMS CASH. jan6'6s-ly. DENTISTRY. I. N. BOWSER, RESIDENT DENTIST, WOOD BERRY, PA., will spend the second Monday, Tues day, and Wednesday, of each month at Hopewell, the remaining three days at Bloody Run, attend ng to the duties of his profession. At all other imes he can he found in his office at Woodbnry, excepting the last Monday and Tuesday of the game month, which he will spend in Martinsburg, Blair county, Penna. Persons desiring operations should call early, as time is limited. All opera ions warranted. Aug. 5,1864,-tf. PHYSICIANS. DR. B. F. HARRY, Respectfully tenders his professional ser vices to the citizens of Bedford and vicinity. Office and residence on Pitt Street, in the building formerly •ccupiedby Dr. J. H. Hofius. April 1, 1864—tt.* JL. MABBOL'RG, M. I)., . Having permanently located respectfully tenders his pofessional services to the citizens ofßedford and vicinity. Office on Juliana street, opposite the Bank, one door north of Hall A Pal mer's office. April 1, 1864—tf. HOTELS. BEDFORD HOUSE, AT HOPEWELL, BEDFORD COUNTY, PA., BY HARRY DROLLINGER. Every attention given to make guests comfortable, who stop at this House, nopewcll, July 29, 1864. US. HOTEL, IIARRISBURG, PA. CORNER SIXTH AND MARKET STREETS, OPPOSITE READING R. R. DEPOT. I). H. HUTCHINSON, Proprietor. j zn6:65. BAMKEIM. G. W. RL'PP O. F.. SHANNON F. BENEDICT RI PP, SHANNON A CO., BANKERS, BEDFORD, PA. BANK OF DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT. COLLECTIONS made for the East, West, North and South, and the general business of Exchange, transacted. Notes and Accounts Collected and Remittances promptly made. REAL ESTATE bought and sold. apr.15,'64-tf. JLULLLK. Ac. JOHN REIMUND, CLOCK AND WATCH-MAKER, in tho United States Telcp raph Office, BEDFORD, PA. Clocks, watches, and all kinds of jewelry promptly repaired. All work entrusted to his care warranted to give entire satisfaction. [nov3-Jyr DANIEL BORDER, PITT STREET, TWO DOORR WEST OF THE BBI* FORD HOTEL, BEBFORD, PA. WATCHMAKER AND DEALER IN JEWEL RY. SPECTACLES. AC. He keeps on hand a stock of fine Gold and Sil ver Watches, Spectacles of Brilliant Double Befin cd Glasses, also Scotch Pebble Glasses. Gold Watch Chains, Breast Pins, Finger Rings, best quality of Gold Pens. He will supply to order any thing in his line not on hand, apr. 28, 1865—zz. Suiliililc for JlolliUaj Prmrutit. HENRY HARPER, 53() ARCH Stteet, PHILAItKIiPHIA. WATCH ES, FINE JEWELRY. - KOIJI) NILVEB M AKE, ami Superior NILVER PLATED MAKE. Oct. TOBACCONISTS. D| W. CHOUSE <t CO., • WHOLESALE ASD RETAIL TOBACCONISTS, One door west of the Post Office, above Daniel Border's jewelry store, Bedford l'enn'a., are now prepared to sell by wholesale or retail all kinds of Tobacco, Cigar* and SiiiifT. Orders for Cigars promptly filled. Persons de siring anything in their line will do well to give them a call. Bedford, Oct. 20, '65. JUSTICES OF THE PEACE. I OUS MAJOR, d JUSTICE OF THE PEACE, HOP* WELL, WRDFOBD coi'urr. Collections and all business pertaining to bis office will be attended to prompt 'y. M ill also attend to the sale or renting of real estate Instruments of writing carefully prcpar." £ d. Also settling£ni> partnerships and other ac conlit' Apl 'l-tj. BTRBORROW <fe LI'TZ Editors and Proprietors. PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. Fellow Citizens of the Senate and ilnme of Representatives: To express gratitude to God, in the name of the People, for the preservation of the United States, is my first duty in addressing you. Our thoughts next advert to the death of the late President by an act of par ricidal treason. The grief of the nation is still fresh; it finds some solace in the consid eration that he lived to enjoy the highest proof of its confidence by entering on the renewed term of the Chief Magistracy, to which he had keen elected; that he brought the civil war substantially to a close; that his loss was deplored in all parts of the Union; and that foreign nations have ren dered justice to his memory. His removal cast upon me a haayier weight of cares than ever devolved upoifrauy one of his predeces sors. To fulfil my trust I need the support and confidence of all who are associated with me in the various departments of Govern ment, and the support and confidence of the people. There is but one way in which I can hope to gain their necessary aid; it is, to state with frankness the principles which guide my conduct, and their application to the present state of affairs, well aware that the efficiency of ray labor will, in a great measure, depend on your and their undivi ded approbation. The Union of the United States of Amer ica was intended by its authors to last as long as the States themselves shall last. "THE UNION SHALL BE PERPETUAL," are the words of the Confederation; "To form a more perfect Union," by an ordinance of the people of the United States, is the de clared purpose of the Constitution. The hand of Divine Providence was never more plainly visible in the affairs of men than in the framing and the adopting of that instru ment. It is, beyond comparison, the great est event in American history; and indeed is it not, of all events in modern times, the most pregnant with consequences for every people of the earth ? The members of the Convention which prepared it, brought to their work the experience of the Confedera tion, of their several States, and other Re publican Governments, old and new; but they needed and obtained a wisdom superior to experience. And when for its validity it required the approval of a people that occu pied a large part of a continent and acted separately in many distinct conventions, what is more wonderful than that, after earnest contention and long discussion, all feelings and all opinions were ultimately drawn in one way to its support? The Constitution to which life was thus imparted contains within itself ample re sources for its own preservation. It has power to enforce the laws, punish treason, and insure domestic tranquility. In ease of the usurpation