Wht ©tMotfo 3lnqturct, B. McNEIL, Editor and Proprietor. "fWWttlfl r tfjM <3 mw r IS PUBLISHED Iranr Friday Morning on Juliana Street, OPPOSITE THE XE.VGEL HOUSE. BEDFORD, BEDFORD COUNTY, PA. TERMS: f2,00 a year it' pttid strietly in advance, J5.25 if not paid wjtuiu three months, $2.50 if not paid rithia the rear Rates of Advertising. One Squire, three weeks or less 51 25 One Square, each additional insertion less than three months S Mouths, 8 Months, 1 Year. Hue Squire s'* HO 5-1 75 SB 00 Two Squares o 00 7 00 10 00 Three squares 6 00 9 00 15 00 i Column 12 00 20 00 36 00 One Column 20 00 35 00 65 00 Administrators' and Executors' notices $2.50. Auditors notices $1.50, if under 10 lines, Estravs $1.25. if hut one head is advertised, 25 cents on every additional head. One square is the .SPACE occupied by ten lines of min ion. Fractions of a square under five lines count as a half square, and all over five lines a full square. Adver tisements charged to persons handing them in. PROFESSIONAL AND BUSINESS CARDS. V. H. AH I RS, ATTORXBT AT LAW. BEDROKD, PA. Will attend promptly to all business entrusted to his • are. Military claims speedily collected. Office on Juli an m Street, two doors north of the Inquirer Office. April 1, 1964—tf. EMPY M. ALKIP, ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA., Will faithfully ajidpreiuptly attend to all business en trusted to his oar* to Bedford and adjoining counties. Military claims, Pensions, back pay, Bonnty, Ac. spee dily collected. Office with Mann i Spang, on Juliana street, 2 doors aouth of the Mengol House. April 1, 1864.—tf. 3. K. UtKMOKHOW, ATTORNEY AT LAW, BKDPOItD, PA. Ofleeono door south of th "Mengul House," Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to his cgre Collections made on the shortest notice. Having, also, been regularly licensed to prosecute Claims against the Government, particular attentioa will he given to the collection of Military claims of all kinds; Tensions, Back Pay, Bounty, Bounty Loans, Ac. Bedford, apr. 8, i 864—tf. ALEX. KL.XTI, ATTOUXEY AT LAW. And agent for procuring arrears of Pqy and Bounty Honey. Office on Juliapa Street. Bedford, Pa- April 1, 1864—tf. ~ lAI MM ELL A LINCIEX RELTFLK, ATTORNEYS AT LAW. BEDPORD. PA. Bare feruied a partnership in the practice of tho Law. ffiffice on Juliana Street, two doors South of the Jlengel Mouse. April 1,1384—tf. JOHN MAJOR. MNCI OP THE PEACH, HOPEWELL, BEDFORD OOCNTY. Colleetions'llnd all business pertaining to his officp will he attended to promptly. Will also attend to the sale or resting of real estate. Instruments of writing oarpfuUy prepared. Also settling up partnerships and ether ac counts. April 1.1864 tf. JK. MOWER. ATTORNEY ATf,/^?. BeiPRl>, PA., April 1, 1664.—tf. _ JOSEPH W. TAJ'E, # ATTORNKT AT LAW, BKLKOKD PA WILL promptly attend to collections and all business entrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoining conn ties. Money advanced on Judgmen ''. Nofc* and other Claims. Ha* for sale Town Lots, in Tatesville. and St. Josephs 011 Bedford Railroad. Farms and unim prorrol land in quantities to suit purchasers. Office opposite the Banking House of Reed A Scboll. upr. 15, 1864—10 m. RUPP, SHANNON, 4b CO., BANKERS, Jleiß'urd, l'a., BANK OF DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT. (COLLECTIONS made for the Fast, West. North and J South, and the general business of Exchange, trans acted. Notes and Accounts Collected, and Remittances promptly made.* REAL ESTATE bought and sold. M. w. RI-PP, 0. K. (SHANNON, F. BKKBBICT. Apr. 15, IS64—tf. DANIEL BORDER. Pni STJtBBT, TKu OOOUS WEST OK THE BEDFORD ROT EI,, Bedford, Pa. Watehipakerdeairtß Jewelry, Spectacle*, Ac HB KEEPS ON HAND A STOCK OF FINE GOLD AND SILVER.WATCH*"?, SPECTACLES OF brilliant Double Refined Glasses, also Scotch Pebble l*ises. Gold Watch Chains, Breast Pine. Finger Kings, host quality of Gold Pen?. He will supply to order auy thing in hit line not on hand. apr. 8, 1664— nr.. PH YsTciATsS, &C. I! == DKVTISTKY. I. N. BOWSER, Resident Dentist ftf JVqpd.- bury, -ITTILL spend the second Monday, Tuesday, and Wed 'V\ nesday. of each month at Hopewell, the remaining three day* at Bloody Run. attending to the duties of his profession. At all other times he can be found in his of fice at Woodbury, excepting the last Monday and Tues day of the same month, which he will spend in Martins burg. Blair county, Pcuna. Persons desiring operations should call early, as time is limited. All operations war tan tod. Aug. 5,1864,-tf. . C. N. HICKOK BEAT IST. •FFICE IS BASK BI ILDIS6, BEDFORD, PA. April 1,1864.—tf. ' : DR. B. F. HARRY, Respectfully lenders his professional services to tbo aitixens of Bedford aiid vicinity. Officejand residence on Pitt Street, in the building formerly eccupied by Dr. J. H. Sofia*. April I,lß6l—tf. J,L. MARBOURG, M. D. Having permanently located respectfully tenders his professional services to the citizens of Bedford and vi cinity. Office on Juliana Street, opposite the Bank, one door north of Hall A Palmer's office. April 1. 1864—tf. HOTELS. EXCHANGE HUNTINGDON PA. JOHN S. MILLER, Proprietor. April 29th, 1864.