9b* f'tilf cetl Sfnqutm IS PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING, Hl' J. R. DCRBORBOW A- JOHN lf+ on .U'LIANA ST.. opjvsi'e the Mingal House, BEDFORD, BEDFORD CO., PA. TERMS : $2.00 11 year it paid strictly in advance, i'2.\i il no* paid within three months, $2.60 if not paid * ilhin the year. hates of ,I ... ..piarc,ueinsertion SI.OO ii, h - square, three insertions 1.60 i;,„ h additional insertion less than 3 months, 50 3 months. 6 months. 1 year. MUM re * 4.50 $ 6.00 SIO.OO , , . .j.uaros 6,00 0.00 16.00 luunres 8.00 12.00 20.00 II , f ,->!niuti............... 18.00 25.00 45.00 ,„!umn 30.00 45.00 80.00 Administrators' and Executors' notices, $3.00 \ .. lit .rs' notices. If under 10 lines, $2.00; if over 10 *2.50. Sheriffs'* sales, $1.75 per tract. Ta -I,' ■ w rk. double the above rates; figure work 25 mil. additional. Estrays, Cautions and Noti ,, to Trespassers, $2.00 for three insertions, if .. ; ,ilonc ten lines. Marriage • dees, 50 ets.each, 1~. i.le in advance. Obituar vcr five lines in l' i .tli, anil "Resolutions of Beneficial Associations, hail advertising rates, payable in advance. Announcements of deaths, gratis. Notices in cdi tn ial column, 16 cents tier line. deduc tion to advertisers of Patent Medcvincs, ot Ad vvrti-ltij, Agents. ;j|roff.s,signal & 3Gu;sums£ i£anlsi. 1 ttorxkvh at law . ; oil N PAIJIEB, • ' Atlomry nt I.nvv, ltoil'orl. P*v \\ j •, promptly attend to all business entrusted to his care. . Particular attention jutid to the collection t ,f Military claims. Office on Julianna stnearly opposite the Mengel House.) june 23, oa.ly 1 ii. CESSNA, , m ,1 ATTORNEY AT LAW, Office with Jens Cessna, on Piii st., opposite the ! , ifor I Hotel. All entreated to bis care will receive faith to 1 and prompt attention. Mili tary CI aims. Pensions, .tc., speedily cidlected. Bedford, dune 9, 1865. I ijUN" T. KEAGTY, .} ATTORNEY AT LAW, Bkopowu, PA., v. i'l promlitly attend to all legal business entrust ,,| t , his care. Will give special attention to clHtDi" the Government. Office on Juliana street, formerly occupied liy Hon. A. King. aprll:'6s-*ly. n. oTononnowr...." '< "*• i \I:RBORROW A , a „. j ) ./TTWK.VEIS .IT WH , Bkhkorh, Pa., Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to t'neir care. Collections made on the shortest no- Thov arc, also, regularly Ikten. cd Claim Agents and will • ive special attention to the prosecution ..fcl iiiw a-ainst the Government Tor Pensions, i:. k Pa v. Bounty; Bounty Lands, Ac. nffig.- on Juliana street, one door South of the ■ Mengel House" and nearly opposite the '"ynyer „. April 28, 18oo:tf. omce. * M. ATjSIP, Fj ATTORNEY AT LAW, Brniponn, Pa., Wi'l faithfntty and promptly attend to all b "si ne - entrusted to his rare in Bedford and adjoin ing counties. Military claims, Pensions, back nay Bounty, Ac. speedily collected. Office with Si ami A Spang, on Juliana street, 2 doors south the Men gel House. apl 1, 1864.—tt. \ f \. POINTS. i\l ATTORNEY AT LAW, llEnroßi), Pa. Respectfully tenders his professional services to the public. Office wi.il J. W. Lingenfclter, I'-,, on Juliana street, two doors South of the "Mengie House." Dec. 9, 184-tf._ I TIM M F.IJj ANI> LING ENFETTER, lV ATTORNEYS AT LAW, Bi>roßi), pa. Have formed a partnership in the practice of the Lav. Office on Juliana Street, two doors South of the Slengol House, apr 1, 1964—tf. lOIIN MOWER, J ATTORNEY AT LAW. Bkopord, Pa. April 1, 1864.—tf. DBSTIBTS. t . N. '• G " M'-VaiCH, JR. 1 \KNTIHTS, Rr.nFocn, Pa. 1 / Ojjir.t Dt the Bank Building. Juliana .Street, All operations pertaining to Surgical or Mc chanient Dentistry carefully aud faithlully per formed and warranted. TERMS CASH. janfi'6s-ly. i\KNTFXTRY. 1) I. X. LOWS Jilt, ResiKK.vr Desrisx, Woon v.r.nur, Pa. will spend tUe second Monday, Tncs ■ l.iv, and Wednesday, of eaeli month at Hopewell, the remaining three days at Bloody Hon, attend in.-the dnties of his profession. At all other tin'-, lie ran he found in his office at Woodbury, i vctniiii- the Inst Monday and Tuesday of the . 1.. which he will spend in Martinsburg, Blair coutt-y. l'enna. Per-on desiring operations -hould call early, as time i* limited. All opera t ion, warranted. Aug. ,1864,-tf. PHYSICIANS. [All. 15. F. HARRY, I / Ue?pccU'u!iy lenders his professional Per vices to the citizens of Bedford and vicinity. Office and residence on Put Street, in the building J'rne.ty occupied by Dr. J. H. Hofias. April I I—U. i L. MARBOUBG, M. D, •I, Having permanently located respectfully • i-odct hi pofessional services to the citir.ens BedfOT'' ami vicinity. Office ob Juliana street, •.noodle the Bunk, one door north of Hall fc Pal meVs office. April 1, 1864 "2 tf^ IIOTKIuS. I)EI>FORD HOUSE, 1J AT HOPEWELL, Bedford CorsTT, Pa., BY HARRY DROLLING ER. Everv attention given to make guests comfortable, who stop at 'his House. Hopewell, July 29, 1564. I T S. HOTEL. U . UAIIRISBUftO, Pa. CORNER SIXTH AND MARKET STREETS, OPPOSITE READING . R. DEPOT. D. H. HUTCHINSON, Proprietor. j ISA Mi FKS. •!. IV. RI PP ao. F. SHANNON F. BENRniCT I > uiP, SHANNON A CO., BANKERS, I V BEDFORD, PA. r \NK "K DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT. ' (ilJjKCHONS.inude for t'ue East, West, North mil South, and 'tie gcncial business of Exchange, transacted. N< es and Accounts Collected and Remittances promptly made. REAL ESTATE bought and sold. apr.lo,'fil-tf. IKWKItKR, A<*. I v AN I El, BORDER, 1 ' PITT sT ir.KT, TWO POORS WEST OF Til E BKI> FORI) HOTEL. BEBFOKD, PA. WATCHMAKER AND DEALER IN JEWEL RY, SPECTACLES, AC. He keeps on hand a stock of fine Gold and Oil ier Watches, rt'ieetaeic* of Brilliant Double Hefiu- I I Glasses, also .