Bedford inquirer. (Bedford, Pa.) 1857-1884, June 17, 1864, Image 1

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    B. F. McNEIL, Editor and Proprietor.
five §fuijmm
IS PUBLISHED
Svery Friday Morning on Juliana Street,
OPPOSITE THE MKN6EL HOLME,
BEDFORD, BEDFORD COUNTY, PA.
TERMS:
•1.75 a year if paid strictly in advance,
j2.00 if paid within sis months, $2.50 if not paid with
.4 Six months.
Rates of Advertising.
One Square, three weeks or less - $1 2!
One Square, ejxh additional insertion less than
three m ■mh- 3C
3 Months, 6 Months, 1 Year,
One Square $3 50 $4 75 $8 Of
Two squares 5 00 7 00 10 00
Three squares _ ft 00 900 15 OH
i Column 13 00 20 00 35 0(1
One Column 20 00 35 00 65 0C
Adinini-trm rs' and Executors* noticess2.so, Auditors
notices $1.50, if under 10 lines, Estrays $1.25, if but one
bead is advertised, 25 cents on every additional head.
Ono square is the SPACE occupied by ten lines of min
ion. Fractions of a square under five lines connt as a
half square, and ull over five lines a full sqaarc. Adver
tisement! i barged to persorfs handing them in.
PROFESSIONAL AND BUSINESS CARDS.
l". II A K CBS,
ATTOKSKT AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.
Will attend promptly to all business entrusted to hi?
eare. Military claims speedily collected. Office on Juli
ana Street, two doors north of the Inquirer Office.
April 1, 1804—tf.
ESPYM. ALMIP,
ATTORXKT AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.,
Will faithfully aud promptly attend to all business en
trusted to his care in Bedford and adjoining counties.
Mititury claims, Pensions, hack pay, Bounty, Ac. spee
dily collected.
Office with Mann A Spang, on Juliana street, 2 doon
south of the Mengel House.
April 1, 1864.—tf.
J. R.f IKBOKKOW,
ATTOUSET AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.
Office one door south of the "Mengel House,"
Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to his care
Collections made on the .shortest notice.
Having, also, been regularly licensed to prosecute
Claims against the Government, particular attention will
be given to the collection of Military claims of all
kinds; Pensions, Back Pay, Bonnty, Bounty Loans, Ac.
Bedford, apr. ft. 1864—tf.
ALEX. KING,
ATTORNEY AT LAW.
And ageut for procuring arrears of Pay and Bounty
monev. Office on Juliana Street, Bedford, Pa.
April 1,1864—tf.
KI.HMELL A LISfUEXFELYER,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD. PA.
Have formed a partnership in the practice of the Law.
Office on Juliana Street, two doors South of the Mengel
House.
April 1, 1864—tf.
JO2IX MAJOR,
JRSTICK OF TUB PEACE, 11 OF P. WELL, BEDFORD COL'STT.
Collections and all business pertaining to hisoffice will
be attemied to promptly. Will also attend to the sale oi
renting of real estate. Instruments of writing carefully
prepared. Also settling up partnerships and other ae.
counts.
April 1. 1864—tf.
J NO. MOWER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW.
BEDFORD, PA:,
April 1,1564.—tf.
JOSEPH WR. TATE,
ATTOR.NET AT LAW, BBDFORD PA.
AILL promptly attend to collections and all bnsioess
VV entrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoining ooun
ties. Money advanced ou Judgiueu Notes And o*he:
Claims. Has for salo Town Lots, in Tatesville, and 8
Joseph.s on Bedford Railroad. Farms aud unim
proved laud in quantities to suit purchasers.
Office opposite the Banking House of Reed A BoljelL
apr. 15, 1864—10 in.
RUPF, SHANNON, A CO., BANKERS,
Bedfocd, I'a.,
BANK OP DISCOUNT AND DKPOSIT.
CFOLLEOTIONS made for the F.ast, West, North and
J South, and the general business of Kxshange, trans
acted. Notes and Account* Collected, and Remittances
promptly made. REAL KBTATK bought and sold.
I. W. RIFF, 0. K. SIIASSOV, F. BE.NKDICT
apr. 15, 1864—tf.
viirasT^:
LN. BOWSER,
DENTIST.
Permanently located in Woodhorry, will carefully am
punctually attend to all operationsentrusted to his care.—
Teeth inserted from one to an entire sett, in the latest anc
most approved style, and at rates more reasonable than v
er before oliered in this section of country. Cull unci te,
of work. Alt operations warranted.
Woodbury, April 1, 1864.—tf.
DR. B. F. HARRY,
Respect,fully tenders his professional services to tin
citizens o'. ; Bedford ami vicinity. Office and residence or
Pitt Street, iu the building formerly occupied by Dr. J. H
Hofins.
April 1, 1364—tf.
C. N. HICKOK
DENTIST.
OFFICE IN BANK BUILDING,
BEDFORD, PA.
A prill, 1864.—tf.
J. L. MARBOURG, M. D.
Having permanently located respectfully tenders hi
professional services to the citizens of Bedford and vi
einity. Office ou Juliana Street, opposite the Bank, 081
dOor north of Hall i Palmer's office.
