B. F. McNEIL, Editor and Proprietor. five §fuijmm IS PUBLISHED Svery Friday Morning on Juliana Street, OPPOSITE THE MKN6EL HOLME, BEDFORD, BEDFORD COUNTY, PA. TERMS: •1.75 a year if paid strictly in advance, j2.00 if paid within sis months, $2.50 if not paid with .4 Six months. Rates of Advertising. One Square, three weeks or less - $1 2! One Square, ejxh additional insertion less than three m ■mh- 3C 3 Months, 6 Months, 1 Year, One Square $3 50 $4 75 $8 Of Two squares 5 00 7 00 10 00 Three squares _ ft 00 900 15 OH i Column 13 00 20 00 35 0(1 One Column 20 00 35 00 65 0C Adinini-trm rs' and Executors* noticess2.so, Auditors notices $1.50, if under 10 lines, Estrays $1.25, if but one bead is advertised, 25 cents on every additional head. Ono square is the SPACE occupied by ten lines of min ion. Fractions of a square under five lines connt as a half square, and ull over five lines a full sqaarc. Adver tisement! i barged to persorfs handing them in. PROFESSIONAL AND BUSINESS CARDS. l". II A K CBS, ATTOKSKT AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Will attend promptly to all business entrusted to hi? eare. Military claims speedily collected. Office on Juli ana Street, two doors north of the Inquirer Office. April 1, 1804—tf. ESPYM. ALMIP, ATTORXKT AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA., Will faithfully aud promptly attend to all business en trusted to his care in Bedford and adjoining counties. Mititury claims, Pensions, hack pay, Bounty, Ac. spee dily collected. Office with Mann A Spang, on Juliana street, 2 doon south of the Mengel House. April 1, 1864.—tf. J. R.f IKBOKKOW, ATTOUSET AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Office one door south of the "Mengel House," Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to his care Collections made on the .shortest notice. Having, also, been regularly licensed to prosecute Claims against the Government, particular attention will be given to the collection of Military claims of all kinds; Pensions, Back Pay, Bonnty, Bounty Loans, Ac. Bedford, apr. ft. 1864—tf. ALEX. KING, ATTORNEY AT LAW. And ageut for procuring arrears of Pay and Bounty monev. Office on Juliana Street, Bedford, Pa. April 1,1864—tf. KI.HMELL A LISfUEXFELYER, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD. PA. Have formed a partnership in the practice of the Law. Office on Juliana Street, two doors South of the Mengel House. April 1, 1864—tf. JO2IX MAJOR, JRSTICK OF TUB PEACE, 11 OF P. WELL, BEDFORD COL'STT. Collections and all business pertaining to hisoffice will be attemied to promptly. Will also attend to the sale oi renting of real estate. Instruments of writing carefully prepared. Also settling up partnerships and other ae. counts. April 1. 1864—tf. J NO. MOWER, ATTORNEY AT LAW. BEDFORD, PA:, April 1,1564.—tf. JOSEPH WR. TATE, ATTOR.NET AT LAW, BBDFORD PA. AILL promptly attend to collections and all bnsioess VV entrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoining ooun ties. Money advanced ou Judgiueu Notes And o*he: Claims. Has for salo Town Lots, in Tatesville, and 8 Joseph.s on Bedford Railroad. Farms aud unim proved laud in quantities to suit purchasers. Office opposite the Banking House of Reed A BoljelL apr. 15, 1864—10 in. RUPF, SHANNON, A CO., BANKERS, Bedfocd, I'a., BANK OP DISCOUNT AND DKPOSIT. CFOLLEOTIONS made for the F.ast, West, North and J South, and the general business of Kxshange, trans acted. Notes and Account* Collected, and Remittances promptly made. REAL KBTATK bought and sold. I. W. RIFF, 0. K. SIIASSOV, F. BE.NKDICT apr. 15, 1864—tf. viirasT^: LN. BOWSER, DENTIST. Permanently located in Woodhorry, will carefully am punctually attend to all operationsentrusted to his care.— Teeth inserted from one to an entire sett, in the latest anc most approved style, and at rates more reasonable than v er before oliered in this section of country. Cull unci te, of work. Alt operations warranted. Woodbury, April 1, 1864.—tf. DR. B. F. HARRY, Respect,fully tenders his professional services to tin citizens o'. ; Bedford ami vicinity. Office and residence or Pitt Street, iu the building formerly occupied by Dr. J. H Hofins. April 1, 1364—tf. C. N. HICKOK DENTIST. OFFICE IN BANK BUILDING, BEDFORD, PA. A prill, 1864.—tf. J. L. MARBOURG, M. D. Having permanently located respectfully tenders hi professional services to the citizens of Bedford and vi einity. Office ou Juliana Street, opposite the Bank, 081 dOor north of Hall i Palmer's office. April 1, IS6l—tf. DANIEL BORDER. PITT STREET, TWO DOORS WEST OF THE BBDFORD HOTEL Bedford, Fa. WatrhniakerA Healer In Jewelry, N|iectcles, ,V< HE KEEPS ON HAND A STOCK OF FINE GOLL AND SILVER WATCHES, SPECTACLES OI Brilliant Double Refined Glasses, also Scotch Pebbh Glasses. Gold Watch Chains, Breast Pins, Finger Ring? best quality of Gold Pens. He will supply to order any thing in his line not oi band. apr. 8, 1864— it. _ HOTELS. THE MENGEL HOUSE. THRFE Doons NORTH OF THE PTBLIC SQUARE, JL'LIAN A SI Bedford, Fa. rpiIIS HOUSE so well known to the traveling public .1 continues under the charge of Isaac Mengel. H< jpares no pains to supply the wants and comfort of al Who favor him with their patronage. His table is spreac with the best the market affords. His chamber: are handsomely furnished. A convenient stable is at tached to the House, attended by careful hostlers, apr. 8. 