—ft. UNION |IOTEL. VALENTINE STEOKMAN, PROPRIETOR, Woat Street, Bedfbi-a, Pa., ( formerly the Glob* Hotmi) THB public are assured that he has mads ample ar rangements to accommodatcall that ffltj favot him witt their patronage. A splendid Livefry Stable attaehod. [apr. 64. IVotice- THB undersigned having associated with himself in the Mercantile Business, his brother, HAMUEX. D. WIL LIAMS, gives notice that his Books are now ready for Sj}i tfement. Persons having accounts standing thcreoil, will niters call and settle the same without delay. J. B. WILLIAMS. Rfeody Fan, Msy 12, lU4-tf. A LOCAL AND GENERAL NEWSPAPER, DEVOTED TO POLITICS, EDUCATION, LITERATURE AND MORALS. Srirct ffltttf. c - T <o DESCRIPTION OF A SUMMER'S EVE. BY KK-NKY KIUKK WHITB. Down the fiiltry arc of day The burning wheel, have urged their way And eve along the western skies Sheds her intermingling dyes. Down the deep, the miry lane, Creaking comes the empty wain. And driver on the shaft-horse site, Whistling now and then by flits; And oft, with his aernstoni'd call, Urging on the sluggish llall. The harn i, still, the gone, And thresher puis bis jacket 911. While Dick, upon the Indder.tnll, Nails the dead kite to the wall. Here comes sheperd Jack at last, He has pecn'd the sheepcot' fast For 'twas hut two nights before, A lamb was eaten on the moor : lfi, empty wallet Rover carries, Nor for Jack, when near homo, tarries; With lolling tongue he runs to try, If the horse-trough by not dry. The milk is settled in the pans, And supper messes in the eans; lp the hovel carts ary wheel'd, And both thy colts arc drove a field]: The horses all are bedded up, And the eve is with the cup. The spare for Mr. Fox is set. The leaven laid, the thatching \;et, • And Bess has slink'd away to ■With Roger in the holiy walk. Now, on the settee, all but Bess, Are set to eat their ,upper mess : And little Tom and roguish Kate Are swinging on the meadow gate. Now they chat of various things, Of taxes, ministers, and kings. Or else toll all the village news, How madam did the squire refuse ; How parson on hi, thithes was bent, And landlord oft distr.vip'd for rent. Thus, did they talk, till in the sky The pale-eyed moon is piounted high, And from the ale house drunken Ned Had reel'd—then hastep all to bed. The mistress sees that lazy Kate The happing coal on kitchen grate Has laid—while master goes throughout, Sees shutters fast, tho mastiff out. The candies safe, the hearths all clear. And naught from tliipves or fire to fear ; Then both to bed together creep, And join the general troop of sleep. From Harper's ifonthly. THE PATTER OF LITTLE FEET. ' Up with tho sun at morning Away tc the garden ho hies. To see if the sleepy blossoms Have begun to open their eyes ; Running a race with the wind, His step as light and fleet, Under my window j henr The patter of little feet. Anon to the brook he wanders. In swift and noiseless flight, Splashing the sparkling ripples Like a fairy water-sprite. No sand under fabled river Has gleams like his golden hair; No pearly sea shell is fairer Than his slender ankles bare : Nor the rosiest stem of coral. That blushes in ocean's bed, Is sweet as the flush that, follows Cur darling's airy tread. From a broad window my neighbor Looks down on our little cot. And yauhes the "poor man's blessing"—: I cannot envy his lot, He has pictures, books and music, Bright fountains, and noble trees, Flowers that blossom in vases, Birds from beyond the seas ; But never docs childish laughter Jlis homeward footsteps greet; Ilis stately jialls ne'er echo To the tread of innocent feet. This child is our ''speaking picture,'* A birdling that chatters and sings, Sometimes a sleeping cherub (Our other one has wings); His heart is a charmed casket. Full of all that's cunning ami sweet, And no harp-strings hold such music As follows his twinkling feet. When the glory of sunset opens The highway by angels trad, And seems to unbar (.tie city Whose builder and jjiaker is God, Close to the crystal postal, I see by the gates of pearl The eyes of our other ang t el— A sinless little girl. And I ask to be taught and dirpcted To guide his footsteps aright, jjo that I be accounted worthy STo walk in the sandals of light t And hear, amid songs of welcome, From messengers trusty and fleet, ,0n the ptarry flour of Heaven The patter of little feet, Criucf oritur ills, tnd., February, 1859. SHAKESPEARE ALWAYS VlßTUOUS.—Coleridge says rightly there is not one really vicious passage in all Shakspeare. There are coarse things, for the cus toms and langnage of the time were coarse. But there is nothing rotten at the root, nothing insidious in the suggestion. Vice never walks abroad in the mental twilight wearing the garb of virtue. \ou hear the voices of Wrong and Right, Truth and Lr ror in his works, but there is no confusion of ton gues for the confounding of the sense. He has no softness for sentimental sinners,such as Goethe shows for his "Faust," and lets down no drawbridge at the last moment to help them over the dark gulf. His lines nre drawn as sharply as is the scriptural decree that the tree shall be as it falls. He has infinite pity for the suffering aud struggling and wounded by the way. The must powerful and pathetic pleadings oil behalf of Christian charity that are to be found any where out of the New Testament hve been spoken by Shakspeare. He takes to his large, warm• Heart much that the world usually casts out to periafi' in the cold. There is nothing tod poor Or too me&ji to bo embraced within the circle of his Sympathies. He sees the genu of good m that y. hi oh looks all evil to the careless passers by, fa? his eyes ate large with love and have its "precious Beeing. ' If there be only the least little redeeming touch in the must abandoned character he is sure to point it out. Af ter all, It is the best hearts that are the truest mir rors even of this world, for it is God's world, bad as we have managed to make it.