April 1, IS6l—tf.
DANIEL BORDER.
PITT STREET, TWO DOORS WEST OF THE BBDFORD HOTEL
Bedford, Fa.
WatrhniakerA Healer In Jewelry, N|iectcles, ,V<
HE KEEPS ON HAND A STOCK OF FINE GOLL
AND SILVER WATCHES, SPECTACLES OI
Brilliant Double Refined Glasses, also Scotch Pebbh
Glasses. Gold Watch Chains, Breast Pins, Finger Ring?
best quality of Gold Pens.
He will supply to order any thing in his line not oi
band.
apr. 8, 1864— it.
_ HOTELS.
THE MENGEL HOUSE.
THRFE Doons NORTH OF THE PTBLIC SQUARE, JL'LIAN A SI
Bedford, Fa.
rpiIIS HOUSE so well known to the traveling public
.1 continues under the charge of Isaac Mengel. H<
jpares no pains to supply the wants and comfort of al
Who favor him with their patronage. His table is spreac
with the best the market affords. His chamber:
are handsomely furnished. A convenient stable is at
tached to the House, attended by careful hostlers,
apr. 8. 1864—ir.
EXCHANGEE HOTEL,
HUNTINGDON, PA.
JOHN S. MILLER, Proprietor.
April 29th, 1864.—ft.
UNION HOTEL.
VALENTINE STECKMAN, PROPRIETOR,
West Pitt Street, Betlfbrd, Pa.,
(Formerly th.t Globe Hotel.)
THE public are UMBO red that he has made ample ar
rangemcnts to accommodate all that may favor bin:
with their patronage.
A splendid Livery Stable attached. ff r.'6-I
A LOCAL. AND GENERAL NEWSPAPER, DEVOTED TO POLITICS, EDUCATION, LITERATURE AND MORALS.
WHAT THE BIRDS SAID.
r JOBS O. WHITTIJSR.
The birds, against the April wind,
Flew northward, singing as they flew;
They sang: "The land we leave behind
lias swords for corn-blades, blood for dew."
"Oh, wild birds, flying from the South,
What saw and heard ye, gazing down ?"
"We saw the mortar's upturned mouth,
Tho sickened camp, the blazing town !
"Beneath the bivouac's starry lamps,
We saw your march-worn children die;
In shrouds of moss, in cypress swamps,
We saw your dead uncuffiued lie.
"We heard the starving prisoner's sighs :
And saw, from line and trenoh, your son*
Follow our flight with home-sick eyes,
Beyond the battery's smoking guus."
'"And heard and saw ye only wrong
And pain," I cried, "Ob, wing worn flocks *"
"We heard,"-they said, "the Freedman's song,
The crash of Slavery's broken lock's
"We saw from new uprising States
The treason-nursing mischief spurned.
As, crowning Freedom's ample gates,
The long estranged and lost returned.
"O'er dusky faces, seamed and old,
And hands horn-hard with unpaid toil,
With hope in every rustling fold,
We saw your star-drop flag uncoil.
"And, struggling up through sounds accursed,
A grateful murmur clomb the air,
A whisper scarcely heard at first.
It filled the listening heavens with prayer.
"And sweet and far, as from a star.
Replied a voice which shall not ceaae,
Till, drowning all the noise of war, 1
It sings tho blessed song of peace!"
To me, in a doubtful day
Of chill and slowly grceniug spring,
Low stooping from the cloudy gray,
The wild birds sang or seem to sing.
They vanished in the misty air.
The song went with theiu in their flight ;
But lo ! they left the sunset fair,
And in the evening there waii light.
From the V. S. Service Jfa'/azine.
A BATTLE-HYMN.
God defend thee, land of nations !
Mother of the brave and free:
E'en amid thy desolations,
Strongest grows our love for thoc.
They who wound thee, best of mothers—
They who suck thy life to take—
Shall we deem them friends and brothers?
Nay, we'll smite them for thy sake.
Bo the sword of justice lifted—
Quick descend the righteous stroke,
Till the traiterous host be rifted,
Broken its tyrannic yoke.
Comrades! be our motto ever,
Faithful to our country'* trunt
Though we give our lives, yet never
Bball our mother kneel in dust.
By the love we bear that mother,
By the duty children owe,
Faithfully by one another
Stand we till we crush her foe.
Let the hail of bullets rattle.
Hostile weapens line the field ;
I n the day of freedom's battle
God Almighty is our shield.
When the cloud of war Is riven.
Peace sh all like a rainbow shine:
They who for the right have striven
Coming ages shall enshrine.
WIT AND WISDOM.
"CONSTANCY is THE only excusable indiscretion."
"M OMK\ give.to friendship only what they borrow
from love."
"To INSURE respect, we must not be loved too
much."
'•KNOWLEDGE is not enough, the scholar should
possess social qualities ; if not, let him stay at home."
IT IS allowable to be sharper than others, but it is
dangerous to show that you are so."
"IF TOUR son was born without courage, he may
exhibit some, but he never will have any.