-'eo.ch Pebhle Glasses. Gold II ateh Chains, Ureas, Pins, Finger Itiligs, best ipialityof Gold Pens. He will snpjdy to order any thing in his line mo on hand. apr. 2S, ISf.i—t. 1 I NTU IT OFTIIK I'EAC'E. I OHN MAJOR. •t JUSTICE OF THE PEACE, aorawtu, Pi fokii copsty. Collections and all business I" raining to his office will be attended to prompt- Will also attend to the sale or renting of real ' state. Instruments of writing carefully prepn r"d. Also settling up partnerships and other Be it "ints. Vpril, ISfil—tf. |)LANK MonTiiAOKK. BONDS, I'homisaiiy I' and JrmiMint Notes constantly on li .nd and for sate atlhe "Imiuirtr" Ufi.i,. . v " ,u iNfia. DIK BURROW & LI'TZ, Editors and Proprietors. gnrtrg. SOXU OF THE I SKSFBASCHISEB. The following song.is being fung in England by several millions of the unenfranchised work ing men, to the disgust of the snobs and aristo crats : We plow and sow. we're so very, very low, That we delve in the dirty clay, Till we bless the plain with golden grain And the vale with the fragrant hay. Our place we know, we're so very low, 'Tis down at the landlord's feet; We're not too low, the grain to grow, But too low the bread to eat. Down, down, wc go, we're so very, very low. To the hell of the deep snnk mines, But we gather the proudest gems that glow When the crown of a despot shines. And when e'r he lack *, upon onr backs Fresh loads he deigns to lay ; We're far too low to vote the tax But not too low to pay. We're low, we're low, mere rabble wc know, But at our plastic power The mold at the lovdling's feet will grow Tnto palace, church aud tower, Then prostrate fall in the rich man's hall, And cringe at the rich man's door; We're not too low to build the wall But too low to tread the floors. We're low, we're low, we're very, very low, Yet from our fingers glide The silken flow, and the robes that glow, Hound the limbs of the sons of pride. \nd what we get, and what wc give, We know, and we know our share; We're not 100 low the cloth to weave, But too low the cloth to wear. We're low. we're low, were very, very low, And yet when the trumpets ring, The thrust of a poor inau's arm will go Thro' the heart of the proudest king. We're low, we're low, our place we know, We're only the rank and file, We're not too low to fight the foe, But too low to touch the spoil. RECONSTRUCTION. HON. THADUKI'S STEVESS OX THE UKEAT TOPIC OF THE HOl'B. An Ailtlresas-t delivered, to the Citi zens of Lancaster, Septem ber 0, 18fi5. FELLOW CITIZENS :—ln compliance with your request, I have come to give my views of the present condition of the rebel States —of the proper mode of reorganizing the Government, and the future prospects of the Republic. During the whole progress ot the war. I never tor a mortient felt doubt or des pondency. I knew that the loyal North would conquer the rebel despots who sought to destroy freedom. But since that traitor ous confederation has been subdued, and we have entered upon the work of "reconstruc tion" or "restoration," I cannot deny that my heart has become sad at the gloomy pros pects before us. Four years of bloody and expensive war, waged against the United States by eleven States, under a government called the "Con federate States of America," to which they acknowledged allegiance, have overthrown all governments iu those States which could be acknowledged as legitimate by the Union. The armies of the Confederate States having been conquered and subdued, and their ter ritory possessed by the United States, it be comes necessary to establish governments therein, which shall be republican in form and principles, and form a "more perfect Union" with the pareut Government. It is desirable that such a course should be pur sued as to exclude from those governments every vestige of human bondage, and render the same forever impossible in this nation ; and to take care that no principles of self destruction shall be incorporated therein. In effecting this, it is to be hoped that no provision of the Constitution will be infrin ged, and no principle of the law of nations disregarded. Especially must we take care that in rebuking thisuDjust and treasonable war, the authorities of the Uniorf shall in dulge in no acts of usurpation which may tend to impair the stability and permanency of the nation. W thin these limitations, we hold it to be the duty of the Government to inflict condign punishment on the rebel be ligerents, and so weaken their hands that they can never again endanger tlie Union; and so reform their municipal institutions as to make them republican in i pirit as well as in name. We especially insist that the property of the chief rebels should be seized and appro priated to the payment of the National debt, caused by the unjust and wicked war which they instigated. How can such punishments be. inflicted and such forfeitures produced without doing violence to established principles ? Two positions have been suggested. First —To treat those States as never hav ing been out of the Union because the Con stitution forbids secession, and therefore a fact forbidden by law could not exist. Second —To accept the position in which they placed themselves as severed from the Union; an independent government de facto and au alien enemy to be dealt with accor ding to the laws of war. It seems to nie that while we do not aver that the United States are bounl to treat them asan alien enemy, yet they have a right to elect so to do if it F>e for the interest of the Nation and that the "Confederate States" are estopjied from denying that po sition. South Carolina, the leader and em bodiment of the rebellion, iu the month of January, 1861, passed the following resolu tion by the unanimous vote of her Legisla ture : "Resolved , That the separation of South Carolina from the Federal Union is final, and she has no further interest in the Constitu tion of the United ,States; and that the only appropriate negotiations between her and the Federal Government are as to their mu tual relations as foreign States." The Convention that formed the govern ment of the Confederate States, and all the eleven States that composed it, adopted the same declaration, and pledged their lives and fortunes to support it. That govern ment raised large armies, and by its formi dable power compelled the nations of the civilized world as well as our own Govern ment to acknowledge them as an independent fielligerent, entitled by the law of nations to lie considered as engaged in a public war, and not merely in an insurrection. It is idle to deny that we treated them as a bel ligerent, entitled to all the rights, and sub ject to all the liabilities of an alien enemy. We