— London Quarterly Bedew. NEARLY every farmer in the country has a second farm of the possession of which h<i lives in to total ignorabce —a new farm hnder the old one. Farms not only lie side by side, but in layers, and it the rage for acres could be displaced lor deep acres, the amount of soil under cultivation' might soon be dou bled. BEDFORD, Pa., FRIDAY, ATTCVUST 5, I*o4. IMPORTANT LEGAL INTELLIGENCE. —A country man walked into the office of Lawyer Barns one day. and began his application— "Barns. I have come to get your advice in a case that is giving me some trouble. "Well, wluit's the'mattcr ?'' "Suppose, now.' said the client, "that a man i had one spring of water on his land, and his neigh- ; !>or liyjng below should build a dam across the ! creek through both farms, and it was to back the j water up into the other man's spring, what ought j fq be done ?" "Sue him, sir, sue him. by all means,"' said the lawyer, who always became excited in proportion to the aggravation ef his clients. "You can re cover heavy damages, sir. and the law will make him pay well for it. Just give me the ease, and I'll bring the money from him ; and if he hasn t a great deal of property, it will break him up, sir. ' j "But stop, Barns," cried the terrified appli cant for legal advice, "its I that have built the dam, and it's neighbor Jones that owns the spring, j and he threatens to sue me. 1 ' The keen lawyer hesitated a moment before he atcked his ship, and kept oq. "Ah ! well, sir, you say you built a. dam across that creek. What sort of a dam was it, sir?" " It was a mill-dam.' - "A mill-daui for grindiug grain, was it?" "Yes it was just that." "And it is a good neighborhood mill, is it ?'' "So it is, sir. and you may well say so. "And all your neighbors bring their grain to be ground, do they ?" "Yes, sir. all Jor;es." "Then itisa ip-e^tpublic convenience, is it not?" "To be sure it is. I would not have built it but for that. It is sq far sqperior to any other mill, sir.'' "And now," said the old lawyer, "you tell me that that inan Joqqs is complaining just because the water from the dam happens to put back into bis little spring, and he is now threatening to sue you. Well, all I have to say is, let him sue. mid Colorado Jewpyt and President Lincoln. The Washington Chronicle of Wednesday says: i As an irresponsible person named Jewett, who 1 has recently been acting as an agent and messen- j ger for the rebel eiumissaries in Canada, is assid ously laboring, aqd apparently with success, to create the impression tnat he acts by virtue of a certain implied understanding or connection with the Executive Mansion, we aeeiu it not impiop er to state that he has never received from the I'resident the slightest recognition ; that Major Hay, at Niagara, expressly declined to meet him, and that the only letter he has ever rel ieved from the Executive Office, in answer to his voluminous communications, is the following : EXECUTIVE MANSION, \ WASHINGTON, July 18, 1864.) Sir —ln tha fixorcjye of my duties as secretary in charge of fhe President's correspondence, it is necessary for pie to use a certain discretion in the choice of letters to be submitted tq the personal inspection of the President. In order to avoid a further waste of time on your part, I have to in form you thqt your letters are never so submitted. My proceeding in this matter has the sanction of the President. I am, sir, very true]y, your obedient servant, JOHN HAY. Wm. Cornell Ac., Ac., Ac., ADDRESS OF THE UNION STATE CEN TRAL COMMITLEE. To the People of Pennsylvania : In the midst of a fierce conflict fqr the national life —responding tq calls for large reinforcements to enable our armies successfully to combat with traitors —cheerfully meeting the payment of ex traordinary taxation to sqpply the Government with money to conduct tqe war, a;,d submitting to an immense increase in the prices ofliving, tlie people of Pennsylvania have neverthelesss been able for three years to maintain a prosperity, and secure a healthy operation in all the branches of their trade, unprecedented in the annals of any country while engaged in the prosecution of a war. In the trials of this bloody war. with the struggle just reaching its climax, the people of Pennsylva nia suddenly find themselves involved in a politi cal contest invested with the highest importance, because fraught with the nionieqtous issues. Or dinarily, hergfqfore. political contests meant only a choice of policy as to the manner of administer ing the Government The st ruggle of parties was for the possession of the powers of Government, and merely to control their operation. Now. however, our political contests have resolved themselves into a direct aud a positive issue for the safety and the permanence of the Govern ment; because politically as well as sectionally, the contest at the 1 (allot box and in the battle field must decide whether the Union shall exist or perish with the triumph or defeat of one or the other of the contending parties. Hence the un wonted importance with which our political cam paigns are now invested. Parties are now divi ded on issues which vitally concern the Govern ment. They are composed of friends and enemies of that Government. To chose between those parties equally interests the cause of loyalty and that of treason. No man can stand neutral be tween the two, and all that are not fairly for the Government will be justly recognized as its enemy. Admitting that such is the new importance as .sumed by our