"—OF LATE I have been behaving much better.
—O, I understand:—your strength is (ailing."
'"THE WORLD is so corrupt, that we are actually
called good when we do no harm."
"INGRATITUDE does not lessen benevolence, but it
prompts selfishness."
"AI.I. THAT we should reallv ask of women, is not
to seek opportunities of mischief."
GIRLS and bovs have too great a passion for unripe
fruit—especialy that which grows upon the tree oflove.
"IN I.OVE, the best conquest is that which cqsts
dear; the most difficult to keep is that which does'nt
cost anything."
"LOVE is like whiskey to those who like it: in vain
do they repeat that it is" death to them, they keep on
drinking."
"EAGERNESS in making yourself useful to others,
shows a generous disposition ; silence touching the
good you have done is the proof of a great soul."
"A I. APT reader of Huxley and Lyell once ex
claimed :
"I can understand that men should spring from
monkeys ; but women, quelle horrcar
TRITHS the most awful and mysterious are too of
ten considered as so true that thev lose all the life and
efficiency of true, and He l>ed-ridden in the dormitory
of the soul, side by side with the most despised errors.
"W OMEN have more soul than wit, and more tact
than discernment"
"WOMEN have more wit than soul, and more tact
than discernment."
Which of these dicta tells the truth?
AN INDIAN sharpshooter belonging to a Michigan
regiment said he liked fighting the rebels when we
whipped them. In the battle of the Wilderness he
said, "we whip them most; first they whip us some,
then we whip them good."
AN INQUISITIVE clerk in the Dead Letter Office,
curious to find out how many letters were written
without a postscript, made an investigation last week,
and found that out of 6,SoA letters written by females,
only 375 were without postscripts. Some of the oth
er letters contained three postscripts.
A RESTLESS genius, who went to a Quaker meet
ing, and after bearing a decorous gravity for an
hour or two, at last declared he could stand it no lon
ger.
"Wbv," said he, 'fit's enough to tire the very
d—lout."
"Yes, friend," responded an elderly gentleman
of the congregation, "does thee know that is ex
actly what we want?"
BEDFORD, Pa., FRIDAY, JUNE 17, 1804.
THE NATIONAL CONVENTION
INTERESTING SPEECHES.:
. ' TUESDAY, Juno 7.
Shortly before the hour of noon the splendu
Band from Fort McHcnry struck up a Nationa
air, which was greeted with applause by the mem
bers aud the audience. On the conclusion of th<
music, about 12 o'clock M., the
Hon. Edwin D. Morgan, of New York, tin
Chairman of the National Union Executive Com
mittee, called the Convention to order and spok<
as follows:
Members of the Convention —lt is a little niori
than eight years since it was resolved to form i
national party to be conducted upon the principle,
and policy which had been established and main
tained by those illustrious statesman George Wash
ington and Thomas Jefferson. A Convention wa;
held in Philadelphia, under the shade of the tree,
that surround the Hall of Independence; and can
didat.es —Fremont and Davtou—were chosen t<
uphold our cause. But the State of Pennsylvanif
gave its electoral vf)e to James Buchanan, am:
the election of 185f> ..is lost.
Nothing daunted by defeat, it was immediateh
determined ' to tight on this line," not only "al
summer," [applause], but four summers and foui
winters; and in 1860 the party banner was agaii
unfurled, with the names of Abraham Lincoln [ap
plause] and Hannibal Hamlin inscribed thereon.
This time it was successful, but with success ennit
reliellion; aud with rebellion of course came war:
and war, terrible civil war has continued with va
ryiug success up to nearly the period when it ii
necessary under our Constitution to prepare for
another Presidential election. It is for this highly
responsible purpose that you are here to-day. It
is not mv duty nor my purpose to indicate anv
general course ofaction for this Convention; but 1
trust I may be permitted to say that, in view oi
the dread realities of the past, and of what is pass
ing at this moment —and of the fact that the bones
of our soldiers lie bleaching in every State of the
Union, and with the knowledge of tlie further fact
that this has all been caused by slavery, the party
of which you, gentlemen, are the delegated and
honored representatives will fall short of accom
plishing its great mission, unless among its other
resolves, it shall declare for such an amendment to
the Constitution as will positively prohibit African
slavery in the United States. [ Prolonged applause,
followed by three cheers. ]
In behalf of the National Committee, I now
propose for temporary President cf thi.-. Conven
tion Robert J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, [ap
plause], and appoint Governor Randal!, of Wiscon
sin, and Governor King, of New York, as a com
mittee to eonduet the President pro tem. to the
chair.
On motion, tire following gentlemen were ap
pointed temporary Secretaries:
S. A. Shaw, oi' .Massachusetts.
K. 11. Duer, of New York.
E. N. Briggs, of California.
On taking the ehair I)r. Breckinridge was greet
ed with loud applause, and three cheers were given
for the "Old V\ ar-llorsc of Kentucky."
Speerl, of Ilr. BrrrklnrMge.