of the Government of a State by one man, or an oligarchy, it becomes a duty of the United States to make good the guarantee to that State of a Republican form of and so to maintain the homogeneousness of all. Does the lapse of time reveal defects? A simple mode of amendment isprovideed in the Constitution itself, so that its conditions can always be made to confirm to the requirements of ad vancing civilization. No room is allowed even for the thought of a possibility of its coming to an end. And these powers of self preservation have always been asserted in their complete integrity by every patriotic Chief Magistrate—by Jefferson and Jack son, not less than by Washington and by Madison. The parting advice of the Father of his Country, while yet President, to the people of the United States, was, the "free Constitution, which was the work of their hand, might be sacredly maintained," and the inaugural words of President Jefferson held up "the preservation of the General Government, in its constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad." The Constitution is the work of "the People of the United States," and it should be as indestructible as the peo ple. It is not strange that the framers of the Constitution, which had no model in the past, .should not have fully comprehended the excellence of their own worlc. Fresh from a struggle against arbitrary power, many patriots suffered from harassing fears of an absorption of the State Governments by the General Government, and many from a dread that the States would break away from their orbits. Rut the very greatnessof our country should allay the apprehension of enroachmcnts by the General Govern ment. The subjects that eg me unquestiona bly within its jurisdiction are so numerous, that it must ever naturally refuse to be em barrassed by questions that lie beyond it. Were it otherwise the Executive would sink beneath the burden; the channels of justice would be choked; legislation would be ob siructed by excess; so that there is a greater temptation to exercise some of the functions of the General Government through the States than to trespass on their rightful sphere. "The absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority," was, at the be ginning of the century, enforced by Jefferson "as the vital principle of republics," and the events of the last four years have estab lished, we will hope forever, that there lies no appeal to force. The maintainance of the Union brings with it "the support of the State Govern ments is all their rights;" but it is not one of the rights of any State Government to renounce its own place in the Union, or to nullify the laws of the Union. The largest liberty is to lie maintained in the discussion of the acts of the Federal Government; but there is no appeal from its laws, except to the various branches of that Government it self, as to the people, who grant to the mem bers of the Legislative and of the executive Departments no tenure but a limited one, and in that manner always retain the power of redress. ' The sovereignty of the States" is the language of the Confederacy, and not the language of the Constitution.. The hitter contains the emphatie words: "The Consti tution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made or which shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound there by, anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstand ing." Certainly the Government of the United States is a limited and so is every State government a limited govern ment. With us, this idea of limitation spreads through every form of administra tion, general, State, and municipal, and rests on the great distinguishing principle of the recognition of the riirhts of man. The an cient republics absorbed the individual in the State, prescribed his religion, and con trolled his activity. The American system rests on the assertion of the equal right of every man to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; to freedom of conscience, to the culture and exercise of all his faculties. As a consequence, the State Government is lim ited, as to to General Government in the interest of Union, us to the individual citi zen in the interest of freedom. A LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWSPAPER, DEVOTED TO POLITICS, EDUCATION, LITERATURE AND MORALS. States, with proper limitations of power, are essential to the existence of the Consti tution of the United States. At the very commencement, when we assumed a place among the powers of the earth, the Declara tion of Independence was adopted by states; so also were the Articles of Confederation; and when'the people of the United States" ordained and established the Constitution, it was the assent of the States, one by one, which gave it vitality. In the event, too. of any amendment to the Constitution, the proposition of Congress needs the confirma tion of States. Without States, one great branch of the legislative government would be wanting. And, if we look beyond the letter of the Constitution to the character of our country, its capacity for comprehending within its jurisdiction a vast continental em pire is due to the system of States. The best security for the perpetual existence of the States i* jhp "wnprflTTiq authority" of the Constitution of the United States. The per petuity of the Constitution brings with it the perpetuity of the States; their mutual relation makes us what we are, and in our political system their connexion is indissolu ble. The whole cannot exist without the parts, nor the parts without the whole. So long as the Constitution of the United States endures, the States will endure; the destruc tion of the one is the destruction of the oth er; the preservation of the one is the pres ervation of the other. I have thus explained my views of the mutual relations of the Constitution and the States, because they unfofd the principles on which I have sought to solve the mo mentous questions and overcome the appal ling difficulties that