political contests, we have au ex cuse as well as a justification for entering on the contest fast approaching, for the amendments to the Constitution, with all the zeal in our natu, and all the devotion that should characterize tne patriot and the lover of his country in his effort to perve it It would seem that on an amendment to the Constitution granting the soldier a right to vote thefe should be no division. Among a free peo ple particularly, who are admitted always to be the most intelligent, such a right should be well grounded in common and statute law to need no action, at this late day, for its exercise and vindication. The soldier, in all lauds, alike among civilized and barbaric nations, has ever been admitted to the highest honors conferred by the Governments beneath whoso banners he fought. His valor, his sacrifices, and his devotion, have ever been regarded as themes for the poet, subjects for the painter, and material for the his toriau ; and thus the calling of arms became one of honore—one which elicited the noble rivalries of compatriots, and elevated the character of men, war has been so conducted as to force combatants to respect and honor each other's qualities—the victor still to treat the vanqnished as a MAN. — The Constitution and laws expressly declare that no man shall be deprived of his citizenship, except for high crimes of which he shall be charged and proven guilty. He must be summoned to meet such a charge of criminality in the presence of judges whose oaths bind them to do him entire justice. He must lie insured a trial by a jury sworn impartially to consider liis case. If found gulty. the sentence of his judges may result iu bis disfranchisement —but disfranchisement is not aamed at as a result of his punishment. Disfran chise as a direqi punishment is only made to fol lqty the Li chest crime known against the State.— Yst in the fact! of these facts, and in opposition tc'all equity', "there are those in the S'tfte who in sist that disfranchisement should follow the high est service which a man can perform for his Gov- j eminent. There'is a strong party to-day in Penn sylvania, regularly organized, controlled by able leaders and sustained by astute and learned advo cates, insisting that the service of a citizen as a soldier—the periling of life and limb in the sup port of the Government, the giving up of domes tic endearmebto, ihe sacrifice of business interests, and the yielding of all personal comforts, forfeit for those thus engaged all political right, every franchise of a free born oi constitutionally adopted American citizen. The monstrous iniquity of such a claim is at once apparent, however it has been maintained by our highest judicial tribunals Its justice CUR only be sustained by sophistries founded on tho worst political prejudices, so that the sooner the Constitution and fyw are made plain and Tendered explicit on this subject, and posted where even- man can read gqd understand them, just so soon do we secure tho strength and majesty of the Government in the confidence and respect of the governed—just so soon do we make our good )ld State worthy the past valor of her sons, and glorious in the future. American citi zenship hs its virtues, and these their merits.— Each virtue can only be exalted by serving tho Government under which thev flourish; but if that service is lrade ahadge of degradation, will it qqt be nyire natural for men of honor and spirit and true courage to resist its rendition than vol untarily, tp acecept its duties? The citizen sol dier fee* whcij he takes up arms it is to defend, not destroy, hts political rights. The man who sacrifices his business iutercsts, and for a stipula ted time surrenders his personal liberty, cannot understand Why he should lie deprived of his po litical rights. The service of arms dims not blunt, the judgemeojt or blur the ability of a citizen to exer cise the fltactive franchise. It rather gives him a new title to the enjoyment of such a right, and fits him for the highest privileges of a free Gov ernment. Unlike the masses of Europe, the great body of the American people are intehgent, f assessed of educations affording the highest nowledge. While war for u time may change the habits of suh a people, it cannot affect thr ir sense of .justice, their appreciation of power, and their love of. It cannot lessen their ability for self-government. If it could, the war in which wc are now engaged for the defence of the Govern ment and the safety of the public weal had better be stopped immediately. The Democratic lenders now oppose the enfran chisement of the soldier. In the olden time fne Democratic leaders, such as Jefferson, Jackson. Snyder, and Shultze insisted that the elective fran chise followed the flag under which asoldierfought. If that flag was potent, on the sea and on the land, to protect a man in war. why should it not possess toe other virtues of oontiiiueuig his jiolit n-a! franchises ? It is made the deck of a vessel above whjch it waved, the soil of the country rep resented hy it- regardless of the sea or eliine in which it floated, so also does it carry with it for tip: soldier who flights beneath its folds any polit ical rights which these fygroes enjoyed before thev w.ere mustered into the service ; and on this sound ly demotnpie argument the soldiers who fomrht in Mexico w*we to exercise a freeman's right in the wilds of the chapparel, the heats of the sea shore, the din of conflict, and in the shadow of battlemented castles, the as if they had been at home.ii! their respective wards and precincts.