blockaded their ports, which is an un doubted lielligerent right; the extent of coast blockaded viarkcu the acknowledged extent of their territory—a territory crim inally acquired, but tie facto theirs. We acknowledged their sea-rovers as pri vateers and not as pirates, by ordering tneir captive crews to be treated as prisoners of war. We acknowledged that a commission from the Confederate Government was suffi cient to screen Semines and his associates from the late of lawless buccaneers. Who bu: an knowledge j Government tic jure, or </c/bcto, could have jMiwcr to is ue such a A LOCAL AND GENERAL. NEWSPAPER, DEVOTED TO POLITICS, EDUCATION, LITERATURE AND MORALS. commission ? The invaders of the loyal , .States wore not treated as outlaws, but as soldiers of war, because they were comman ded by officers holding commissions from that Government. The Confederate States were for four years what they claimed to be, an alien enemy, in all their rights and liabilities. , To say they were States under the protec | tion of that Constitution which they were I rending, and within the Union which they were assaulting with bloody defeats, simply Itecause they became belligerents througn crime is making theory ovcrule fact to an alisuid degree. It will, I suppose, at least be conceded that the United States, if not obliged so to do, have a right to treat them as an alien enemy now conquered, and sub ject to all the liabilities of a vanquished foe. If we are also at liberty to treat them an never having been out of the Union, and that their declarations and acts were all void because they eont; avened the Constitution, and therefore they were uever engaged in a public war but merely insurgents, let us in quire which position is best for the United States. If they have never been otherwise than States in the Union, and we desire to try certain of the leaders for treason, the Constitution requires that they should be indicted and tried " In/an impartial jury of the State ami district wherein the crime shall hare l>een committed, which district shall hare been preciously ascertained by law." The crime of treason can be committed only where the person is actually or poten tially present. Jefferson Davis sitting in Richmond, counselling, or advising, or com manding an inroad into Pennsylvania, has mmitted noveitiist in this State; andean be tried, if anywhere, orlv in the Richmond district. The doctrine of constructive pres ence, and constructive treason, will never, I hope, pollute our statutes or judicial decis ions. Select an imparti d jury from Vir ginia, and it is obvious that no conviction could ever be had. Possibly a jury might be packed to convict, but that would not he an "impartial" jury. It would be judicial murder, and would rank in infamy with the trial of Lord Russell; except only that the one was the murder of an innocent man, the other a traitor. The same difficulties would exist in attempting forfeitures, which can only follow conviction in States protected by the Constitution; and then it is said only for the life of the malefactor—Congress can pass no "bill of attainder." Nor, under that theory, has Congress, much less the Executive, any power to in terfere in remodelling those States upon re construction. What reconstruction is need ed ? Here are States which they sav, have never been out of the Union, and which are consequently now in it without asking leave of any one. They are competent to send Senators and members to Congress The state of war has Broken no constitutional lig aments, for it was only an insurrrcction of individuals, not a public war waged by States Such is the reasoning, notwithstanding eve ry State acted in its municipal capacity; and the court in the prizo cases (2 Black 673) say: " Ifrncein ortja niztna this rebellion-they have acted as States." It is no loose unor ganized rebellion, having no defined boun dary or possession. It lias a boundary, marked by lines of bayonets, and which can he crossed only by force —south of this line is enemy's territory, because it is claimed and held in possession by an organized, hos tile and belligerent power. What right has any one to direct a convention to be Held in a sovereign State of this Union, to amend its Constitution and prescribe the qualifications of voters? The sovereign power of the na tion is lodged in Congress. Yet where is the warrant in the Constitution for such sov ereign power, much less the Executive, to intermeddle with the domestic institutions of a State, mould its laws, and regulate the elective franchise? It would he rank, dan gerous aud deplorable usurpation. In re construction, therefore, no reform can be effected in the Southern States if they have never left the Union. But reformation must be effected ; tlie foundation of their in stitutions, both political, municipal and so cial must be broken up and n-Lid- or all our blood and treasure have been spent in vain. This can only be done by treating and hold ing them as a conquered people. Then all things which we can desire to do ? follow with logical and legitimate authority. As conquered territory, Congress would have full power to legislate for them ; for the ter ritories are not under the Constitution ex cept so far as the express power to govern thorn is given to Congress. They would he held in a territorial condition until they are fit to form State Constitutions, republican in fact, not in form only, and ask admission into the Union as new States. If Congress approve of their Constitutions, and think they have done works meet for repentance, these would be admitted as new Slates. If their Constitutions are not approved of, they would be sent back, until they have become wise enough so to purge their old laws as to eradicate every despotic and revolutionary principle —until they shall have learned to venerate the Declaration of Independence. I do not touch on the question of negro suf frage. If in the Union, the States have long ago regulated that, and for the Central Government to interfere with it would be mischievous impertinence. If they are to be admitted as new States they must form their own constitutions; and