1864—ir. EXCHANGEE HOTEL, HUNTINGDON, PA. JOHN S. MILLER, Proprietor. April 29th, 1864.—ft. UNION HOTEL. VALENTINE STECKMAN, PROPRIETOR, West Pitt Street, Betlfbrd, Pa., (Formerly th.t Globe Hotel.) THE public are UMBO red that he has made ample ar rangemcnts to accommodate all that may favor bin: with their patronage. A splendid Livery Stable attached. ff r.'6-I A LOCAL. AND GENERAL NEWSPAPER, DEVOTED TO POLITICS, EDUCATION, LITERATURE AND MORALS. WHAT THE BIRDS SAID. r JOBS O. WHITTIJSR. The birds, against the April wind, Flew northward, singing as they flew; They sang: "The land we leave behind lias swords for corn-blades, blood for dew." "Oh, wild birds, flying from the South, What saw and heard ye, gazing down ?" "We saw the mortar's upturned mouth, Tho sickened camp, the blazing town ! "Beneath the bivouac's starry lamps, We saw your march-worn children die; In shrouds of moss, in cypress swamps, We saw your dead uncuffiued lie. "We heard the starving prisoner's sighs : And saw, from line and trenoh, your son* Follow our flight with home-sick eyes, Beyond the battery's smoking guus." '"And heard and saw ye only wrong And pain," I cried, "Ob, wing worn flocks *" "We heard,"-they said, "the Freedman's song, The crash of Slavery's broken lock's "We saw from new uprising States The treason-nursing mischief spurned. As, crowning Freedom's ample gates, The long estranged and lost returned. "O'er dusky faces, seamed and old, And hands horn-hard with unpaid toil, With hope in every rustling fold, We saw your star-drop flag uncoil. "And, struggling up through sounds accursed, A grateful murmur clomb the air, A whisper scarcely heard at first. It filled the listening heavens with prayer. "And sweet and far, as from a star. Replied a voice which shall not ceaae, Till, drowning all the noise of war, 1 It sings tho blessed song of peace!" To me, in a doubtful day Of chill and slowly grceniug spring, Low stooping from the cloudy gray, The wild birds sang or seem to sing. They vanished in the misty air. The song went with theiu in their flight ; But lo ! they left the sunset fair, And in the evening there waii light. From the V. S. Service Jfa'/azine. A BATTLE-HYMN. God defend thee, land of nations ! Mother of the brave and free: E'en amid thy desolations, Strongest grows our love for thoc. They who wound thee, best of mothers— They who suck thy life to take— Shall we deem them friends and brothers? Nay, we'll smite them for thy sake. Bo the sword of justice lifted— Quick descend the righteous stroke, Till the traiterous host be rifted, Broken its tyrannic yoke. Comrades! be our motto ever, Faithful to our country'* trunt Though we give our lives, yet never Bball our mother kneel in dust. By the love we bear that mother, By the duty children owe, Faithfully by one another Stand we till we crush her foe. Let the hail of bullets rattle. Hostile weapens line the field ; I n the day of freedom's battle God Almighty is our shield. When the cloud of war Is riven. Peace sh all like a rainbow shine: They who for the right have striven Coming ages shall enshrine. WIT AND WISDOM. "CONSTANCY is THE only excusable indiscretion." "M OMK\ give.to friendship only what they borrow from love." "To INSURE respect, we must not be loved too much." '•KNOWLEDGE is not enough, the scholar should possess social qualities ; if not, let him stay at home." IT IS allowable to be sharper than others, but it is dangerous to show that you are so." "IF TOUR son was born without courage, he may exhibit some, but he never will have any. "—OF LATE I have been behaving much better. —O, I understand:—your strength is (ailing." '"THE WORLD is so corrupt, that we are actually called good when we do no harm." "INGRATITUDE does not lessen benevolence, but it prompts selfishness." "AI.I. THAT we should reallv ask of women, is not to seek opportunities of mischief." GIRLS and bovs have too great a passion for unripe fruit—especialy that which grows upon the tree oflove. "IN I.OVE, the best conquest is that which cqsts dear; the most difficult to keep is that which does'nt cost anything." "LOVE is like whiskey to those who like it: in vain do they repeat that it is" death to them, they keep on drinking." "EAGERNESS in making yourself useful to others, shows a generous disposition ; silence touching the good you have done is the proof of a great soul." "A I. APT reader of Huxley and Lyell once ex claimed : "I can understand that men should spring from monkeys ; but women, quelle horrcar TRITHS the most awful and mysterious are too of ten considered as so true that thev lose all the life and efficiency of true, and He l>ed-ridden in the dormitory of the soul, side by side with the most despised errors. "W OMEN have more soul than wit, and more tact than discernment" "WOMEN have more wit than soul, and more tact than discernment." Which of these dicta tells the truth? AN INDIAN sharpshooter belonging to a Michigan regiment said he liked fighting the rebels when we whipped them. In the battle of the Wilderness he said, "we whip them most; first they whip us some, then we whip them good." AN INQUISITIVE clerk in the Dead Letter Office, curious to find out how many letters were written without a postscript, made an investigation last week, and found that out of 6,SoA letters written by females, only 375 were without postscripts. Some of the oth er letters contained three postscripts. A RESTLESS genius, who went to a