— If men fighting thousands of miles from home — cut off from all communication —scarcely informed at the time on the issues of the political campaign, were able find eutitled to exereise the right or the franchise, is it. not fair to suppose that citizens of a like intelligence, engaged in the same service of the Government within the limits of its authority, distant only a few miles from home, conversant with all the issues involved in the political contest, in daily communications with their friends and in perusal al.-o of journals discussing the questions at stake —is it not fair to suppose that such n t cu are entitled to the exercise of all their jtolitical rights? Only those who act from perverted pol icy on this subject, will seek to evaue the respon sibilities of such a question. This is proven by the judicial history already attached to this ques tion. When it was deemed expedient, as it was undoubtedly considered by the Democratic leaders then, the elective franchise was extended to the absent soldiers in Mexico ; but in the midst of a war waged by the upholders of an institution from j which ihe Democratic leaders derive all tlicir I strength. Geo, W. Woodward, a Justice of the | Supreme Court, and lately the candidate of the Democratic party fqr Govenor, judicially denied the soldiers the exercise of the elective franchise ; denied our brave defenders the right almost in the same breath in which he deelareathe right of the | States of the South to rebel and secede from the | Union 1 Fair men can t.ee no difference in an A iVmric&n soldier voting in Mexico, while fighting beneath the flqg of his country, and the same sol dier citizen uqder the same circumstances voting ip a rebellious State. Time nor place, within the limits of a free government, or in the service thereof, cannot influence, should lie permitted to ; qffvet, the rights of a freeman. The government \yliich is not able to insure him these inherent rights is unworthy his support The authority of H free government, which seeks to degrade a j'rec inau while periling his life in its defence, is a (des potism more fearful than that which denies the right to be governed. It is not possible that spcli a government can last. At some period in its history, if the rights of its defenders be disregard ed as the Democratic leaders now deny tho right of the franchise to the soldiers, it will need arms to protect it both from foreign and domestic foes, and perish eventually an object to mean for de fence. In ad' r pcating the soldier's right to vote, the loyal niep.qf Pennsylvania are sustained by a faith in the fact that his service is such as to secure hiui not mprely all the rights he enjoyed before he entered tqo army) but increased dignity and power at the Lauds ol the Republic. The enemies of this ercat principle oppose it only for reasons of expediency. There was a tiinp when tin Demo cratic leaders claimed that tne army was largely and even almost wholly composed of their partisan followers. When they were most clamorous in insisting upon the recognition or such a claim, the supporters of the principle, opposed politically to these leaders, were most earnest and even persist ent in its advocacy. To them it was a principle ofjustice too sacred to be disregarded— too noble to be rejected—too important in its relations tq the very genius aud vitality qf the Republje to be denied to all the people thereof, alike those yhq risk the perils of battle in its defence and those who run no danger of life, limb or property i n the service of the Government, apd who still tiairn its highest immunities and most sacred privileges. On the second day of August ensning this ques tion will come practically Wore the peopii; of Peunsyivania. We do not doubt the result of the election as to the acceptance or rejection of the soldier's right to vote. Rut we would be talse to the party which we represent, and recreant to the creed which we adore, if we failed to avow in ad vance our approval of granting this great right to our brave defenders. Pennsylvania has many thousands of her citizens now in the army. They have all gone forth inspired by a sublime faith in the strength of a free Government to crush a wicked conspiracy, and does it become us, while enjoying the halcyon blessings of pence at home, while the limbs of our soldiers are wet with their own blood, aud their weapons are duipping with ■ the gore of traitors, to say to them. You hare for feited your citizenship; you are no longer worthy of participating m tho control of a free Govern ment ; your positions must he iritn the slaves of the South—among the- disgraced and degraded of God s children t" We cannot believe that the jieople of Pennsylvania are prepared to send such a message to their fellow-citizens in the armies of the Republic. We cannot believe that so foul a disgrace awaits our war worp but still intrepid lie roes. The hearts of the great majority of the peo ple at home are too full of gratitude for a return of great service by galling neglect, (fur faith 111 the justice of the people renders us confident in the establishment ana vindication of the politiciu rights of the soldier. Rut that faith must be accompan ied by works. Hence it becomes the duty of the i State Central Committee to urge on the frieijjis ot the scldier actively to labor for the triumph of this riftbrl' in his behalf. Let it be said of our fellvW litizens now absent as soldiers, that as our victo rious armies