Gentlemen of the (Convention —You cannot, br
move .sensible than I am, that the part, which J
have to perform here to-day is merely a matter al
form, and acting upon the principles of my whole
life, I was inclined, when the suggestion was mads
to me from various ijuarterr that it was in the
minds of many members of the Convention to con
fer this distinction upon me., to earnestly decline
to iu-cept; because 1 have never sought honois —1
have never sought distinction. I have been a
working man. and nothing else. But certain con
siderations led me to change my mind. [Applause, j
There is a class of men in the country far too
small for the good of the country —those men, who
merely by their example, by their In n, by their
voice, try to do good—apd all the more in perilou.-
tiines—without regard fto the reward that may
couie. It was given to many such men to under
stand by the distinction conferred upon one of the
humblest of their class that they were men whom
the country would cherish and who would not be
forgotton.
llere is another motive relative to yourselves
and to the country at large. It is good for you, it
is good for every nation and every people, every
State and every party, to cherish all generous im
pulses, to follow all noble instincts; and there are
none more noble, none more generous than to purge
yourselves of all self-seekers and betrayers, and to
confer them, if it be only "in mere forms, upon
those who are worthy to be trusted, and ask noth
ing more. (Applause.) Now according to my
convictions of propriety, having said this, I should
say nothing more. (Cries of "go on").
But it has been intimated to me from many
quarters, and in away in which I cannot disregard,
that 1 should disappoint the wishes of my friends,
and perhaps the just expectations of the Conven
tion, if L did not as briefly, and yet as precisely as
I could, say somewhat upon the the great matters
which have brought us here. Therefore, in a very
few words, aud ;is plainly as I can, I will endeavor
to draw your attention to one and another of these
great matters in which we are all engaged.
In the first place, nothing can lie more plain
than the fact that you are here as the representa
tives of a great nation —voluntary representatives
chosen without form of law, but as really repre
senting the feelings, the principles, and if you
choose, the prejudices of the American people, as
if it were written in laws and already passed by
votes —f >r the man that you will nominate here
for the Presidency of the United States, and ruler
of a great people in a great crisis, is just us certain
I suppose to become that ruler as anything under
heaven is certain before it is done. ( Prolonged
cheering.) And, moreover, you will allow me to
siy. though perhaps it is hardly strictly proper
that I should —but as far as I know your opinions
1 suppose it is just as certain now before you utter
it whose name you will utter, and which will bo
responded to from one end to the other of this na
tion, as it will J)e alter it has been uttered and re
corded by your Secretary. Does any man doubt
that this Convention intends to say that Abraham
Lincoln shall be the nominee? (Great applause.)
What I wish, however, to call your attention to is
the grandeur of the mission upon which you are
met, and therefore the dignity and solemnity, ear
nestness and conscientiousness with which, repre
senting one of the greatest aud certainly one of" the
first people of the world, you ought to discharged
these duties. (Applause.)
Now, besides the nomination of President and
Vice President, in regard to which second office I
will say nothing, because there is mori* or less dif
ference of opinion among you; but, besides these
nominations, you have other most solemn duties
to perform. You have to organize this party
thoroughly throughout the United States. You
have to put it in whatever form your wisdom will
suggest that will unite all your wisdom, energy
and determination to gain the victory which I have
already said was in our power. More than that,
you have to lay dawn with clearness and precision
the principles on which you intend to carry on this
great, political contest and prosecute the war which
is underneath them, aud the glory of the country
which lies before us if we succeed. Plainly, not
in a double sense —briefly, uot in a treatise, with
the dignity and precision of a great people to ut
ter, by its representatives, the political principles
by-which they intend to live, and for the sake of
which they are willing to die. See that all men
everywhere may understand precisely what we
mean, aud lay that furrow so deeply and clearly
that while every man* wlw is worthy to associate
with freemen may see it and pass over it, every
man who is unworthy may be either unable tp.pass
it .or may be driveu. far firom-us. , M'y waafc-mwiC
but those who arc like us to be with us. (Apf
plau3e.)
Now, among these principles, if you will allow
! me to say it, the hrst and most distinct is, that we
; Jo not intend to permit this nation to be destroy
ed. (Applause.) We area nation—no doubta
peculiar one—a nation formed of States, and no
nation except as these States form it. And these
States are no States except as they are States in
that nation. They had no more right to repudiate
the nation than the nation had to repudiate them.
None ot them had even the shadow of a right to
do this, and God helping us, we will vindicate that
truth so that it shall never be disputed any more in
this world. (Applause.) It is a fearful alterna
tive that is set before us, but there are great com
pensations for it. Those of you who have alluded
to this subject know, or ought to know, that from
the foundation of the present Government, before
and sinuj onr present Constitution was formed,
there have always been parties that had no faith
in oar Government. The men that formed it were
doubtful of its success, and the men that opposed
its formation did not desire its success. And 1.
am bold to say, without detaining you on this sub
ject. that with all the outcry about our violations
ot the Constitution, this present living generation
and this present 1 niou party are more thoroughly
devoted to that (,'ouotitution than any generation
that has ever lived under it. (Applause.) While
1 say that, and solemnly believe it, and believe it
is cajiablu of the strongest proof, I may also add
that it is a great error which is being propagated
in our land, to say that our national life depends
merely' upon the sustaining of that Constitution.