Quaker meet ing, and after bearing a decorous gravity for an hour or two, at last declared he could stand it no lon ger. "Wbv," said he, 'fit's enough to tire the very d—lout." "Yes, friend," responded an elderly gentleman of the congregation, "does thee know that is ex actly what we want?" BEDFORD, Pa., FRIDAY, JUNE 17, 1804. THE NATIONAL CONVENTION INTERESTING SPEECHES.: . ' TUESDAY, Juno 7. Shortly before the hour of noon the splendu Band from Fort McHcnry struck up a Nationa air, which was greeted with applause by the mem bers aud the audience. On the conclusion of th< music, about 12 o'clock M., the Hon. Edwin D. Morgan, of New York, tin Chairman of the National Union Executive Com mittee, called the Convention to order and spok< as follows: Members of the Convention —lt is a little niori than eight years since it was resolved to form i national party to be conducted upon the principle, and policy which had been established and main tained by those illustrious statesman George Wash ington and Thomas Jefferson. A Convention wa; held in Philadelphia, under the shade of the tree, that surround the Hall of Independence; and can didat.es —Fremont and Davtou—were chosen t< uphold our cause. But the State of Pennsylvanif gave its electoral vf)e to James Buchanan, am: the election of 185f> ..is lost. Nothing daunted by defeat, it was immediateh determined ' to tight on this line," not only "al summer," [applause], but four summers and foui winters; and in 1860 the party banner was agaii unfurled, with the names of Abraham Lincoln [ap plause] and Hannibal Hamlin inscribed thereon. This time it was successful, but with success ennit reliellion; aud with rebellion of course came war: and war, terrible civil war has continued with va ryiug success up to nearly the period when it ii necessary under our Constitution to prepare for another Presidential election. It is for this highly responsible purpose that you are here to-day. It is not mv duty nor my purpose to indicate anv general course ofaction for this Convention; but 1 trust I may be permitted to say that, in view oi the dread realities of the past, and of what is pass ing at this moment —and of the fact that the bones of our soldiers lie bleaching in every State of the Union, and with the knowledge of tlie further fact that this has all been caused by slavery, the party of which you, gentlemen, are the delegated and honored representatives will fall short of accom plishing its great mission, unless among its other resolves, it shall declare for such an amendment to the Constitution as will positively prohibit African slavery in the United States. [ Prolonged applause, followed by three cheers. ] In behalf of the National Committee, I now propose for temporary President cf thi.-. Conven tion Robert J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, [ap plause], and appoint Governor Randal!, of Wiscon sin, and Governor King, of New York, as a com mittee to eonduet the President pro tem. to the chair. On motion, tire following gentlemen were ap pointed temporary Secretaries: S. A. Shaw, oi' .Massachusetts. K. 11. Duer, of New York. E. N. Briggs, of California. On taking the ehair I)r. Breckinridge was greet ed with loud applause, and three cheers were given for the "Old V\ ar-llorsc of Kentucky." Speerl, of Ilr. BrrrklnrMge. Gentlemen of the (Convention —You cannot, br move .sensible than I am, that the part, which J have to perform here to-day is merely a matter al form, and acting upon the principles of my whole life, I was inclined, when the suggestion was mads to me from various ijuarterr that it was in the minds of many members of the Convention to con fer this distinction upon me., to earnestly decline to iu-cept; because 1 have never sought honois —1 have never sought distinction. I have been a working man. and nothing else. But certain con siderations led me to change my mind. [Applause, j There is a class of men in the country far too small for the good of the country —those men, who merely by their example, by their In n, by their voice, try to do good—apd all the more in perilou.- tiines—without regard fto the reward that may couie. It was given to many such men to under stand by the distinction conferred upon one of the humblest of their class that they were men whom the country would cherish and who would not be forgotton. llere is another motive relative to yourselves and to the country at large. It is good for you, it is good for every nation and every people, every State and every party, to cherish all generous im pulses, to follow all noble instincts; and there are none more noble, none more generous than to purge yourselves of all self-seekers and betrayers, and to confer them, if it be only "in mere forms, upon those who are worthy to be trusted, and ask noth ing more. (Applause.) Now according to my convictions of propriety, having said this, I should say nothing more. (Cries of "go on"). But it has been intimated to me from many quarters, and in away in which I cannot disregard, that 1 should disappoint the wishes of my friends, and perhaps the just expectations of the Conven tion, if L did not as briefly, and yet as precisely as I could, say somewhat upon the the great matters which have brought us here. Therefore, in a very few words, aud ;is plainly as I can, I will endeavor to draw your attention to one and another of these great matters in which we are