no enabling act could dictate its terms. Congress could pre scribe the qualifications of voters while a ter ritory, or when proceeding to call a conven tion to form a State government. That is the extent of the power of Congress oyer the elective franchise, whether in a territo rial or Mate condition. The President has not even this or any other power to meddle ' in the subject, except by advice to Congress | —and they on territories. Congress, to be sure, has some sort of compulsory power by refusing the State admission until they shall have complied with its wishes over this sub ject. Whether those who have fought our battles should all be allowed to vote, or only those of a paler hue, I leave to be discussed ; iu the future when Congress can take legiti mate eognizancc of it. If capital punishments of the most guilty ; are deemed essential as examples, wc have seen that, on one theory, none of them can he convicted on fair trials—the complicity of the triers would defeat it. But, as a con ; quered enemy they could not escape. Their trials would take place by court-martial. I do not think they could thus be tried for treason ; but they could be tried as bclligcr ents, who have forfeited their lives, accor ding to the laws of war. By strict rights of war, as anciently practiced, the victor held the lives, the liberty and the property of the vanquished at his disposal. The taking of the life, or reduction to bondage of the cap tives, have long ceased to be practised in case of ordinary wars; but the abstract right —the summumjus —is still recognized in ex ceptional cases where the cause of the war, or the character of the belligerent, or the safety of the victors justify its exercise. The same may be said of the seizure of property on land. Hallcck (457) says some modern writers—Hautefeulle, for example—con tends for the ancient rule, that private prop erty on land may be subject to seizure. They are undoubtedly correct, with regard BEDFORD, Pa., FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 1865. to the general abstract right, as deduced from the law of nature and ancient practice. Vattel says: "When, therefore, he has sub dued a hostile nation, he undoubtedly may, in the first place, do himself justire respec ting the object which has given rise to the war, and indemnify himself for the expenses ami damages whick he has sustained by it." And at page 369: "A conqueror, who has taken up armg not only against the sovereign but against the nation herself, and whose in tention it was to subdue a fierce and savage people, and once for all to reduce an obsti nate enemy, such a conqueror may, with justice, lay burdens on the conquered na tion, both as a compensation for the expen ses of the war, and as a punishment." lam happy to believe hat the Govern ment has come to the oonelu.-uon. I cannot otherwise sec how Capt. Werz can be tried by a Court Martial at Washington by acts done by him at Andersonville. He was in no way connected with our military organi zation, nor did he as a citizen connect him self with our army so as to bring his case within any of the acts of Congress. If he committed murder in Georgia, and Georgia was a State in the Union, tnen he should be tried according to her laws. The General Government has no jurisdiction over such crime, and the trial and execution of this wretch by a United States Military Court would be illegal. But if he was an officer of a beligerant enemy, making war as an in dependent people now being conquered, it is a comjietent, holding them as a conquered foe, to try him for doing acts contrary to the laws of war, and if found guilty to execute or otherwise punish him. As lam sure the loyai man at the head of the Government will not involve the nation in illegal acts and thus set a precedent injurious to our nation al character, I am glad to believe that here after as conquered, and remit their condition and reconstruction to the sovereign power of the nation. In short, all writers agree that the victor may inflict punishment upon the vanquished enemy even to the taking of his life, liberty, or the confiscation of all his property ; but that this extreme right is never exercised ex cept upon a cruel, barbarous, obstinate, or dangerous foe who has waged an unjust war. Upon the character of the belliggerent, and the justice of the war, and the manner of conducting it, depends our right to take the lives, liberty and property of the bellig erent. TliL war had its origin in treason without one spark of justice. It was prose cuted before notice of it, by robbing our forts and armories, and our navy-yards ; by stealing our money from the mints and de positories, and by surrendering our forts and navies by oerjurers who had sworn to sup port the Constitution. In its progress our prisoners, by the authority of their govern ment, were slaughtered in cold blood. Ask Fort Pillow and Fort Wagner. Sixty thou sand of our prisoners have been deliberate ly starved to death because they would not enlist in the rebel armies. The graves at Andersonville have each an accusing tongue. The purpose and avowed object of the eue my "to found an empire whose corner-stone should be slavery," renders its perpetuity or revival dangerous to human liberty. Surely, these things are sufficient to justi fy the exercise of the extreme rights of war —"to execute, to imprison, to confiscate." How many captive enemies it would be pro per to execute, as an example to nations, I leave others to judge. I am not fond of san guinary punishments, but surely some vic tims must propitiate the manes of our starv ed, murdered, slaughtered martyrs. A court martial could do justice according to law. But we pro nose to confiscate all the estate of every rebel beiigereut whose estate was worth SIO,OOO, or whose land exceeded two hundred acres in quantity. Policy if not justice would require that the poor, the ig norant and the coerced should be forgiven. They followed the example and teachings of their wealthy and intelligent neighbors. The rebellion would never have originated with them. Fortunately those who would thus escape, from a large majority of the people, though possessing but a small nortion of the wealth. The proportion of tiiose exempt compared with the punished wou'd be I he lieve about nine-tenths. There are about six millions of freedmen in the South. The number of acres of land is 465,000,000. Of this those who own above two hundred acres each, number about 70,000 persons, holding in the aggregate (to gether with the States) about. 