met me at the very com mencement of my administration. It has been my steadfast object to escape from the sway of momentary passions, and to derive a healing policy from the fundamental and unchanging principles of the Constitution. I found the States suffering from the ef fects of a civil war. Resistance to the Gen eral Government appeared to have axhaust ed itself. The United States had recovered possession of their forts and arsenals; and their armies were in the occupation of every State that attempted to secede. Whether the territory within the limits of those States should be held as conquered territo ry, under military authority emanating from the President as the head of the army, was the first question that presented itself for decision. Now, military governments, established for an indefinite period, would have afford ed no security for the early depression of discontent; would have divided the people into the vanquishers and vanquished; and would have envenomed hatred, rather than have restored affection. Once established, no precise limit to the continuance was con ceivable. They would have occasioned an incalculable and exhausting expense. Peace ful emigration to and from that portion oT the country is one of the best means that can be thought of for the restoration of har mony ; and that emigration would have been prevented; for what emigration from abroad what industrious eitizen at home, would place himself willingly under military rule? The chief persons who would have followed in the train of the army would have been dependants on the General Government, or men who expected profit from the miseries of their erring fellow-citizens. The powers of patronage and rule which have been exer- j cised, under the President, over a vast, and j populous, and naturally-wealthy region, are ! greater than, unless under extreme necessi ty, I should be willing to entrust to any one man ; they are such as, for myself, I could never, unless on occasions of great emergen cy, consent to exercise. The wilful use of such powers, if continued through a period of years, would have endangered the purity of the general administration and the liber ties of the States which remained loyal. Besides, the policy of military rule over a conquered territory would have implied that the States whose inhabitants may have taken part in the rebellion had, by an act of those inhabitants, ceased to .-.:ist. But the true theory is, that ah on Tended acts of se cession were, from the beginning, null and ! void. The States cannot commit treason, j nor screen the individual citizens who may have committed treason, any more than they j can make valid treaties or engage in lawful commerce with any foreign Power. The States attempting to secede placed them selves in a condition where their vitality was impaired, but not extinguished—their func tions suspended, but not destroyed? But if any State refuses or neglects to per form its offices, there is the more need that the General Government should maintain all its authority, and, as soon as practicable, re sume all its functions. On this principle I have acted, and have gradually and quietly, and by almost imperceptible steps, sought to restore the rightful energy of the General government and of the States. To that end, Provisional Governors have been ap- f minted for the States, conventions called, Joveinors elected, Legislatures assembled, and Senators and Representatives chosen to the Congress of the United States. At the same time, the Courts of the United States, as far as could be one. have been re-opened, so that the laws of the United States may lie enforced through their agency. The blockade has been removed and the custom houses re-established in ports of entry, so that the revenue of the United States may be collected. The Post Office Department renews its ceaseless activity, and the Gene ral Government is thereby enabled to com municate promptly with its officers and a gents. The courts bring security to persons | and property; the opening of the ports in vites the restoration of industry and com merce; the postoffice renews the facilities of social intercourse and business. And. is it not happy for us all that the restoration of each one-of these functions of the General Government brings with it a blessing to the States over which they are extended ! Is it I not a sure promise of harmony and renew ed attachment to the Union that, after a!l that has happened, the return of the Gen eral Government is known only as a benefi cence? I know vory well that this policy is at tended with some risk; that for its success it requires at least the acquiescence of the States which it concerns; that it implies an invitation to those States, by renewing their allegiance to the United States, to resume their functions as States of the Union. But it is a risk that must be taken; in thechoiee of difficulties, ft is the smallest risk; and to diminish, and, if possible, to remove all danger, 1 have felt it incumbent on nie to assert one other power of the general Gov ernment —the power of pardon. As no State can throw a defence over the crime of treason, the power of pardon is exclusively vested iii the Executive Government of the United States. In exercising that power, I have taken every precaution to connect it with the clearest recognition of the binding force of the laws of the United States, and an unqualified acknowledgment of the great social change of condition in regard to slavery which has grown out. of the war. The next step which I have taken to re store the constitutional relations of the States has been an invitation to them to par ticipate in the high office of amending the BEDFORD, Pa., FRIDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1865. Constitution. Every patriot must wish for a general amnesty at the earliest epoch con sistent with public Safety. For this great end there is need'of a concurrence of all opinions, and the spirit of mutual concilia tion. All parties hi the late terrible coufliet