all engaged. In the first place, nothing can lie more plain than the fact that you are here as the representa tives of a great nation —voluntary representatives chosen without form of law, but as really repre senting the feelings, the principles, and if you choose, the prejudices of the American people, as if it were written in laws and already passed by votes —f >r the man that you will nominate here for the Presidency of the United States, and ruler of a great people in a great crisis, is just us certain I suppose to become that ruler as anything under heaven is certain before it is done. ( Prolonged cheering.) And, moreover, you will allow me to siy. though perhaps it is hardly strictly proper that I should —but as far as I know your opinions 1 suppose it is just as certain now before you utter it whose name you will utter, and which will bo responded to from one end to the other of this na tion, as it will J)e alter it has been uttered and re corded by your Secretary. Does any man doubt that this Convention intends to say that Abraham Lincoln shall be the nominee? (Great applause.) What I wish, however, to call your attention to is the grandeur of the mission upon which you are met, and therefore the dignity and solemnity, ear nestness and conscientiousness with which, repre senting one of the greatest aud certainly one of" the first people of the world, you ought to discharged these duties. (Applause.) Now, besides the nomination of President and Vice President, in regard to which second office I will say nothing, because there is mori* or less dif ference of opinion among you; but, besides these nominations, you have other most solemn duties to perform. You have to organize this party thoroughly throughout the United States. You have to put it in whatever form your wisdom will suggest that will unite all your wisdom, energy and determination to gain the victory which I have already said was in our power. More than that, you have to lay dawn with clearness and precision the principles on which you intend to carry on this great, political contest and prosecute the war which is underneath them, aud the glory of the country which lies before us if we succeed. Plainly, not in a double sense —briefly, uot in a treatise, with the dignity and precision of a great people to ut ter, by its representatives, the political principles by-which they intend to live, and for the sake of which they are willing to die. See that all men everywhere may understand precisely what we mean, aud lay that furrow so deeply and clearly that while every man* wlw is worthy to associate with freemen may see it and pass over it, every man who is unworthy may be either unable tp.pass it .or may be driveu. far firom-us. , M'y waafc-mwiC but those who arc like us to be with us. (Apf plau3e.) Now, among these principles, if you will allow ! me to say it, the hrst and most distinct is, that we ; Jo not intend to permit this nation to be destroy ed. (Applause.) We area nation—no doubta peculiar one—a nation formed of States, and no nation except as these States form it. And these States are no States except as they are States in that nation. They had no more right to repudiate the nation than the nation had to repudiate them. None ot them had even the shadow of a right to do this, and God helping us, we will vindicate that truth so that it shall never be disputed any more in this world. (Applause.) It is a fearful alterna tive that is set before us, but there are great com pensations for it. Those of you who have alluded to this subject know, or ought to know, that from the foundation of the present Government, before and sinuj onr present Constitution was formed, there have always been parties that had no faith in oar Government. The men that formed it were doubtful of its success, and the men that opposed its formation did not desire its success. And 1. am bold to say, without detaining you on this sub ject. that with all the outcry about our violations ot the Constitution, this present living generation and this present 1 niou party are more thoroughly devoted to that (,'ouotitution than any generation that has ever lived under it. (Applause.) While 1 say that, and solemnly believe it, and believe it is cajiablu of the strongest proof, I may also add that it is a great error which is being propagated in our land, to say that our national life depends merely' upon the sustaining of that Constitution. Our lathers made it, and we love it. He intend ed to maintain it. Hut if it suits us to change it we can do so. I Applause.] And when it suits us to change it we will change it. (Applause.) If it were ton into ten thousand pieces the nation would be a.