394,000,000 acres, leaving for all the others below 200 each, about 71,000,000 of acres. By thus forfeiting the estate of the leading rebels, the Government would have 394,000,000 of acres, beside their own property, and yet nine-tenths of the people would remain un touched. Divide tliis land into convenient farms. Give, if you please, foity acres to each adult male freedmen. Suppose there are one million of them. That would re quire 40,000,000 of acres, which deducted from 394,000,000 leaves 354,000,000 of acres for sale. Divide it into suitable farms and sell it to the highest bidders. I think it, in cluding town property, would average, at least ten dollars per acre. That would pro duce $3,540,000,000 —three billions five hundred and forty millions of dollars. Let that be applied as follows, to wit: 1. Invest $300,000,000 in six per cent. Government bonds, and add the interest semi-annually to the pensions of those who have become entitled by this villainous war. 2. Appropriate $200,000,000 to pay the damages done to loyal men, North and South, by the rebel'ion. 3. I'ay the residue, being 3,040,000,000, towards the payment of the National debt. What loyal man can object to this? Look around you, and everywhere behold your neighbors, some with an arm. some with a leg, some with an eye, carried away by rebel bullets. Others horribly mutillatcd in every form. And yet numerous others wearing the weeds which mark the death of those on whom they leaned for support. Contem plate these monuments of rebel perfidy, and of patriotic suffering and then say if too much is asked for our valiant soldiers. Look again, and see loyal men reduced to poverty by the confiscations by the Confed erate States, and by the Rebel States—see Union men robbed of their property, and their dwellings laid in ashes by rebel raiders, and say if too much is asked for them. But above all, let us inquire whether imperative duty to the present generation and to poster ity does not command us to compel the wick ed enemy to pay the expenses of this unjust war. In ordinary transactions hp who raises a false clamor and prosecutes an unfounded suit, is adjudged to pay the costs on his de feat, We have seen, that, by the law of na tions, the vanquished in an unjust war must pay the expense. Our war debt is estimated at from three to four billions of dollars. In my judgment, when all is funded and the pensions capital ized, it will reach more than four billions. The interest at 6 per cent., only, (now much more, $240,000,000 The ordinary expense.* of our Gov ernment are, 120,000,000 For soiee years the extraordinary ex penses of our army and nnvy will he 110,000,000 $470,000,000 Pour hundred and seventy millions to be raised by taxation—our present heavy taxes will not, in ordinary years, produce but little more than half that sum. Can our people bear double their present taxation? He whq unnecessarily causes it will be accursed from generation to generation. It is fashionable to belittle our public debt, lest the people should become alarmed, and political parties should suffer. I have never found it wise to deceive the people. They can always be trusted with the truth. Capitalists will not be effected, for they cannot be deceived. Confide in the people, and you will avoid re pudiation. Deceive them and lead them into false measures,and you may produce it. Wc pity the poor Englishmen whose na tional debt ana burdensome taxation we have heard deplored from onr childhood. The debt of Great Britain is just about as much as ours, (4,000,000,1)00,) four billions. But in effect it is but half as large—it bears but three percent, interest. The current year tne chancellor of the exchequer, tells us, the interest was $ 131,506,900. Ours, when all shall be funded, will be nearly double. The plan we have proposed would pay at least three-fourths of our debt. The balance could he managed with our present taxation. And yet to think that even that is to be per petual is sickening. If it is to be doubled, as it must be if "restoration" instead of "re construction" is to prevail, would toGodthe authors of it could see themselves as an exe crating public and posterity will see them. Our new doctors of National law, who hold that the "Confederate States" were never out of the Union, but only insurgents and traitors, have became wiser than Groti us and Puffendorf and Rutherford and Vat tel, and all modern publicists down to Hal leck and Phillimore. They all agree that such a state of things as has existed here for four years is public war and constitutes the parties independent belliggereuts, sub ject to thß same rules of war as the foreign nations engaged in open warfare. The learned and able professor at Law in the Cambridge university, Theophilus Par sons, lately said in a public speech— j "As wc are victorious in war we have a right to impose upon the defeated party any terms necessary for our security. This right it perfect It is not only in itself obvious, but it is asserted in every book on this sub ject, and is illustrated by all the wars of his tory. The rebels forced a war upon us ; it was a long and costly and bloody war; and now that wc have conqured them, we have all the rights which victory confers." The only argument of the Restorationist is, that the States could not and did not go out of the Union because the Constitution forbids it. By the same reasoning you cou'd prove that no crime ever existed. No man ever committed murder, for the law forbids it! He is a shallow reasoner who could make theory overrule fact! I prefer to believe the ancient and mod ern publicists, and the learned Professors of legal science, rather thad the extemporised doctrines of modern sciolists. If "Restoration," as it is now properly christened, is