BY DAVID OYER. SPEECH OF HO*. IHMIEL S. 9>lCK nvsoai, AT IT HIV A, N. Y., ON THE 7TH INST. Ma. PRESIDENT, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: That there should be a Free Government found ed upon this continent wherein no kingcraft should boar sway, and where the people them selves should be sovereign, ourjfathers pledg ed their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor. They staked all npon a great issue, and stood the hazard of the die. They assert ed the great, the simple, and the sublime truth .that men were created free and equal, and en dowed by their Creator with certain inaliena ble rights ; and that atnoDg their rights were j life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.— ■ After having evolved that gieat idea, so e&si- | ly understood by all, they marched barefoot | over frozen ground that they might establish and defend and maintain the liberty and freer dona that they had asserted. Go baokwith rne < to the history of that great period—Dot meres j ly in the history of this continent, but in the j history of the world, such as man h* B never ; seen—and there wo find that thoy laid the 1 foundations of this Government broad anu deep, and adorned it with all the learning and statesmanship of modern times, ana especially taught that man is a sovereign being. They denied the impious divine right of king"; they alleged and maintained that every people should govern themselves. And, after having asserted this truth, they went forward upon the world's wide sea to establish the great exper inieut— it was an experiment and hope to them; it is realization and fruition to us. The great tact has bcou established, and it sped far be yond what they had anticipated or imrgiued. The little cloud gave the sound of abundance of rain. The sparse oolonies that struggled along upon the Atlautio slope have grown to be more than thirty froo and prosperous States, uot by any moans coufiuo I to the limits which even those great nten and greater minds be Sieved would be prescribed", leaped over the Mississippi, which had been c-tablisbed as a wosterly boundary, scared the eagle from his crag on the Rocky Mountains, and have only paused where the Pacific's wave rolls on the golden sands of California: on tho Dorth aad east it stretches to the limits of monarchy, and has gone down to the south where tropic al bieczu! breathe their gales of perpetual fragrance. Yes, this free of Liberty, which was planted by onr fathers, has shot up—its! roots have struck deep, its trunk has reached high, and so wide-spread are its branches, that all the children of the earth may come and subsist on its fruits, or refresh themselves in its shade: "Woodman, spare that tree ! Touch not a single bough , In yonth it sheltered me. And I'll protect it now." [Cheers] fheso institutions, established in suoh dis interested heroism, with a progress that has astonished the world, and wruDg from it unwil ling admiration, are now threatened. These institutions are now menaced with destruction. Is it by a foreigu foe l No; it has stood the thunder-storm and defied the world in arms, and now it is to be destroyed, if destroyed it innst be, by the insiduous worm of arubitioD that is gnawing at its heart. Those who have been reared under this Government, who have beeD pampered at its treasury, upon whose brows have been wreathed the choioest laurels, are tearing its heart, corroding its very vitals. And wo are told that they are brethren, and that there must not be any contention with them. Yes, they are our brethren. But shall we stand tamely by and see them bathe their bapds in the blood of our venerated mother? No; she must be defended at all hazards from tbeso murderous parricides.— And the crime is the greater* and more heinous because they are brethren. If they were res morseless savages, or prowling Arabs, they might have a better apology to offer. But they are attempting to overthrow her who gave them existenoe, and nursed them on the lap of indulgence, and dandled them on the knee, aud who nursed them and fostered them, and placed arms in their hands to defend her, with which they attempt to destroy bor. Yes, they are our brethren. But they are not the first beiQgs who have rebelled. [Cheers and laugh ter.] There was rebellion even in heaven— blind, heedless, haughty, dark ambition caus ed Satan to rebel there. For just about the same cause as this rebellion. [Laughter and cheers.] And the end of this rebellion will be the same. [Renewed laughter and cries of "Good."] Those who instituted it will be hurled down to darkness and chains forever by an indignant and outraged people. When this rebellion reared its snaky head, [laughter], the whole American people trembled. We felt the earth throb aod heave and beat aa with the convulsion of a mighty volcano. I found it perhaps more difficult than any indi vidual in the Uaited States, if not io the world, so far as personal convenience or con siderations were ooncerned, aDd personal and political friendships, and domestic relations, and kindred associations could influence, to take ground against this rebellion. Many years in the Senato of the United States, friendships bad grown np, and the course of publio affairs bad clustered around me Souths eru sympathies which gave me a position in the Southern States that no other man in the North or Sooth held. For myself, therefore, 1 found it mote difficult for these reasons to sever tbeso ties thau any other one could have done; but, in a patriotic sense, I did cot find it diffiault at all. [Cheers.] With the very first booming ot the gun that fired upon Sum ter, I declared in a moment that I was in tho field against (he rebellion. [Cheers.] The first oews told me that there would be a meet ing in New..York. 1 flew there as on the wings oF the wind, to declare ruy principles, A Weekly Paper, Dt-voved to Literature, Pontics, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, Ac., Ac—Terms: One Dollar md Fifty Cents in Advance. that I might summon my friends to imitato aiy example. [Ameu.] I believed then that I had the hissing, devilish, disunion serpent by the neck, and now I know 1 have. [Laughter and cheers ] When I see such ar, assemblage as this, it tells me more, it speaks to the heart more eloquently than all the toDgues of preachers and speakers; tbcu all the lessons the press can give—it tells me that the popu lar heart is sound to the core [Cheers.] I see before me and all around me trembling old age learning upon his staff—-stalwart manhood, with strong nmsoles in his arm —youth, ready to baro his bosom in battle—woman, with her gentle and anxious face, pleading for bar coun try— maidens, trembling, fearing that some great calamity awaits their happy family—and littlechildren,with the cunning, inquiring eyes, wishing to know why this vast concourse, and why that old mau with white hairs talks so earnestly on a subject in which they intuitive ly feel danger, but do not fully comprehend.