-, much u nation as it was before the Constitution was made —a nation always that de clared its independence its a united people, and lived as a united people until now—a nation inde pendent of all particular institutions under which they lived, and capable of modelling them precise ly as their interests require. We ought to have it distinctly understood by friends and enemies that while we love that instrument we will main tain it, and will, with undoubted certainty, put to to death friend or lbe WHO undertakes to trample it under foot; yet, beyond a doubt, we will ifeservt the right to alter it to suit ourselves from time to time and from generation to generation. (Ap plause.) One more idea on that subject. We have incorporated in that instrument, the right of revolution, which gives us. without a doubt, the right to change it It never existed before the American States, and by the right to change there is no need of rebellion, insurrection or civil war, except upon a denial of the fundamental principles of all free governments —that the major part must rule; and there is no other method of currying on society, except that the will of the majority shall he the will of the whole —or that the will of the minority shall be the w ill of the whole. So that, in one word, to deny the principles I have tried to state is to make a dogmatical assertion that the only form of government that is possible with per fect liberty and acknowledged by God is a pure and al isolut^de-potisni . The principles therefore which 1 uMivrying to state before you are princi ples which, if they be not true, freedom is impos sible, and no government but one of" pure force can exist or ought to cudurc among men. But the idea which I wish to carry out, as the remedy for these troubles and sorrows, is this: Dreadful as they are, this tcarf'ni truth runs through the whole history of mankind, that whatever else may be done to give stability to authority, whatever else may be done to give perpetuity to institution ever wie, however glorious,_ practicable and just may be the philosophy of it —it has been found that the only enduring, the only imperisha ble cement or' all free institutions, has been the blood of traitors. N<> Government has ever been built upon iin perishable foundations which founda tions were not laid in the blood of traitors. It is a fearful truth, "but we may as well avow it at once, and every lick you strike, and every Rebel you kill, every battle you win, dreadful as it is to do it, you are adding, it may be, a year— it may be ten years— it may be a century —it may be ten centu ries to the life oftho Government and the freedom of your child ren. ( (i reat applause.) Now, passing over that idea —passing over many other things which it would be right for me to say, did the time serve arid were this the occasion, let me add—you are a Union party. (Applause.)— Vour origin has been referred to as having occur red eight years ago. In one sense it is true. But you are older than that. 1 see lief'ore me not only primitive Republicans and primitive Abolitionists, but I see also primitive Democrats and primitive Whigs—primitive Americans, and, if you will al low me to say so, 1 myself am here, who all my life have been in a party to myself. (Laughter and applause.) As a I hiion party I will follow you to the ends of the earth and to the gates of death. [Applause.] But as an Abolition par y—as a Kepubican par ty —as a Whig party —as a Democratic paitv —as an American party, I will not follow you one f ■•ot. [Applause.] But it is true of the mass of the Aniori.au people, however you may divide and scatter while this war lasts, while this country is in peril, while you call yourselves as you do in the call ofthc Convention, the Union party— YOU are for the preservation oftho Union and the distract ion of this rebellion, root and branch. And in my judgment, one of the greatest errors that has been committed by our administration of the Federal Government, the Chief of which we are about to nominate for another term of office—one of the errors has been to believe that we have succeeded where we have not succeeded, and to act in a man ner which is precisely as if we had succeeded.— You will not, you cannot, succeed until you have utterly broken up the military power of thes peo ple. [Applause.) I will not detain you upon these incidental points, one of which has been made prominent in the re marks of the excellent chairman of the National Committee. I do not know that I would be willing to go so far as probably lie would. But I cordially agree with him in this —-I think, considering what lias been done about Slavery, taking the thing as it now stands, overlooking altogether, either in the way of condemnation or in the way of approval, any act that hns brought us to the point where we are. but believing in my conscience and with ail my heart, that what has brought us where we are in the matter of Slavery, is the original sin and follv of treason and Secession, because you remember that the Chicago Convention itself was understood to-day, and that I believe it virtually did explicitly say, that they would not touch Slavery in the States. leaving it therefore altogether out ot the question how we came where we are, on that par ticular [ioint. we are prepared to go further than the original Republicans themselves were prepared to go. Wo are prepared to demand not'only that the whole territory of the United States shall not be made slave, but that the General Government of the American people shall do one of two things —and it appears to me that there is nothing else that can be done —either to use the whole power ol the Government, both the war power and the peace power, to put Slavery as nearly as po.-.