Our lathers made it, and we love it. He intend
ed to maintain it. Hut if it suits us to change it
we can do so. I Applause.] And when it suits us
to change it we will change it. (Applause.) If
it were ton into ten thousand pieces the nation
would be a.-, much u nation as it was before the
Constitution was made —a nation always that de
clared its independence its a united people, and
lived as a united people until now—a nation inde
pendent of all particular institutions under which
they lived, and capable of modelling them precise
ly as their interests require. We ought to have
it distinctly understood by friends and enemies
that while we love that instrument we will main
tain it, and will, with undoubted certainty, put to
to death friend or lbe WHO undertakes to trample
it under foot; yet, beyond a doubt, we will ifeservt
the right to alter it to suit ourselves from time to
time and from generation to generation. (Ap
plause.) One more idea on that subject. We
have incorporated in that instrument, the right of
revolution, which gives us. without a doubt, the
right to change it It never existed before the
American States, and by the right to change there
is no need of rebellion, insurrection or civil war,
except upon a denial of the fundamental principles
of all free governments —that the major part must
rule; and there is no other method of currying on
society, except that the will of the majority shall
he the will of the whole —or that the will of the
minority shall be the w ill of the whole. So that,
in one word, to deny the principles I have tried to
state is to make a dogmatical assertion that the
only form of government that is possible with per
fect liberty and acknowledged by God is a pure
and al isolut^de-potisni . The principles therefore
which 1 uMivrying to state before you are princi
ples which, if they be not true, freedom is impos
sible, and no government but one of" pure force
can exist or ought to cudurc among men. But
the idea which I wish to carry out, as the remedy
for these troubles and sorrows, is this: Dreadful
as they are, this tcarf'ni truth runs through the
whole history of mankind, that whatever else may
be done to give stability to authority, whatever
else may be done to give perpetuity to institution
ever wie, however glorious,_ practicable and
just may be the philosophy of it —it has been
found that the only enduring, the only imperisha
ble cement or' all free institutions, has been the
blood of traitors. N<> Government has ever been
built upon iin perishable foundations which founda
tions were not laid in the blood of traitors. It is a
fearful truth, "but we may as well avow it at once,
and every lick you strike, and every Rebel you
kill, every battle you win, dreadful as it is to do it,
you are adding, it may be, a year— it may be ten
years— it may be a century —it may be ten centu
ries to the life oftho Government and the freedom
of your child ren. ( (i reat applause.)
Now, passing over that idea —passing over many
other things which it would be right for me to say,
did the time serve arid were this the occasion, let
me add—you are a Union party. (Applause.)—
Vour origin has been referred to as having occur
red eight years ago. In one sense it is true. But
you are older than that. 1 see lief'ore me not only
primitive Republicans and primitive Abolitionists,
but I see also primitive Democrats and primitive
Whigs—primitive Americans, and, if you will al
low me to say so, 1 myself am here, who all my
life have been in a party to myself. (Laughter
and applause.)
As a I hiion party I will follow you to the ends of
the earth and to the gates of death. [Applause.]
But as an Abolition par y—as a Kepubican par
ty —as a Whig party —as a Democratic paitv —as
an American party, I will not follow you one f ■•ot.
[Applause.] But it is true of the mass of the
Aniori.au people, however you may divide and
scatter while this war lasts, while this country is
in peril, while you call yourselves as you do in the
call ofthc Convention, the Union party— YOU are
for the preservation oftho Union and the distract
ion of this rebellion, root and branch. And in my
judgment, one of the greatest errors that has been
committed by our administration of the Federal
Government, the Chief of which we are about to
nominate for another term of office—one of the
errors has been to believe that we have succeeded
where we have not succeeded, and to act in a man
ner which is precisely as if we had succeeded.—
You will not, you cannot, succeed until you have
utterly broken up the military power of thes peo
ple. [Applause.)
I will not detain you upon these incidental points,
one of which has been made prominent in the re
marks of the excellent chairman of the National
Committee. I do not know that I would be willing
to go so far as probably lie would. But I cordially
agree with him in this —-I think, considering what
lias been done about Slavery, taking the thing as
it now stands, overlooking altogether, either in the
way of condemnation or in the way of approval,
any act that hns brought us to the point where we
are. but believing in my conscience and with ail my
heart, that what has brought us where we are in
the matter of Slavery, is the original sin and follv
of treason and Secession, because you remember
that the Chicago Convention itself was understood
to-day, and that I believe it virtually did explicitly
say, that they would not touch Slavery in the
States. leaving it therefore altogether out ot the
question how we came where we are, on that par
ticular [ioint. we are prepared to go further than
the original Republicans themselves were prepared
to go. Wo are prepared to demand not'only that
the whole territory of the United States shall not
be made slave, but that the General Government
of the American people shall do one of two things
—and it appears to me that there is nothing else
that can be done —either to use the whole power ol
the Government, both the war power and the
peace power, to put Slavery as nearly as po.-.-ible
back where it was—for, although that would be a
fearful state of society, it is better thau anarchy;
or else to use the whole power of the Government,
both of war and peace, and all the practical power
that the people of the United States will give the in
to exterminate and extinguish Slavery. [Pro
louged applause. ]
I have no hesitation in saying for myself that if
I were a pro-Slavery man it I believed this insti
tution was an ordinance of i iod. and was given to
man, I would unhesitatingly join those who de
mand that the Government, should be put back
where it was. But lam not a pro-Slavery man—
I never was; I unite myself with those who believe
it is contrary to the brightest interests, of _all men
and of all government, contrary to the spirit of the
Christian religion, and incompatible with tlie nat
ural rights of man; I join myself with those who
say away with it forever [applause]; and I fervent-
ly pray God that the day uiay come when through
out the whole land every man may be as free as you
are, and as capable of enjoying regulated liberty.