planted their banners in the capital of treason, it was beneath their folds in Richmond each hero of tie Kevstone State exercised the free man's right of the elective franchise for a Presi dent to administer the Government to a reunited Union, to States once more loyal, to a people again at peace and blessed with prosperity. SIMON CAMERON. Chairman. A. W BENEDICT, ] WIKN FORNEY. ; Secretaries. j From the I.nnrtcttr E truing Esyrett, RWixWuy •/< /y 27. ORATION BY HON. JOHN CESSNA. Fulton Hall was crowded on Tuesday evening with the elite of our city, to hear the Annual Ad dress liefore the Alumni Association of Franklin and Marshall College. The Union League Rand was in attendance ami the exercises of the evening were agreeably varied with the patriotic music of our National Airs. The Faculty of the Col lege and members of the Hoard of Trusses were upon the stage. Among the latter we our whilom townsman. Rev. I>. Harbaugh, at present filling one of the I'rofessoris chairs at Mercershurg. After a brief opening prayer by this geptleman. and music from the band. Hon. John Cessna, late Speaker of the House of Rep resflntatives, was introduced and for nearly two hours this earnest spt aker swayed tho audience at his will. Those who were tit Fulton Hall last, evening will remember this noble address, along witqt that of Hon. Darnel Dougherty, upon a simi lar subject delivered at last Commencement. It w:(s such a manly .-ixtoch as we might have ex pected from the "Little Giant' 1 of the West had he lived until to-day. His bitter excoriation of trgitors and "sympathizers" his firm faith in the filial success of our grand cause, the hard logic of his facts, his eulogistic references to those names enshrined deepest in the heart of the nation, his eloquent ajwstrophe to the dear old flag, were re ceived again and again with the most enthusiastic applause. These tilings toudi the popular heart which in spite of every effort to the contrary on the part of designing political knaves, beats on ever true to the Union, loyal to the gallant mem ories qf the glorious Past, proud of the history of the immortal Present, and hopeful of the thrice-blessed Future dawning upon our sorely tried Ration. The orator made a few opening remarks upon the usual character of the subjects choen ou simi lar occasions—these being at one time literary, and at another scientific —but for the reason,that the era of ordinary things had gone by, he had there fore chosen an extraordinary subject—"Shall the Kcprbhc Still Live ?" His subject announced, he launched boldly upon hps theme, with words of no uncertain sound: Every reflecting person and even the casual ob server will admit that the times are extraordinary. Great issues are now being tried, questions virtu ally affecting the present condition and future prospects not only of all the people of our own nation, but of the whole human race. These are issues, too, which no man can ignore. Every in dividual must lie found upon the one side or thc other of the great struggle which now astonishes the world. There can be no neutrality. Men may assume to be indifferent apd profess to take 110 interest In ihe contest, but at heart every one is upon one side or the other. lh that is not for us is against us. The issues of the present crisis are most mo mentous —none such have ever stood forth in the progress of history. Is man capable of self-gov ernmeiU? To establish this proposition was the great object of the American Revolution. We found few associates before that period. At that time there were many unbelievers in the doctrine. Notwithstanding the success of that revolution and the remarkable and unexampled success and prosperity of the nation born of it, there have al ways been among us jueo, who have no faith in the doctrine. They are still quite nunie qus and constantly predict the £ the present re bellion. In this they are heartily joim dby the tyrants and aristocracy of the Old World. Fiie success of our nation thus far has created an intense interest throughout the world. If we can survive the present shock, suppress the rebel lion. and return to our path of progress, the ex ample can not and will not be long resisted by the other nations of the earth. The success. <>r rather the continuance of civil and religions lilierty, not only in our own country but throughout the world, depends upon the result of our present conflict. Our failure now would rejoice the enemies of lib erty aiid make glad the hearts of tyrants in every land ;' and bring additional grief and sorrow to the down-trodden and oppressed of every clime. The destruction of our republic would do more to perpetuate despotism and to roll back the tide of progress and check the tide of civilization than any event which has ever occurred in the history of tlje human nice. Words cannot describe nor can language measure, the magnitude and impor tance of the present struggle. It becomes, there fore. the paramount duty of every patriot to use his utmost exertions to secure its favorable ter mination. The 'doctrine of secession is not only without warrant the Cousritutioiq but must lead to wild confusion in the working of our political system, a system established bv the judgment and wisdom of our fathers, the ablest statesmen ever given to the world, and a system without a model in all the of the past —a perfect structure which distributes all the powers of the government in such away as to ofove a perfect efyeck upjjn each ot her and yet work ill unity'and harmony in pro moting the objects of its creation. The separate States may become great in population—great in territory—great in resources, but their true great uess, at last consists in their beitig parts of a greater whole—members of one great family.