-ible back where it was—for, although that would be a fearful state of society, it is better thau anarchy; or else to use the whole power of the Government, both of war and peace, and all the practical power that the people of the United States will give the in to exterminate and extinguish Slavery. [Pro louged applause. ] I have no hesitation in saying for myself that if I were a pro-Slavery man it I believed this insti tution was an ordinance of i iod. and was given to man, I would unhesitatingly join those who de mand that the Government, should be put back where it was. But lam not a pro-Slavery man— I never was; I unite myself with those who believe it is contrary to the brightest interests, of _all men and of all government, contrary to the spirit of the Christian religion, and incompatible with tlie nat ural rights of man; I join myself with those who say away with it forever [applause]; and I fervent- ly pray God that the day uiay come when through out the whole land every man may be as free as you are, and as capable of enjoying regulated liberty. [Prolonged adplause.] I will not detain you any longer. One single word you will allow me to say in behalf of the State from which I come, one of the smallest of the thousands of Israel. We know very well that out eleven votes are of no consequence in the Presi dential election. We know very well that in out present unhappy condition, it is by no means cer tain that we are here to-day representing the party that will east the majority of the votes in that un happy State I know very well that the senti ments which I ant tittering will cause me great odium in the State in which I was born, which 1 love, where the bones of two generations of my an cestors and some of my children-are,- a ltd where very soon I shall lay my own. I know very weli that my colleagues will incur odium if they endorse what I say, and they, too, know it.. But we have put our laces toward the way in which we intern: to go, and we will go in it to the end. If we art to perish, we will perish in that way. All I have to say to you is. help us if you can ; if you cannot, believe in your hearts that we have died like men. Speech of Parson Brownlow. The President theu introduced Parson Brown low to the Convention, who was most enthusias tically received from all parts of the house. As soon as the applause had subsided he addressed the Convention as follows: Gentlemen af the thnrention —l assure you yoc have to-night waked up the wrong passenger. I am a very sick man. and ought to be in my bed and not here. 1 have journeyed on. however through great tribulation, to meet you. The last regular meal I took was on Saturday upon a boat, and upau'the Ohio river. lam sick—sick—sick— and I come forward, because so enthusiastically called for, to make my bow and apology for not attempting to speak; but, before I take my seat, 1 know you will take of me kindly any suggestion? I may make or any rebuke 1 may attempt to ai minister to you. lam one of the elder brethren —one of the old apostles, [laughter. J [knew when I (Mine to town that you had some doubt in your minds about the propriety of admitting a delegation from Tennessee—a State in rebellion. I hope you will pause gentlemen before you com mit so rash an act as that, and thereby recognize Secession. We don't recognize it in Tennessee. [Applause.] We deny that we are out. [Ap plause. jWe deny that we have been out. [Ap plause. j We maintain that a minority first voted us out. and then a majority whipped a minority out of the State with bayonets, winning over a portion of our men to his ranks. But we are hen to participate in your deliberations and toil-, and to share your honors, i pray you not to exclude us. We have a full delegation from Tennessee— a patriotic delegation, a talented delegation, ahuiy.- excepting the present speaker, i Laughter: J (>ur best men we have. We have in Tennessee, as you have in most of the Northern States, a Copperhead party just lieginniag to come into ex isteaee. They have existed here a good while. I have fought the venimnua reptiles for the lat two years. But they arc beginning to organize it Tennessee, and I confidently look for them to la represented at the forth coming Chicago Conven tion, to send up a delegaton there under the nose and scent of that of virtue, the editor of the. Chi cago Times. [Laughter.] The delegation thai our State sends up to you would scorn to go tf tiie Chicago Convention. They would decline having anything to do with the Cleveland Con von tiou. i Applause, j We are for the Baltimore- LiH -oht-Aritiinc-oi-Nc-eToes Oi,vonti*>ii. :Ap plause. J We are for the Convention of the"parti that are re-olved to put down this wicked, this in fcraal rebellion at all hazards and all costs of men ey and lives, and our Convention instructed us before we left home, to advocate and vote Abra ham Lincoln first, last and all the time. [Ap plau. e. j He has got his hand in; he has learnec the hang of the ropes, and we want to try hiiu foi a second term. Let us get him along in harmony There need be no detaining of this Convention to; two days in discussions of various kinds, and the idea I suggest to you as an inducement not to throw out our delegation is that we may take it into our heads before the thing is over to present a candi date from that State in rebellion for the second of fice in the gift of the people. [Applause.] W< have a man down there whom it has been my good luck and had fortune to tight untiringly ami perseveringly for the last twenty-five yean—An drew Johnson. [Applause-j For the first time, iu the Profidence of God. three years ago we go! together on the same platform, and we are fight ing the devil. Torn. Walker and Jeff.'Davis side by side. [Applause.] 