to prevail over "Reconstruc tion," will some learned pundit of that school inform me in what condition Slavery and the Slave laws are? I assert that upon that theory not a slave has been liberated ; not a slave law has been abrogated ; but on the "Restoration" the whole Slave code is in legal force. Slavery was protected by our Constitution in every State in the Union where it existed. While they remained un der that protection no jiower in the Federal Government eou'd abolish Slavery. If, how ever, the Confederate States were admitted to be what they claimed, an indepeddent bcliggerent de facto , then the war broke all treaties, compacts and ties between the par ties, and slavery was left to its rights under the law of nations. These rights were none, for that law declares that "Man can hold no property in man." (Phillimore, page 316." Then the laws of war enabled us to declare every bondman free, so long as we hold them in military possession. And the conqueror through Congress may declare them forever emancipated. But if the States are "states in the Union," then when war ceases they resume their positions with all their privi leges untouched. There can lie no ' 'mutila ted" restoration. That would be the work of Congress, alone, and wou'd be "Recon stuction.'' While I hear it said everywhere that sla very is dead, I cannot learn who killed it. No thoughtful man has pretended that Lin coln's proclamation, so noble in sentiment, liberated a single slave. It expressly exclu ded from its operation all those within our lines. No slave within any part of the reb el States in our possession, or in Tennessee, but only those beyond our limits and beyond our power were declared free. So General Smith conquered Canada by a proclamation! The President did not to abrogate the slave laws of any of the States. storation," therefore, will leave the "Uuion as it was" —a hideous idea. I am aware that a very able and pat riotic gentleman, and learned historian, Mr. Bancroft, has attemp ted to place their freedom on different grounds. lie says, what is undoubtedly true, that the proclamation did not free a slave. But he liberates theiu on feudal principles. Under the feudal system, when a king conquered his enemy, he parceled out his lands and conquered subject* among his chief retainers; the lands and serfs were held on condition of fealty and rendering military service when reouired. If the sub ordinate chief rebelled, nc broke the condi tion on which he held them, and the lands and serfs became forfeited to the lord oara mount. But it did not free the serfs. They, with the manors, were bestowed to other fa vorites. But the analogy fails in another important respect. The American slave holder does not hold, by virtue of any grant from any Lord paramount —least of all by a grant from the General Government. Sla very exists by no law of the Union, but simply by local laws, by the laws of the States. Rebellion against the National au thority is a breach of no condition of their tenure. It were more analagous to say thai rebellion, against a State under whose laws they held, might work a forfeiture. But re bellion against neither government would per xc have any such effect. On whom would the Lord paramount again bestow the slaves? The theory is plausible, hut lias no solid foundation. The President says to the rebel States, ' Before you can participate in the Govern ment you must abolish slavery and reform your election laws.'' That is the command of a conqueror. That is reconstruction, pot restoration—reconstruction too by assuming the powers of Congress. This theory will lead to melancholy remits. Nor can the constitutional amendment abolishing slavery ever be ratified by three-fourths of the Suites, if they wee States to be counted. Bo ius Conventions of those States may vote Tor it. But no Convention honestly and fairly elected will ever do it. The frauds will not permanently avail. The cause of lilierty must rest on a firmer basis. Coun terfeit governments, like the Virginia, Lou isiana, Tennessee, Mississippi and Arkansas | pretenses, will be disregarded by the soler ! sense of the people, by future law, and by the courts. •'Restoration" which within VOLUME 3-8; NO. 39 the next quarter of a century will germinate anu produce the same bloody strife which has just ended. But it is said bv those who have more sympathy with rebel wives and children than for the widows and orphans of loyal men, that this stripping the rebels of their estates and driving them to exile or to honest labor, would be harsh and severe upon innocent women and children, it may be so; but that is the result of the necessary laws of war. But it is revolutionary, they say. This plan would, no doubt, work a radical reor ganization in southern institutions, habits and manners. It is intended to revolution ize their principles and feelings. This may ; startle weak minds and shake weak nerves, i BO do all great improvements in the politic al world. It requires a heavy impetus to driVe fbrwurd a people. Wken it was nrst proposed to free the slaves and arm the blacks, did not half the nation tremble? The prim conservatives, the snobs, and the mail waiting-maids in Congress, were in I hysterics. The whole fabric of Southern society must be changed, and never can it be done if this opportunity is lost. Without this, this Gov ernment can never be, as it never has been, a true republic. Heretofore it had more the features of aristocracy than of democra cy. The Southern States have been despot isms, not governments of the people, it is impossible that any practical equality of rigitSjCan exist where a few thousand men monopolize the whole landed property. The larger number of small proprietors the more safe and stable government. As the landed interest must govern, the more it is subdi yide<i and held by independent owners, the better. What would be the condition of the .State of New York if it were not for her in dependent yeomanry? She would be. over whelmed and demoralized by the Jews, Mi lesians and vagabonds of licentious cities. How can republican institutions, free schools, free churches, free social