[Prolonged adplause.]
I will not detain you any longer. One single
word you will allow me to say in behalf of the State
from which I come, one of the smallest of the
thousands of Israel. We know very well that out
eleven votes are of no consequence in the Presi
dential election. We know very well that in out
present unhappy condition, it is by no means cer
tain that we are here to-day representing the party
that will east the majority of the votes in that un
happy State I know very well that the senti
ments which I ant tittering will cause me great
odium in the State in which I was born, which 1
love, where the bones of two generations of my an
cestors and some of my children-are,- a ltd where
very soon I shall lay my own. I know very weli
that my colleagues will incur odium if they endorse
what I say, and they, too, know it.. But we have
put our laces toward the way in which we intern:
to go, and we will go in it to the end. If we art
to perish, we will perish in that way. All I have
to say to you is. help us if you can ; if you cannot,
believe in your hearts that we have died like men.
Speech of Parson Brownlow.
The President theu introduced Parson Brown
low to the Convention, who was most enthusias
tically received from all parts of the house. As
soon as the applause had subsided he addressed
the Convention as follows:
Gentlemen af the thnrention —l assure you yoc
have to-night waked up the wrong passenger. I
am a very sick man. and ought to be in my bed
and not here. 1 have journeyed on. however
through great tribulation, to meet you. The last
regular meal I took was on Saturday upon a boat,
and upau'the Ohio river. lam sick—sick—sick—
and I come forward, because so enthusiastically
called for, to make my bow and apology for not
attempting to speak; but, before I take my seat,
1 know you will take of me kindly any suggestion?
I may make or any rebuke 1 may attempt to ai
minister to you. lam one of the elder brethren
—one of the old apostles, [laughter. J [knew
when I (Mine to town that you had some doubt in
your minds about the propriety of admitting a
delegation from Tennessee—a State in rebellion.
I hope you will pause gentlemen before you com
mit so rash an act as that, and thereby recognize
Secession. We don't recognize it in Tennessee.
[Applause.] We deny that we are out. [Ap
plause. jWe deny that we have been out. [Ap
plause. j We maintain that a minority first voted
us out. and then a majority whipped a minority
out of the State with bayonets, winning over a
portion of our men to his ranks. But we are hen
to participate in your deliberations and toil-, and
to share your honors, i pray you not to exclude
us. We have a full delegation from Tennessee—
a patriotic delegation, a talented delegation, ahuiy.-
excepting the present speaker, i Laughter: J
(>ur best men we have. We have in Tennessee,
as you have in most of the Northern States, a
Copperhead party just lieginniag to come into ex
isteaee. They have existed here a good while.
I have fought the venimnua reptiles for the lat
two years. But they arc beginning to organize it
Tennessee, and I confidently look for them to la
represented at the forth coming Chicago Conven
tion, to send up a delegaton there under the nose
and scent of that of virtue, the editor of the. Chi
cago Times. [Laughter.] The delegation thai
our State sends up to you would scorn to go tf
tiie Chicago Convention. They would decline
having anything to do with the Cleveland Con von
tiou. i Applause, j We are for the Baltimore-
LiH -oht-Aritiinc-oi-Nc-eToes Oi,vonti*>ii. :Ap
plause. J We are for the Convention of the"parti
that are re-olved to put down this wicked, this in
fcraal rebellion at all hazards and all costs of men
ey and lives, and our Convention instructed us
before we left home, to advocate and vote Abra
ham Lincoln first, last and all the time. [Ap
plau. e. j He has got his hand in; he has learnec
the hang of the ropes, and we want to try hiiu foi
a second term. Let us get him along in harmony
There need be no detaining of this Convention to;
two days in discussions of various kinds, and the
idea I suggest to you as an inducement not to throw
out our delegation is that we may take it into our
heads before the thing is over to present a candi
date from that State in rebellion for the second of
fice in the gift of the people. [Applause.] W<
have a man down there whom it has been my
good luck and had fortune to tight untiringly ami
perseveringly for the last twenty-five yean—An
drew Johnson. [Applause-j For the first time,
iu the Profidence of God. three years ago we go!
together on the same platform, and we are fight
ing the devil. Torn. Walker and Jeff.'Davis side by
side. [Applause.]