1 never refuse to speak when I am able to speak, and my old friend Deacon Bross. knows it well. L should like to help him canvas Illinois and gougi tor him among the Copperheads. If I were able to speak and could interest you, 1 would; but 1 am sick, and must be excused ; 1 tkaiiL you foi the liouor you have done me. m —— —— CORNELIUS O'DOffD.' Ilis Opinions of Men and Things. Cornelius ODowd is becoming a feature ol Blackwood, where he has appeared regularly for some mouths back. In the May number, which has been sent us by Messrs. Leonard Scott & Co.. 38 Walker street, there is some genial gossip, from which we take a lew extracts at random. AS IRISH JI.DUK. We had a very witty judge in Ireland, who was not very scrupulous about giving hard knocks to his brothers on Hie bench, and who, in delivering a judgment m a cause, found that he was to give the casting vote between his two colleagues, who were diametrically opposed to each other, and who had taken great pains to lay down the reasons for their several opinions at considerable length. 'lt now comes to my turn," said he, "'to declare my view of this case, and fortunately T can afford to tie brief. I agree with my brother B. from the irre sistible force of' the admirable argument of my brother M." A STORY OF G Alt IBALT> r. That, to effect his purpose, he would lay hands on what he needed, not recklessly or indifferently, but. thoughtfully and doubtless regretfully, we all know. I can remember an instance of this kind, related to me by a British naval ofiier. who himself was an aot-or in the scene. "It was at Plata, said my informant, "when Garibaldi was at war with Bosas, that the frigate 1 commanded was on that station, as well as a small gun-brig of the Sardinian navy, whos captain never harassed his men by exercises of gunnery, and indeed, whoso ship was as free from any 'heat to quarters, or any sudden summons to prepare for boarders, as though she had been a floating chapel. "Garibaldi came alongside mo one day to say that he had learned the Sardinian had several tons of powder ou board, with am]tic supply of grape, shell and canister, not to sjieak of twelve hundred stand of admirable arms. T want them all,' said he:''my people are fighting with staves and knives, and we are totally out of ammu nition. I want tkeui, and he wont let me have them.' " L He could scarcely do so.' said I 'seeing that they belong to Iris government, and are not in his bauds to bestow. • '"For that reason. I nm.st go and take tlreip,' said Garibaldi. 'T mean to board hint this very night, and you'll see if we do not replenish our powder flasks.' '• 'ln that case:' said I, 'I shall have to fire on you. It will lie piracy; nothing else.' "■You'll not ao so?'said he smiling. " *Yes. I promise you that I will. We are a: peace and on good tonmwith Sardinian, and I can not behave other tbau as a friend, to her ships a? war.' Vol. c 57: No. 20. ."truck you that those tall poles and wires are des tined to be an ernl of both your trade and wine, and that within a very few years neither of our oc cupations will Lave a representative left ? Take my word for it," said he, moio solemnly, "in less than ten years from the present, date a peuny-a-li nor will be as rare as a post-horse, ami a jwst-shay not more u curiosity than a minister- plenipotentia ry.;; t Cau t you see that when a man buys a canister of prepared beef-tea, he never asks "any one to pour on the boiling water —he brews bis broth for himself? This is what people do with the tele grams. They don't want you or me to come in with the kettle : besides, all tastes are not alike —one man may like his bombardment of Charles ton weaker ; another might prefer bis Polish mas sacre more highly flavored. This is purely a |>er sonal matter, llow can you suit the capricious likings of the million, and of the million—for that s the worst of it—the million that don't want you? \\ hat a practicable rebuke, besides, to prosy "talk ers and the whole Jong-winded race, the share, short tap of the telegraph! CONCERNING SOME WIIIST PLAYERS. I cannot believe a great public man to Lure at tained a full development of his power if he has not been a whist player : and as to a leader of the House, it is an absolute necessity. Take a glance for a moment at what goes on in Parliament in this non-whist, age, and mark the consequences.— Look in at an ordinary sitting of iheTHotote. and see haw damaging to his party that unhappy man is, who Kill ask a question to-dav which this day weqjc would be unanswerable. What is that but playing his card out of time?" .See that other who rises to know if something be true; unlucky "something" being the key -not to his party's pol itics which he has thus disclosed. What is this but "showing his hand ?" Hear that dreary blun derer, who Ims unwittingly contradicted with his chief" has just asserted— *'tramping, as it were, his partner s trick." Or that still more fatal— w.etch, who, rising at a wrong moment, has ta ken "the lead out of the Land ' that could Lave won the game. I boldly ask. would there be one —even one—of these solecisms committed in an age when whist was cultivated and men were brought up in the knowledge and practice of the odd trick ? Take favour. Not one of his biographers has recorded his passion for whist, and yet he was a first-rate nlaver: too venturous, "perhaps—too dashing—but splendid with "a good hand !" Du ring all the