— Uur nation can only live and accomplish the pur poses of its creation, protect and upholdthe cause of civil and religious liberty on continent, and throughout the world, with one Constitution, one Union, one Government, one set oi laws, one des tiny, and but one Flag—that the flag of the Stars and Stripes—can ever be permitted to float over any portion of our land; aud silent be the tongue anil palsied the arm that would ever dare to inakq an effort to haul down that flag or hoist another in its stegd! In no other land have so many privileges and such large liberties been vouchsafed. In turn, the citizen owes obedience to law, the payment of his taxes, a cheerful and earnest support ot his Government in limes of difficulty, ami if needs be, bis strong right arm to defend her from the as saults of foreign foes or domestic traitors. No matter what difficulties may come, or what dan gers may threaten, the true patriot can never do less than to stand by the flag of his country, and will always be ready to exclaim: "Perish my own prosperity—perish proiiertv —perish party—per ish all things that stand iu the way of my nation's progress perish all that I have, aui) all that I hope in this life —perish self —but live, stjll live, long live. Oh, ever live, my Country! | The speaker here argued the question ol the right of self-preservation which a government possesses, at considerable length, with sound log ic, and with the weight of authority, making ex tracts in point from Washington. Jeftersoip Madi son, and Jackson. We regret that our space will not permit even a brief summary of this powerful ar Zt the patriot can console himself with the reflection that in the present struggle we have right on our side—not oqly the glorious recollec tions of the past, the proua realities of the pres ent, and the bright hopes of the future inspire us in our devotion to our country, but we are strengthened and encouraged witji the full knowl edge and firm conviction that reason and justice are with us. The true patriot will always stand by his country in time of war, whether right or wrong. No wonder then that in this waf when we have a country—all the glorious memories of the past—the institutions and Government as our fathers made them on the one hand, and only the tyrany. despotism, and anarchy of traitors on the other, that so raanv have rallied to our support. More is' the wonder that there should lie one among ;is whq is not ardently attached to our Vol. 37: N0.32. cause. But the,highest and brightest intellects of the nation. its great power and force of argu ment and reasoning, its most educated, well disciplined minds, all its most eloquent tongues, as well SfS its most profound thinkers, and most polished pens, are warmly and ardently enlisted in the of the Union. From the forests of- Maine to the golden shores of California, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, countless hosts have solemnly sworn that "the Republic shall live," and noty stand forth everywhere a mighty army, ready to seal their oaths with the blood of heroes and patriots. jllere followed an enumeration of the dangers from which the Republic rosy have something to [ fear. Among these, foreign intervention from ! which we have little to dread, especially since our | navy promises to be to us such a terrible right ■ arm of defence. Since the fight between the Mon [ itor and the Merrfinac. and since the Alabama went down in English and French waters, the has ! Ik-cii little talk of foreign intervention. Political corruption is another element of danger, but our free schools must do, much to counteract the politi cal intrigues of demagogues by educating the peo ple. Again the increased extravagance and luxu ry of the people are t<f be dreaded. ] Another great dagger to be noticed, is our very large ami rapidly increasing national debt. This has beev, a cause of 1 alarm to many sincere pat riots. It is, however, offerer used by our secret enemies, in order to dishearten the |eople and in duce them to adandon the struggle, and consent to an effeminate peace. This debt has been va riously estimated and stated by different jarsons. It is novj.officially declared to lie less than S2.U(X>,- 000,000 ytd no well informed man calculates the increase at a larger sum than $ 1,000.000,000 per . year. %A sufficient fnswer to this cause of unea siness and alarm, ought to be that figures cannot estimate the woyth of our Union. Its value is beyond all price, To the patriot this answer would be satisfactory. But we may readily find au an swer for the mat\ of dollars and cents, even for him who worships only the "Almighty Hollar."'