must work together in harmony. It is too much to ask, in the name of the whole peo ple, that, on the one side, the plan of resto ration shall proceed in conformity with a willingness to cast the disorders of the past into oblivion; and that, on the other, the evidence of sincerity in the future mainte nance of the Union shall be put beyond any doubt by the ratification of the proposed amendment to the Constitution, which pro vides for the abolition of slavery within the limits of our counter. So long as the adop tion of this amendment is delayed, so long will doubt, and jealousy, and uncertainty pre.vail Thi is .ensure which will ef face the sad UICIIK-f, %!' t!o past ■ this is thp measure which win most certaiiily call pop ulation, and capital, and security to those fares of the Union that need them most. ndeed, it is not Ho much to ask of the States which arc now resuming their places in the family of the Union to give this pledge of perpetual loyalty and peace. Un til it is done, the past, however much we may desire it. will not be forgotten. The adoption of the amendment re-unites us be yond all power o£ disruption. It heals the wound that is still imperfectly closed; it re moves slavery, the element which has so long perplexed ami divided the country; it makes of once more a united people, renew ed and strengthened, hound more than ever to mutual affection and support. The amendment of the Constitution being adopted, it would remain for the States, whose powers ha ve been so long in abeyance, to resume their places in the two branches of the National Legislature, and thereby complete the work of restoration. Here it is for you. fellov. citizens of the Senate, and for you, fellow-citizens of the House of Re presentatives, to judge, each of you for yourselves, of the elections, returns, and qualtications of your own members. The lull assertion of the powers of the General Government requires the holding of Circuit Courts of the I nitcd States within the district.-- where their authority has been interrupted. In the present posture of our public affairs, string objections have been urged to holding those courts in any of the States where the rebellion has existed; and it was ascertained, by inquiry, that the Cir cuit Court of the United States would not be held within the District of Virginia during the autumn or early winter, nor until Con gress should have "an opportunity to con sider and act on the whole subject." To your deliberations the restoration of this branch of the civil authority of the United States is therefore necessarily referred, with the hope that early provision be made for the resumption of all its functions. It is manifest that treason, most flagrant in char acter, has been committed. Persons who are charged with its commission should have fair and impartial trials in the highest tribu nals of the country, in order that the Con stitution and tin laws may be fully vindica ted; the truths -arlv established and affirm ed that treason is a crime, that traitors should be punished and the offence made infamous; and, at the same time, that the question may be judicially settled, finally and forev er, that no State of its own will has the right to renounce its place in the Union. The relations of the General Government towards the four millions of inhabitants whom the war has called into freedom, have engaged my most serious consideration. On the propriety of attempting to make the freedmen electors by the proclamation of the Executive, 1 took for my counsel the Con stitution itself, the interpretations of that instrument by its authors and their cotem poraries. and recent legislation by Congress, when, at the first movements towards inde pendence, the Congress of the United States instructed the several States to institute governments of their own, they left each State to decide for itself the conditions for the enjoyment of the elective franchise. Dur ing the period of the Confederacy there con tinued to exist a very great diversity in the qualifications of electors in the several States aud even within a State a distinction of qualifications prevailed with regard to the officers who were to be chosen. The Con stitution of the United States recognizes these diversities when it enjoins that, in the choice of members of the House of Repre sentatives of the UnitPd States, "the elec tors in each State shall have the qualifica tions requisite for electors of the most nu merous branch of the State Legislature. " After the formation of the Constitution, it remained, as before, the uniform usage for each State to enlarge the body of its electors according to its own judgment; and. under this s3-stem, one State after another has pro ceeded to increase the number of its electors until now universal suffrage, or something very near it, is the general rule. So fixed was this reservation of power in the habits of the people, and so unquestioned has been the interpretation of the Constitution; that during the civil war the late President never harbored the purpose— certainly never avowed the purpose—of disregarding it; and in the acts of Congress during that period, nothing can he found which, (luring the con tinuance of hostilities, much less after their close, would have sanctioned any departure by the Executive from a policy which has so uniformly obtained. Moreover, a con cession of the elective franchise to the freed men, by act of the President of the United States must have been extended to all color ed men.'wherever found, and so must have established a change of suffrage in the Nor thern, Middle, and Western States, not less than in the Southern and Southwestern. Such an act would have created a new class of voters, and would have been an assump tion of power by the President which noth ing in the Constitution or laws of the United States would have at all warranted. On the other hand every danger of conflict is avoided when the settlement of the question is referred to the several States. They can each l'or itself, decide