sittings of the Paris Congress lie play ed every night at the Jockey Club, and won very largely—some say a love twenty thousand pounds. The late Prince Mettornich played well, but not brilliantly. It was a patient, cautious back-game, and never fully developed till the last card was played. He grew easily tired, too, and very sel dom conld sit out more than or fourteen rubbers; unlike Talleyrand, who always arose from table- after perhapse twelve hours' playv,' fresher and brighter than when he began. Lord Melbourne played well, but had moments of dis traction when he suffered the smaller interests of politics to interfere with his combinations. Cornelius n tan tains that civilians plav better than military men; that diplomatists are tin* best players ; lawyers follow, but are apt to play showi ly ; physicians he says are timid, regard trumps as powerful stimulants, only* to le administered in drop doses, and play on card after card", regarding each trick as a pstient disposed of. having no con nection with the others. Divine are in whist where geology was in the time of the first Geor ges, though here and there a bishop holds a good hand; sailors arc worse than soldiers. They have but one notion, which is to play out all cho best cards as fast as tbey can, and then appeal to their partner to score as many tricks as they have "an inhuman performance, which I have no doubt has cost many apoplexies." Uu the whole, Frenchmen are better players than we are. Their game is less easily divined, and all their intimations (writ?*) more subtle a rid more refined. The Emperor plays welt. In Eng land he played a great deal at the late Lord Eglin ton's. though he was never the equal of that ac complished earl, whose mastery of all games, whether of skill or addressj was perfection. The Trish have a few brilliant players —ouc o." them is on the bench; but the Scotch are the mo.-t winning of all British whisters. The Americans are rarely first-rate, but they hare a large number of good second-class players. Even with them, however, whist is on the decline; and euchre and poker, and a score more of other similar abomina tions. have usurped the place of the king of games. The late cabinet of Lord Derby contained some good players. Two of the Secretaries of State were actually fine players, and one of them adds whist to accomplishments which would have made their possessor an admirable Oricbtoo. if genius had not eievated hjiu into a far loftier category than Chrichtoiis belong to. Kecbberg plays well and likes his game, but be is in whist, as are all Germans, a thorough pedant. I remember an in cident of his whist-life sufficiently amusing in its way, though, in relating, the reader loses what to myself is certainly the whole pungency of the sto ry : 1 mean the character and nature of the per son who related the anecdote to inc. and who is about the most perfect specimen of that self-pos "session—which wc ca'.i coolness—the age we live in can boast of. I own that, in a very varied and somewhat ex tensive .experience of men in many countries, L never met with one who so completely fulfilled all the requisites of temper, manner, face, courage and self-reliance, which make of a human being the most uiiabushabic and unemontioual creature that walks the earth. A STORY OF WHIST. I tell the story as nearly as i cau a* he related it tome: "I used to play a good deal with Itech herg," said he, "and took pleasure in worrying him. for he was a great purist in his play, and was outraged with anyt I one t hat could not be sustained by an authority. In feet, each game was followed by a discussion of half an hour, to the intense mortification of the other players, though very amusing to me, and offering me large opportunity to irritate and plague the Austrian. "One evening, after a number of these discus sions, in which Kechberg had displayed an even unusual warmth and irritability, I found myself opposed to him in a game, tho interest of which had drawn around us a largo assembly of specta tors —w hat the French designated as la galsrie.— Towards the conclusion of the game it was my turn to lead, and I played a card which so astound ed the Austrian minister, that he laid down his cards mum the table and started fixedly at me. "'ln all my experience of whist.' sam ite, de liberately, 'I never saw th'e equal of that. •"'(>l' what, ask ad I. " "Of the card you have just played.' rejoined he. 'lt is not merely that such play violates ev en princ ple of the game, but it actually stultifies "'There's no help for it, then,' -aid Garibaldi, 'if you see the thing in that lightand good-hu moredly quitted the subject, and soon after took his leave.'' A DirLOJIATiST'S NOTION* OF DIPLOMACY. "I snv, O Dowd," cried he, after a pause of some time in our conversation, "has it never all your own combinations.' "'I think differently, C'oant. * said I. U I main tain that is good plav, and I abide by it.' " Lotus decide it by a wager,' said he. " 'ln what way?' " Thus : "We -ball leave the question to tho gahrie. You shall allege what you deem to be the reasons for your play, and they shall decide if they' aotept them as valid.' "M agree. What will you bet' '; 'Ten Napoleons—twenty, fifty, fire hundred if you like!'cried he, warmly. ""I shall say ten. You don't like losing, and I don't want 'tripuuish you too htavilv.' "'There is the jury, sir,' sakl he haughtily, 'make your case.'