intercourse, exist m a minried community of nabobs and serfs; of the owners of twenty thousand a cre manors with lordly palaces, and the oc cupants of narrow huts inhabited by "low white trash? If the South is ever to be made a safe republic, let her lands be culti vated by the toil of the owners, or the free labor of intelligent citizens. It will be hard to persuade the owner of ten thousand acres of land, who drives a coach and four, that he is not degraded by sitting at the same table, or in the same pew, with the embrowned and hard-handed farmer who has himself culti vated his own thriving homestead of 150 acres. J his subdivision of the lands will j'lCid ten bales of cotton to one that is made now, and he who produced it will own it and feel himself a man. It is far easier and more l>eneficial to exile 70,000 proud, bloated anddefiantrebels, than to expatriate four millions of laborers, na tive to the soil and loyal to the Government. This latter scheme was a favorite plan of the Blairs, with which they had for awhile inoc ulated our sainted President. But, a single experiment made him discard it and its ad visers. Sinoe I have mentioned the Blairs, I may say a word more of these persistent apologists of the South. For when the vi rus of Slavery has once entered the veins of the slaveholders, no subsequent effort seems capable of wholly eradicating it. They are a family of considerable power, some merit, of admirable audacity and execrable selfish ness. With impetuous alacrity they seize the White Houses and hold possession of it, as in the late administration, until shaken off by the overpowering force of public in dignation. Their pernicious counsel had well nigh defeated the re-election of Abra ham Lincoln; and if it should prevail with the present Administration, pure and patri otic as President Johnson is admitted to be, it will render him the most unpopular Exec utive—save one—that ever occupied the Presidential chair. But there is no fear of that. He will soon say, as Mr. Lincoln did: "YOUR TIME HAS COMB !" This remodelling the institutions, and re forming the rooted habits of a proud aris tocracy, is undoubtedly a formidable task; requiring the broad mind of enlarged states manship, and the firm nerve of the hero. But will not this mighty occasion produce— will not the God of liberty and order give us such men? Will not a Romulus, a Lycur gus, a Charlemange, a Washington arise, whose expansive views will found a free em pire, to endure till time shall be no more ? This doctrine of Restoration shocks mc. We have a duty to perform which our fath ers were incapable of, which will be required at our bands by God and our Country. When our ancestors found a "more perfect Union" necessary, they found it impossible to agree upon a Constitution without tolera ting, nay guaranteeing Slavery. They were obliged to acquiesce, trusting to time to work a speedy cure, in which they were dis appointed. They had some excuse, some justification. But we can have none if we do not thoroughly eradicate Slavery and_ ren der it forever impossible in this republic.— The Slave power made war upon the nation. They declared the "more perfect Union" dissolved —solemnly declared themselves a foreign nation alien to this republic; for four years were in fact what they claimed to be. We accepted the war which they ten dered and treated them as a government ca pable of making war. We have conquered them, and as a conquered enemy we can give them laws; can abolish all their municipal institutions and form new ones. If we do not make those institutions fit to last through fenerations of freemen, a heavy cause will eon us. Our glorious, but tainted, repub lic lias been bom to new life through bloody, agonizing pains. But this frightful "Re storation" has thrown it into "cold obstruc tion, and to death." If the rebel States have never been out of the Union, any at tempt to reform their State institutions, ei ther by Congress or the President, is rank usurpation. I s all then lost? Is this great conquest to be in vain ? That will depend upon the vir tue and intelligence of the next Congress. To Cougress a) one_ belongs the power of re construction —of giving law to the vanquish ed. This Is expressly decided by the Su- Breme Court of the United States in the orr case. 7th Howard. 42. The Court say, "Under this article of the Constitution (the 4th) it rests with Congress to decide what government is the established one in a State, for the United States guarantees to each a republican form of government,' et cetera. But we know how difficult it is i'or a majori ty of Congress to overcome preconceived opinions. Besides, before meets, things will be so inaugurated —precipitated —it will be still more difficult to correct. If a majority of Congress can be found wise and firm enough to declare the Confed erate States a conquered enemy, reconstruc tion will be easy and legitimate ; and the friends of freedom will long rule in the coun cils of the nation. If restoration prevails, the prospect is gloomy, and new 1 lords wiJ make new laws. ' The Union party will be overwhelmed. The Copperhead party has become extinct with Secession. But with Secession it will revive. Under '•ro.-iora tion" every rebel State will rebels to Congress, and they, with their allies in the North, will control Congress, and occupy the \\ hite House. Then restoration of laws and ancient Constitutions will be sure to follow, °- Public debt will be repudiated, or the rebel National debt will be added to ours, and the people be crushed beneath heavy burdens. Let us forget all parties, and build on the broad platform of'' reconstructing'' the Gov ernment out of the conquered territory con verted into new and free States, and admit ted into the Union by the sovereign power of Congress, with another plank— '"THE PROP ERTY OP REBELS SHALL PAY OUR NATIONAL DEBT, and indemnify frmlmtM and loyal sufferers —and that under no circumstances . wul we suffer the National debt to be repu diated, OT the interest scaled below the con tract rates; nor permit any part of the rebel debt to be assumed by the Nation." Let all who approve of these principles