on the measure, and | whether it is to be adopted at once and ab ; solutely, or introduced gradually and with I conditions. In my judgment, the freedmen if they show patience and manly virtues, will sooner obtain a participation in the elec tive franchise through the States than through the General Government, even if it had power to intervene. When the tumult 1 of emotions that have been raised by the j suddenness of the social change shall have ; subsided, it may prove that they will receive i the kindliest usage from some of those on whom they have heretofore closely depen ; ded. But while 1 have no doubt that now, after the close of the war, is it not competent for the General Government to extend the elcc tive franchise in the several States, it is j equally clear that good faith requires the se curity of the freedmen in their liberty and property, their right to labor, and their right to claim the just return of their labor. I cannot too strongly urge adispassionate treat ment ot this subject, which should be care fully kept aloof from all party strife. We must equally avoid hasty assumptions of any natural impossibility for the two races to live side by side, in a state mutual benefit and good will. The experiment involves us in no inconsistency; let us then, go on and make that experiment in good faith, and not be too easily disheartened. The country is in need of labor, and the freedmen are in Deed of employment, culture, and protection, while their right of voluntary migration and expatriation is not to be questioned, I would not advise their forced removal and colontza tion. Let us rather encourage them to honorable and useful industry, where it may lie beneficial to themselves and (ft the coun try; and,_ instead of hasty anticipations of the certainty of failure, let there be nothing wanting to the fair trial of the experiment. The change in their condition is the substi tution of labor by contract for the status of i slavery. The freedraeu cannot fairly be ac cused of unwillingness to work, so long aa a doubt remains about his freedom of choice in his. pursuits, and the eertaintv of Hih re covering Ins stipulated wages. In this the interests of the employer and the employed coincide. The employer desires in his work men spirit and alacrity, and these can lie permanently secured in no other way. And if the one ought to he abic to enforce the contract, so ought th; other. The public interest will be best promoted if the several States will provide adequate protection and remedies for the freedmen Until this is in some way accomplished, there is no chance for the advantageous use of their labor; and the blame of i.l success will not rest on them. I know that sincere phiianthrophy iw ear nest for the immediate realization of its rc niotest aims; but time is always an element in reform. It is one of the greatest acts on record to have brought four "millions of peo ple into freedom. The career of free indus try mu>t be fairly opened to them, and then their future prosperity and condition must, after all, rest mainly on themselves. If they fail, and so perish away, let us be careful that the failure shall not be attributable to any denial of justice. In all that relates to the destiny of the freedmen, we need not be too anxious to read the future; many inci dents which for a speculative point of view, might rise alarm, will quietly settle them selves. Now that slavery is at an end or near its end the greatness of its evil, in the point of view of public economy, becomes more and more apparent. Slavery was essentially a monopoly of labor, and as such locked the States where it prevailed against the incom ing of free industry. Where labor was the property of the capitalist, the white man was excluded from employment, or had but the second best chance of finding it; and the foreign emigrant turned away from the re gion where his condition would be so preca rious. With the destruction of the mono poly, free labor will hasten from all parts of the civilized world to assist in developing various immeasurable resources which have hitherto lain dormaut. The eight or nine States nearest the Gulf of Mexico have a soil of exuberant fertility a climate friendly to long life, and cau sustain a denser popu lation than is found as yet n any, part of our country. And the future influx of pop ulation into them will be mainly from the North, or from the most cultivated nations in Europe. From the sufferings that have attended them during our late struggle, let us look away to the future, which is sure to be laden for them with greater prosperity than has ever before been known. The re moval of the monopoly of slave labor is a pledge that those regions will be peopled by a numerous and enterprising population, which will vie with any in the Union in com pactness, inventive genius, wealth and in dustry. Our Government springs from and was made for the people— not the people for the Government. To them it owes allegiance; from t hem it must derive its courage strength and wisdom. liut, while the Government is thus bound todefer to the people, from whom it derivesits existeu ce, it should, from the very consideration of its origin, be strong in its power of resistance to the establish ment of inequalities. Monopolies, perpetu ties, and class legislation, are contrary to the genius of free government, and ought not to be allowed. Here, there is no room for favored classes or monopolies the principle of our Government is that of equal laws and freedom of industry. Wherever monopoly attains a foothold, it is sure to be a source of danger, discord, and trouble. We shall but fulfil our duties as legislators by accor ding "equal and exact justice to all men," special privileges to none. The Govern ment is subordinate to the people; but, as the agent and representative of the people, it must be held superior to monopolies, which in themselves, ought never to be gran ted, and which, where they exist, must be subordinate, and yield to the Government. The