1 never refuse to speak when I am able to speak,
and my old friend Deacon Bross. knows it well.
L should like to help him canvas Illinois and gougi
tor him among the Copperheads. If I were able
to speak and could interest you, 1 would; but 1
am sick, and must be excused ; 1 tkaiiL you foi
the liouor you have done me.
m —— ——
CORNELIUS O'DOffD.'
Ilis Opinions of Men and Things.
Cornelius ODowd is becoming a feature ol
Blackwood, where he has appeared regularly for
some mouths back. In the May number, which
has been sent us by Messrs. Leonard Scott & Co..
38 Walker street, there is some genial gossip, from
which we take a lew extracts at random.
AS IRISH JI.DUK.
We had a very witty judge in Ireland, who was
not very scrupulous about giving hard knocks to
his brothers on Hie bench, and who, in delivering
a judgment m a cause, found that he was to give
the casting vote between his two colleagues, who
were diametrically opposed to each other, and who
had taken great pains to lay down the reasons for
their several opinions at considerable length. 'lt
now comes to my turn," said he, "'to declare my
view of this case, and fortunately T can afford to tie
brief. I agree with my brother B. from the irre
sistible force of' the admirable argument of my
brother M."
A STORY OF G Alt IBALT> r.
That, to effect his purpose, he would lay hands
on what he needed, not recklessly or indifferently,
but. thoughtfully and doubtless regretfully, we all
know. I can remember an instance of this kind,
related to me by a British naval ofiier. who himself
was an aot-or in the scene. "It was at Plata,
said my informant, "when Garibaldi was at war
with Bosas, that the frigate 1 commanded was on
that station, as well as a small gun-brig of the
Sardinian navy, whos captain never harassed his
men by exercises of gunnery, and indeed, whoso
ship was as free from any 'heat to quarters, or
any sudden summons to prepare for boarders, as
though she had been a floating chapel.
"Garibaldi came alongside mo one day to say
that he had learned the Sardinian had several
tons of powder ou board, with am]tic supply of
grape, shell and canister, not to sjieak of twelve
hundred stand of admirable arms. T want them
all,' said he:''my people are fighting with staves
and knives, and we are totally out of ammu
nition. I want tkeui, and he wont let me have
them.'
" L He could scarcely do so.' said I 'seeing that
they belong to Iris government, and are not in his
bauds to bestow.
• '"For that reason. I nm.st go and take tlreip,'
said Garibaldi. 'T mean to board hint this very
night, and you'll see if we do not replenish our
powder flasks.'
'• 'ln that case:' said I, 'I shall have to fire on
you. It will lie piracy; nothing else.'
"■You'll not ao so?'said he smiling.
" *Yes. I promise you that I will. We are a:
peace and on good tonmwith Sardinian, and I can
not behave other tbau as a friend, to her ships a?
war.'
Vol. c 57: No. 20.
."truck you that those tall poles and wires are des
tined to be an ernl of both your trade and wine,
and that within a very few years neither of our oc
cupations will Lave a representative left ? Take
my word for it," said he, moio solemnly, "in less
than ten years from the present, date a peuny-a-li
nor will be as rare as a post-horse, ami a jwst-shay
not more u curiosity than a minister- plenipotentia
ry.;; t
Cau t you see that when a man buys a canister
of prepared beef-tea, he never asks "any one to
pour on the boiling water —he brews bis broth for
himself? This is what people do with the tele
grams. They don't want you or me to come in
with the kettle : besides, all tastes are not alike
—one man may like his bombardment of Charles
ton weaker ; another might prefer bis Polish mas
sacre more highly flavored. This is purely a |>er
sonal matter, llow can you suit the capricious
likings of the million, and of the million—for that s
the worst of it—the million that don't want you?
\\ hat a practicable rebuke, besides, to prosy "talk
ers and the whole Jong-winded race, the share,
short tap of the telegraph!
CONCERNING SOME WIIIST PLAYERS.
I cannot believe a great public man to Lure at
tained a full development of his power if he has
not been a whist player : and as to a leader of the
House, it is an absolute necessity. Take a glance
for a moment at what goes on in Parliament in
this non-whist, age, and mark the consequences.—
Look in at an ordinary sitting of iheTHotote. and
see haw damaging to his party that unhappy man
is, who Kill ask a question to-dav which this day
weqjc would be unanswerable. What is that but
playing his card out of time?" .See that other
who rises to know if something be true; unlucky
"something" being the key -not to his party's pol
itics which he has thus disclosed. What is this
but "showing his hand ?" Hear that dreary blun
derer, who Ims unwittingly contradicted with his
chief" has just asserted— *'tramping, as it were,
his partner s trick." Or that still more fatal—
w.etch, who, rising at a wrong moment, has ta
ken "the lead out of the Land ' that could Lave
won the game. I boldly ask. would there be one
—even one—of these solecisms committed in an
age when whist was cultivated and men were
brought up in the knowledge and practice of the
odd trick ?