rally with us. Let all others go with Cop perheads and rebels. Those will be the op posing parties. Young men, this duty de volves on you. Would to God, if only for that, that I were still in the prime of life, that I might aid you to fight through this last and greatest battle of freedom I HARD TO PLEASE. The Daily News this morning writes: "The working classes of the South are ex posed more than thone of this section at pre sent to the pressure of negro competi tion. The equality of the two begins its as sertion there, in a form more threatening to the white laborer than even in the case of the North. The progress of the struggle at the South may therefore be watched by the working classes here as a study of what is, as yet, but in progress of development among themselves. It is difficult to satisfy men who are deter mined to grumble. We have been confiden tly assured at different times by the Daily News and its friends, the malignant pro slavery men. First, That the free negro will not work at all, but. Second, That he will work so much better than the white laborer, that the latter will be injured by the "pressure of negro competi tion. Third, That the country will be ruined by the idleness of the free blacks, but. Fourth, That the negroes are so eager for work as to leave none for white workmen. Fifth, That the negroes are a curse to the country, but. Sixth, That the slave system, which made negro breeding a regular and profitable busi ness. and thus increased their numbers at an abnormal rate, was a divine institution and a blessing to the land. Seventh, That the negro is naturally an abject coward, but Eighth, That he is a most dangerous areal - capable of rising and murderiog a com munity double his numbers and with a hun dred times his strength in arms and all pre parations for defence. Ninth, That the negro can only live in a warm climate, like that of the southern States, but. Tenth, That now he is set free there he will immediately rush north, and take the bread out of the mouths of the white work • ingmen here. Eleventh, That white men cannot work in the southern fields, which can be cultivated only by negroes, but. Twelfth, That the negroes ought all to be colonized in Africa, or driven off to Bome re mote corner of this continent. Thirteenth, That the freedmen are so stu pid and ignorant as to be dangerous to the republic, but. Fourteenth, That they ought not to be ia structed, or permitted to acquire knowledge. Fifteenth That it would be a curse to nor thern workingmen to have the negroes flock into these states, but. Sixteenth, That northern workingmen ought not to favor a policy which would make the negroes contented to remain in the South. Seventeenth, That the workingmen of the northern states are the most intelligent, the most capable, the most industrious and the most virtuous in the world, but. Eighteenth, That they will inevitably be ruined and deprived of work by the compe ition of ignorant and idle negroes. Nineteenth, That the presence of the blacks amongst us will always be a source of difficulty and trouble, but. Twentieth, That the Emancipation act is wrong, chiefly because, under its operation, the negro race is likely to die out, like the Indians. These are some of the curious contradic tions into which men fall who ignore all general principales, and follow only the wili of -the wisp of their prejudices. It is not only in relation to the negro question that they are thus blinded —their folly extends to other affairs. For instance, they assert very earnestly that a merchant ought to be free to sell his goods wherever he wants; but they will not have a laborer sell his labor as freely —though that labor creates the goods. They insist that we shall buy calico in the cheapest market, but not labor. They laugh at protective legislation," and yet cry out that white workmen must suffer, unless pro tected against "the pressure of negro com petition. '' They welcome immigration from abroad, at the same time that they try to persuade workingmen here that the labor market is already overstocked. These are the same men who, before the war, declared the negro a beast, a possessed of every vile quality, and a terrible danger to the community, and yet urged the reopen ing of the African slave trade. A r . Y. Even' ing Post. AN IMPORTANT OMISSION. By glancing over the official proceedings of the "Copperhead Convention as published in their organs, an important omission will be discovered. The following resolution was offered by Mr. H. W. Petriken, of Lycom ing. which was referred to the Committee, on Resolutions, without debate: "Resolved, That the soldiers of 1861—62, should have appropriated to them not less than one hun dred and sixty acres of Government land, and that Congress be urged to make such appropriation/' In examining the report of the committee, this resolution is missing, and from what we can learn, it led to a protracted discussion in the secret meeting of the committee, where it was almost unanimously rejected by that body. Nothing is said in the official proceedings of this resolution, and Mr. Petriken must feel himself highly complimented by the omission.— Harrisonrgh Telegraph. AN Irishman illustrating the horrors of solitary confinement, stated that out of one hundred persons sentenced to endure pun ishment for life, only fifteen survived it! As two lawyers were taking their gin at one of the "respectable" groggeries, a per son observed that they were members of the bar. "Yes," said the landlord, "practicing members." m | ~ "I SHALL be at home next Sunday," the young lady remarked, as she followed to the door her beau, who seemed to be wavering in his attachment "So shall I," was the reply. , „ r AN Irishman who had been lined several weeks in succession for getting drunk, cooly proposed to the Judge that he should take him by the year at a reduced rate. IF a man talks insolently to you undor the pica of candor, yon may knock him down under a plea of infirmity of tem j l* r - t IN what ship, and what capacity do young ladies like to engage ? In wtahip, and as mariners-
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