Constitution confers on Congress the right to regulate commerce among the sev eral States. It is of the fir s necessity, for the maintenance of the Union, that that commerce should be free and unobstructed. No State can be justified in any device to tax the transit of travel and commerce between States. The position of many States is such that, if they were allowed to take advantage ot it for purposes of local revenue, the com merce between States might be injuriously burdened, or even virtually prohibited. It is best, while the country is still young, and while the tendency to dangerous monopolies of t his kind is still feeble, to use the power of Congress so as to prevent any selfish im pediment, to the free circulation of men and merchandise. A tax on travel and merchan dise, in their transit, constitutes one of the worst forms of monopoly, and the evil is increased if coupled with a denial of the choice of route. When the vast extent of our couqtry is considered; it is plain that every obstacle to the free circulation of com merce between the States ought to be stern ly guarded against by the appropriate legis lation, within the limits of the Constitu tion. Tlie repoit of the Secretary of the Interi or explains the condition of the public lands, the transactions of the Patent Office and the Pension Bureau, the management of our Indian affairs, the progress made iit the con struction of our Pacific railroad, and furn ishes information in reference to matters of local interest in the District of Colombia. It also presents evidence of the successful operation of. the Homestead Act, under the provisions of which 1,160,533 acres of the public lands were entered during the last fiscal year—more than one-fourth of the whole number of acres sold or otherwise disposed of during that period. It is esti mated that the receipts derived from this souice are sufficient to cover the expenses incident to tho survey and disposal of the lands entered under this act, and that pay ments in cash to tho extent of from forty to fifty tier cent, will be made by settlers, who may thus at any time acquire title before the expiration of the period at which it would otherwise vest. The homestead policy was established only after long and earnest resistance; experience proves its wisdom. The lands, in the bauds of industrious set tlers, whose labor creates wealth and con tributes to the public resources, are worth more to the United States than if they had been preserved as a solitute for future pur chasers. . VOLUME 38: NO. 51. Ibe lamentable events of the last four years, and the sacrifices made by the gallant men of our Array and Navy, have swelled the records of the Pension Bureau to an unprecedented extent. On the Huh day of , -June last, the total number of pensioners was 85,986, requiring for their annual pav, I exclusive of expense-, the sum of $8,023,- i 445. The number of applications that have been allowed since that date will require a large increase of this amount for the next fiscal year. The means for the payment of the stipends due, under existing laws, to our disabled soldiers and sailors, and to the fam ilies of such as have perished in the service of the country, will no doubt be cheerfully . a >™ promptly granted. A grateful people wilf not hesitate to sanction anv measures having for their object the relief of soldiers mutilated and families made fatherless in the efforts to preserve our national exist ence. f The report of tue Postmaster General pre sents an encouraging exhibit of the opera tions of the Postoffice Department during the year. The revenue of the past year from i the loyal States alone exceeded "the maxi mum annual receipts from all the States pre vious to the rebellion, in the sum of $6,038- 091: and the annual average increase of rev enue during the last four years, compared with the revenue of the four years immedi ately preceding the rebellion," was $3,533,- 835. The revenue of last fiscal year amoun ted to $14,556,158, and the expenditures to $13,694,728. leaving a surplus of* receints over expenditures of $861,430. Progress has been made in restoring the postal service in the Southern States. The views presen ted by the Postmaster General against the policy of granting subsidies to ocean mail steamship lines upon established rautes, and in favor of continuing the present system, which limits the compensation for ocean service to the postage earnings, are recom mended to the careful considerations of Con gress. It appears from the reiort of the Secre tary of the Navy, that while at the com mencement of the present year, there were in commission 530 vessels of all classes and descriptions, armed with 3,000 guns and manned by 51,000 men, the number of ves sels at present in commission is 117, with 830 guns and 12,128 men. By this prompt reduction of the naval forces the expenses of the Government have been largely di minished, and a number of vessels, purchas ed for naval purpose from the merchant ma rine have been returned to the peaceful pur suits of commerce. Since tbe suppression of active hostilities our foreign squadrons have been re-established, and consist of ves sels much more efficient than those employ- i ed on similar service previous to the rebel lion. The suggestion for the enlargement of the navy yard, and especially for the es tablishment of one in fresh water for iron clad vessels, is deserving of consideration, as is also the recommendation for a different location and more ample groundsforthe Na val Academy. In the report of the Secretary of War, a general summary is given of the military campaigns of 1864 and 1865, ending.in the suppression of armed resistance to the na tional authority in the insurgent States. The operations of the general administra tive Bureaus of the War Department during the past year are detailed, and an estimate made of the appropriations that will re quired for military purposes in the fiscal year commencing the 30th day of June,lß66. The rational military force on the first