Take favour. Not one of his biographers has
recorded his passion for whist, and yet he was a
first-rate nlaver: too venturous, "perhaps—too
dashing—but splendid with "a good hand !" Du
ring all the sittings of the Paris Congress lie play
ed every night at the Jockey Club, and won very
largely—some say a love twenty thousand pounds.
The late Prince Mettornich played well, but not
brilliantly. It was a patient, cautious back-game,
and never fully developed till the last card was
played. He grew easily tired, too, and very sel
dom conld sit out more than or fourteen
rubbers; unlike Talleyrand, who always arose
from table- after perhapse twelve hours' playv,'
fresher and brighter than when he began. Lord
Melbourne played well, but had moments of dis
traction when he suffered the smaller interests of
politics to interfere with his combinations.
Cornelius n tan tains that civilians plav better
than military men; that diplomatists are tin* best
players ; lawyers follow, but are apt to play showi
ly ; physicians he says are timid, regard trumps as
powerful stimulants, only* to le administered in
drop doses, and play on card after card", regarding
each trick as a pstient disposed of. having no con
nection with the others. Divine are in whist
where geology was in the time of the first Geor
ges, though here and there a bishop holds a good
hand; sailors arc worse than soldiers. They have
but one notion, which is to play out all cho best
cards as fast as tbey can, and then appeal to their
partner to score as many tricks as they have "an
inhuman performance, which I have no doubt has
cost many apoplexies."
Uu the whole, Frenchmen are better players
than we are. Their game is less easily divined,
and all their intimations (writ?*) more subtle a rid
more refined. The Emperor plays welt. In Eng
land he played a great deal at the late Lord Eglin
ton's. though he was never the equal of that ac
complished earl, whose mastery of all games,
whether of skill or addressj was perfection.
The Trish have a few brilliant players —ouc o."
them is on the bench; but the Scotch are the mo.-t
winning of all British whisters. The Americans
are rarely first-rate, but they hare a large number
of good second-class players. Even with them,
however, whist is on the decline; and euchre and
poker, and a score more of other similar abomina
tions. have usurped the place of the king of
games.
The late cabinet of Lord Derby contained some
good players. Two of the Secretaries of State
were actually fine players, and one of them adds
whist to accomplishments which would have made
their possessor an admirable Oricbtoo. if genius
had not eievated hjiu into a far loftier category
than Chrichtoiis belong to. Kecbberg plays well
and likes his game, but be is in whist, as are all
Germans, a thorough pedant. I remember an in
cident of his whist-life sufficiently amusing in its
way, though, in relating, the reader loses what to
myself is certainly the whole pungency of the sto
ry : 1 mean the character and nature of the per
son who related the anecdote to inc. and who is
about the most perfect specimen of that self-pos
"session—which wc ca'.i coolness—the age we live in
can boast of.
I own that, in a very varied and somewhat ex
tensive .experience of men in many countries, L
never met with one who so completely fulfilled all
the requisites of temper, manner, face, courage
and self-reliance, which make of a human being
the most uiiabushabic and unemontioual creature
that walks the earth.
A STORY OF WHIST.
I tell the story as nearly as i cau a* he related it
tome: "I used to play a good deal with Itech
herg," said he, "and took pleasure in worrying
him. for he was a great purist in his play, and was
outraged with anyt I one t hat could not be sustained
by an authority. In feet, each game was followed
by a discussion of half an hour, to the intense
mortification of the other players, though very
amusing to me, and offering me large opportunity
to irritate and plague the Austrian.
"One evening, after a number of these discus
sions, in which Kechberg had displayed an even
unusual warmth and irritability, I found myself
opposed to him in a game, tho interest of which
had drawn around us a largo assembly of specta
tors —w hat the French designated as la galsrie.—
Towards the conclusion of the game it was my
turn to lead, and I played a card which so astound
ed the Austrian minister, that he laid down his
cards mum the table and started fixedly at me.
"'ln all my experience of whist.' sam ite, de
liberately, 'I never saw th'e equal of that.
•"'(>l' what, ask ad I.
" "Of the card you have just played.' rejoined
he. 'lt is not merely that such play violates ev
en princ ple of the game, but it actually stultifies
"'There's no help for it, then,' -aid Garibaldi,
'if you see the thing in that lightand good-hu
moredly quitted the subject, and soon after took
his leave.''
A DirLOJIATiST'S NOTION* OF DIPLOMACY.
"I snv, O Dowd," cried he, after a pause of
some time in our conversation, "has it never
all your own combinations.'
"'I think differently, C'oant. * said I. U I main
tain that is good plav, and I abide by it.'
" Lotus decide it by a wager,' said he.
" 'ln what way?'
" Thus : "We -ball leave the question to tho
gahrie. You shall allege what you deem to be the
reasons for your play, and they shall decide if they'
aotept them as valid.'
"M agree. What will you bet'
'; 'Ten Napoleons—twenty, fifty, fire hundred if
you like!'cried he, warmly.
""I shall say ten. You don't like losing, and I
don't want 'tripuuish you too htavilv.'
"'There is the jury, sir,' sakl he haughtily,
'make your case.'