* or him who has grown rich under the fostering care of the government, and is now to mean to pay his taxes for its support. The first Pnnie war lasted during a period of •• twenty.four years. The second lasted eighteen years. Pelopennesian war lasted twenty-seven years. One of the Herman wars lasted twenty years, and that against Ism is XIV. lasted eigh teen years. At the end of the Peninsular war, the debt of England was about $5.000,000,000. — It is now a little less than $4,000,000,000. The United States ean pay five times the debt of Eng land, in less time than England can pay her own. Her last war loan (for the Peninsular war), was sold at fifty-fhree cento on the dollar payable in depreciated jiaper. Not a single bond of the United States is below par. and nearly all com mand a premium. The income of our Treasury for the last year, in the very midst of our war, was nearly $3i>0,000,000. The increase in the value ofour real and personal property from ft4o to 1 850 was 4 per cent., from iB6O to 1860 it was 127 per cent. We hardly commenced to work our gold mines, as well as all of our other unequalled impend wealth. The increase in, the value of coal from 1850 to 1860 was 'l7O per 66nt. The income of our productive labor for 1860 was nearly S2,UGp,OOO.OOU. We have rich public' . lands, and almost enough of these alone to pay o,r whole debt at the end of LL,O war at one dol lar per acre. The war has not retarded but rath er quickened the spirit of immigration. This, added to our o,fti natural increase, will soon set tle these lands and pour countless millions into our Treasury. We have more than 30.000 miles of railroad, finished at a cost of $1,200,000,000. 50,000 ves i sels of the Republic whiten every ocean, sail over our inland seas, or qavigate the streams flowing within our own borders. The increase in the ton nage on our western waters in eight years was 320 per cent. Our exports of grain in a single year have reached $500.000,000. Agriculture gave the nation, in 1860, $1,600,000,000. and the fertile lands ofour nation, when well cultivated, can mul tiply this an hundred fold. Our territory is near ly as large as all Europe with its fort}- different empires. Our increase since 1790 has been six times greater than England, nine times greater than Austria, tpxl ten times greater than France. < fur soil is as rich as theirs and capable of sustain ing as dense a population. When we equal Franco in proportionate population, we will have 500,000.- 000. When we equal England, we will have 750.- 000.000. We have the whole Temperate zone of _ of the Harden of the Iyp*th. The mineral productions—iron, lead, zinc, cop per. silver, and gold—are inexhuustahle. Arizona has gold enough to pay our debt. California can a circulating medium for our own people, and the other territories can supply the other na tions of the earth. Hid Pennsylvania can furnish all the coal that may be required to drive all the machinery of the world until the millennium, and if Providence in his anger should obscure the sun, our oil weels would light the earth for ten thousand year-!. The burden of our debt will sit but lightly upon a nation whbse home is a continent, whoso climate embraces the products of every land, and whose people, by their industry, thrift and skill, multiply nn hundred fold, and whose population grows with a rapidity which has no parallel in his tory. It is not means, nor money, nor resources that we need. There is no human power that can arrest our progress and development. When the war is ended in triumph, our county will take such a position in population, wealth and vigor, as will make the debt appeal so small that we all will smile at the fears whjch once over-clouded our vi sion. The great mass of the people of all parties aro honest at heart and mean to do that which they think will best promote the welfare and prosperity of the country. But it is not always so with party leaders. Some of these, at least, are unscrupulous. So completely do they become embittered against each other that they would sacrifice almost any thing, not excepting the cause of country and of. truth in order to secure their own triumph and tbo overthrow of their political adversaries. These are the mosj, efficient emisaries of the re bellion and vastly more serviceable to its leaders ' than ap equal pumber of arn;fed men in the ranks of the country s enepiies. '' In our own midst these emisaries have been ac tively at work to aggravate 1 the 1 rancor of party spirit —to array o'jjij nortibri of the people against the other —to cause dissatisfaction among the peo ple with the necessary measured adopted to sup press the rebelliop— to excite the people against the enforcement of the ana the collection of , revenue sufficient to carry pn the war. Our peo ple are taught to favor peace—compromise—-an armistice —any thing except a vigorousprosecution of the war. At one time this i& styled a negro* war—at another, a negro has no business to servo as a soldier. When our armies ;ire defeated the government is incompetent and inefficient, or it would have raised more men. When voluuteers are eidled they are opposed to the plan. They want an enrollment so that all may have an etjual and a fair chance. When the draft comes it is unfair, unlawful, and deprives them of <seir con stitutional rights. The clause of the act flowing pay'inent of commutation is all wrong because it aiscfiminataf between the rich ami the poor. As soon as it is repealed these same nifen strive to excise the anger of the people because it is anoth er step towards a military despotism- All these things do the'people no good, lead only to angry discussiobfe',' better controversies, numerous dis seutions, pjrevfent men front enlisting into the ser vice of their country, havo already' produced bloody riots, and maV-culminate in fierce neigh borhood und fireside war. These dangers are truly great and calculated to dishearten the pa*- riot; nut it is confidently 'belieyjed J,hat they will all sooner or later, be" overcome.' " There are unfortunately those among n who cannot discuss the question a single moment with
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