of May, 1865, numbered 1,000,516 men. It is proposed to reduce the military establish ment to a peace footing comprehending fif ty thousand troops of all arms, organized so as to admit of an enlargement by filling up the ranks to eighty-two thousand six hun dred, if the circumstances of the country should require an augmentation of the ar my. The volunteer force has already been reduced by the discharge from service of over eight hundred thousand troops, and the Department is proceeding rapidly in the work of further reduction. The war esti mates are reduced from $516,250,131 tos33- 814,416, which amount, in the opinion of the Department, is adequate for the peace estab lishment. The measures of retrenchment in each Bureau and branch of the service exhibit a diligent economy worthy of com mendation. Reference is also made in the report to the necessity of providing for a uniform militia system, and to the propriety of making suitable provision for wounded and disabled officers and soldiers. The revenue system of tbe country is a subject of vital interest to its honor and pros perity. and should command the earnest con sideration of Congress. The Secretary of the Treasury will lay before you a full and detailed report of the receipts and disburse ments of the late fiscal year, of the first quar ter of the present fiscal year, of the probable receipts and expenditures for the otner three quarters, and the estimates for the year fol lowing the 30th of June, 1865. I might con tent myself with a reference to that report, in which you will find all the information required for your deliberations and decision. But the paramount importance of thesubject so presses itself on my own mind, that I can not but lay before you my views of the measures which are required for the good character, and I might almost say, for the existence of this people. The life of a re public lies certainly in the energy, virtue and intelligence of its citizens; but it is equally true that a good revenue system is the life of an organized government. I meet vou at a time when the nation has voluntari ly burdened itself with a debt unprecedented in our annals. Vast as is its amount, it fades away into nothing when compared with the countless blessings that will be con ferred upon our country and upon man by the preservation of the nation's life. Now, on the first occasion of the meeting of Con gress since the return of peace, it is of the utmost importance to inaugurate a just poli- cy. which shall at once IKS put in motion, and which shall commend itself to those who come after us for its continuance. We must aim at nothing less than the complete effacoment of the financial evils that neces sarily follow a state of civil war. We must endeavor to apply the earliest remedy to the deranged state of the currency, and not shrink from devising a policy which, with out being oppressive to the people, shall im mediately begin to effect a reduction of the debt, and, if persisted in. discharge it fully within a definitely fixed number of years. It is our first duty to prepare in earnest for our recovery from tne ever-increasing evils of irredeemable currency, without a sudden revulsion, and yet without untime ly procrastination. For that end, we must, each in our respective positions, prepare the way. I hold it the duty of the Execu tive to insist upon frugality in the expendi tures; and a sparing economy is itself a great national resource. Of the banks to which authority has Seen given to issue notes se cured by bonds of the United States, we may require the greatest moderation and prudence, and the law must be rigidly en forced when its limits are exceeded. Wc may, each one of us, counsel our active and enterprising countrymen io be constantly on their guard, to liquidate debts contracted in a paper currency, and, by conducting busi ness as nearly a possible on a system of cash RATES OF ADVERTISING. All for los* than 3 months 10 cents per line for each insertion. Special notices one half additional. All resolutions of Associa tion, communications of a limited or individual interest and notices of marriages and deaths, ex ceeding fire lines, 10 etc. per line. All legal noti ces of every kind, and ail Orphans' Court and other Judicial sales, are required by law to be pub lished in both papers. Editorial Notices 15 cent* per line. All Advertising duo alter first insertion. A liberal discount made to yearly advertisers. n 3 months. 6 months. 1 year. One square.! $ 4.50 $ fi.OQ slo.oe Two squares., 8,00 .0 16.00 Three sqnaros 8.00 12.00 20.00 One-fourth column 14.00 20.00 35.00 Half column If .00 25.00 45 00 One column 30.00 45.00 80.00 payments or sliort credits, to hold them selves prepared to return to the standard of i gold and silver. To aid our fellow-citizens in the prudent management of their mone tary affairs. the duty devolves on us to di minish by law the amount of paper money now in circulation. Five years ago the bank note circulation of the country amounted to not much more than two hundred millions; now the circulation, bank and national, ex ceeds seven hundred millions. The simple statement of the fact recommends more strongly than any words of mine could do, the necessity of our restraining this expan sion. The gradual reduction of the curren cy is the only measure that can save the business of the country from disastrous ca lamities; and this can be almost impercep tibly accomplished by gradually funding the national circulation in securities that may lie made redeemable at the pleasure of the Government. Our debt is doubly secure—first in the ac tual wealth and still greater undeveloped resources of the country; and next in the character of onr institutions. The most in telligent observers among political econo mists have not failed to remark, that the public debt of a country is safe in propor tion as the people are free: that the debt of a republic is tnt safest of all. Our history t confirms and establishes the theory, and is. I j firmly believe, destined to give it a still more signal illustration. The secret of this supe riority springs not merelv from the fact that in a republic the national obligations ate dis tributed more widely through countless numbers in all classes of society; it has its roots in tbe character of our laws. Here all men contribute to the public welfare, and bear their fair share of the public burdens. During the war. under impulses of patriot ism, the men of the great body of the peo ple, without regard to their own compara tive want of wealth, thronged to our armies and filled our fleets of war. and held then: - selves ready to offer up their lives for the public good. Now. in their turn, tbe prop erty and income of the country should bear their just proportion of the burden of tax ation, while in our impost system, through means of which increased vitality is inciden tally imparted to all the industrial interests of the nation, the duties should be so adjust ed as to fall most heavily upon articles of luxury, leaving the necessaries of life as free from taxation as the absolute wants of the Government, economically administered will justify. No favored class should de mand freedom from assessment, and the taxes should be so distributed as not to fall undu ly on the poor, but rather on the accumu lated wealth of the country. We should look at the national debt just as it is—not as a national blessing, but as a heavy bur den on the industry of the country, to be discharged without unnecessary delay. It is estimated by the Secretary of the Treasury that the expenditures ot the fiscal year ending the 30th of June, 1806, will ex ceed the receipts $112,194,947. It is grati fying, however, to state that it is also esti mated that the revenue for the year ending the 30th of June, 1867. will exceed the ex penditures in the sum of $111,682,818. This amount, or so much as may be deemed sufficient for the purpose, may be applied to the reduction of the public debt, which, on the 31st day of October, 1865, $1,740,854,- 750. Every reduction will diminish the to tal amount of interest to be paid, and so en large the means of still further reductions, until the whole shall be liquidated; and this, as will be seen from the estimates of the Secretary of the Treasury, may be accom plished By annual payments even within a period not exceeding thirty years. I have faith that we shall do all this within a reas onable time; that, as we have amazed the world by the suppression of a civil war which was thought to be beyond the control of any Government, so we shall equally show the superiority of our institutions by the prompt, and faithful discharge of our national obliga tions. The Department of Agriculture, under its present direction, is accomplishing, much in developing and utilizing the vast agricultur al capabilities of the country, and for infor mation respecting the details of its manage ment, reference is made to the annual report of the Commissioner. I have dwelt thus fully on our domestic affairs because of their transcendant import ance. Under any circumstances, our great extent of territory and variety of climate, producing almost everything that is necessa ry for the wants, and even the comforts of man, make us singularly independent of the varying policy of foreign Powers, and pro tect us again-t every temptation to "entan gling alliances,'' while at the present mo ment the re-establishment of harmony, and the strength that comes from harmony, will be our best security against "nations who feel power and forget right." For myself, it has been and it will be my constant aim to promote peace and amitv with all foreign na tions and Powers; and I have every reason to believe that they all, without exceptions, are animated by the same disposition. Our relations with the Emperor of China, so re cent in their origin, are most friendly. Our commerce with his dominions is receiving new developments; and it is very pleasing to find that the Government of that great Em pire manifests satisfaction with our policy, and reposes ju ;t confidence in the fairness which marks our intercourse. The unbro ken harmony between the Unitied States and the Emperor of Russia, is receiving a new support from an enterprise designed to carry telegraphic lines across the continent of Asia, through his dominions, and so to connect us with all Europe by a new chan nel of intercourse. Our commerce with South America is about to receive encourage ment by a direct line of mail steamships to the rising Empire of Brazil. The distin guished party of men of science who have recently left our country to make a scientific exploration of the natural history and riv ers and mountain ranges of that region, havo received from the Emperor that generous welcome which was to nave been expected from his constant friendship for the United States, and his well known zeal in promo ting the 'advancement of knowledge. A hope is entertained that our commerce with the rich and populous countries that border the Mediterranean sea may be largely in creased. Nothing will be wanting, on the part of this Government, to extend the pro tection of our flag over the enterprise of our fellow-citizens. We receive from the Pow ers in that region assurances of good will; and it is worthy of note that a special envoy has brought us message of condolence on the death of onr late Chief Magistrate from the Bey of* Tunis, whose rule includes the old dominions of Carthage on the African coast. Ourdomestic contest, now happily ended, has left some traces in cur relations with one at least of the great maritime Powers. The formal accordance of belligerent rights to the insurgent States was unprecedented, and has not been justified by the issue. But in the systems of neutrality pursued by the Powers which made that concession, there was a marked difference. The materials of war for the insurgent States were furnished, in a great measure, f'roiu the workshffes of Continued OH the fourth page.
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