— Ah! my fair-haired boy, it is that this Govern ment may be saved to you; that its blessings of liberty uiay not be wrested from you, but ih*t your little eyeballs may not be blasted, nor seared, nor your hoarts wrung with this ao cursed ciek'royer, disunion ! —that no evil shall come to blast these fair and fertile fields. I have the monster disunion, as the infant Her cules had the serpent, by the throat. Let it hiss on—let it struggle, with its convoluted folds! I have it. Lot it writhe iu deathlike contortions, if it can, troai my grasp. I grasp it in the name of the people—in the name of liberty, and hnpo, and law—in the uaroe of hu. nianity; and 1 will strangle it forever, before I release it. [Great cheering ] What arc all the miserable party ties of the day worth, co:u pared to such a Government? Parties shoot up from the Government, Government does not shoot up from them. Party platforms, party tics, and all that relates to parties, arc as the idle winJ, unless you have a Governnieut for them to staud upon. And when your Govern' uieut stands fairly and firmly, then it is that parties may take their rise, and make their is* sues. And they are useful—useful to watch each other io a freo Goveruraeut—useful to purify the political atmosphere which they sometimes pollute—useful as a part of the ma chinery of a Government founded ou au inde pendent Constitution. I feci strong in >be prido of my position, not of myself, but as your representative, and representative of the national sentiment. 1 have stood tn the high plaoes cf the land, in senates and in forums, with the great and honored of the laud—the Clays, the We haters, the Beotous, and the Calhouns—and 1 feel that I st>ud on higher ground to-day,- a free American citizcD, vindicating the integrity of our Governmaot against traitors and their rebellion, than ever before. [Tremendous cheering, breaking forth into loud hurrahs.] Funky politicians and bastard Democrats fear lam going to'ray po litical funeral. Well, I shall have, from pres ent appearances, a pretty handsome procession, and don't waut them for mourners [Great laughter aDd cheering, and cries of "Good!"] , You know perfectly well what have been my political antecedents. It is not material for the purposes of this question. 1 hold this question to have nothing to do with political affairs one way or another. Aod I know of no man—no Abolitionist so ultra, nor Repub lican so hostile, DO American so bigoted, nor DO Democrat so detestably faithless, but I will go with him to perform this great work, if ho will go in good faith, as I would go to perform any other work involving the existence of my country. I lay aside my politics; I ask you to lay aside yours. I shall not go to you po litically: I do not ask you to ootne to me, and any one who will attempt to manufacture poli tics out of this matter, or drag political par ties into it, is no patriot—is a schemer, aud little better thau those who assail the country with arms. As to the administration, it w-s not the Administration of mv choosiri". I care nothing for that. Where it is tight, I mean to sustain it ; where it is not sttong, I will help it to be stronger. And it the du ty of every good citizen to stay up the hands of the administration in order that it may do its wbolo and its perfect work. Suppose your village wag on fire, your publio edifices aud your beautiful dwellings were on fire or were threatened with flames, and your fire depart ment should como out eudeavormg to arrest j the conflagration. One says the engineer is not qualified; be is unfit and inefficient, the de partment incapable, and he will let the village barn. Are yon a madman? Why, for Heav ens sake, let us help them. Hand along the buckets; take hold there and work the engine; raise the ladder and mount to the roof aod try to arrest the destruction! But no: we hear that Mr. Lincoln aud his Administration are not able to oouduot the Government success fully. For Heaven's sake, then, let us take right hold aud help it—not attempt to discour age it and put it down. And it is my position that every friend of the Administration should help, aud that every opponent of the Admin istration should help them two fold—all should take hold and perform this great work, not as Democrats, not as Republicans, not as Arner* iuans, not as Abolitionists, uor any thing else, except as Amerioau citizeus, having a destiny, a country, a heritage that concerns us all.— But there is an attempt to engraft political par tics upon this disturbance!— shame that it should be so. Look around aDd see what a Government we have, see what these upturned faoes display; they tell that it is a land of re finement, of industry, independence, and of religiuo. Look upon these happy homes, those cultivated fields, upon those snnny slopes; look upon this silver lake, and these streams that sleep along the valley like molten silver.— Whence came these bappy people , wheoce came these institutions of learning, and of re ligion; whence these spires that poiot up to BEDFORD. PA., FRIDAY. SEPT 20, 1861. Heaven, telling of the seDtimentsin which thoy were erected? Why is it that every one is protected in the rewards of his own industry? It is beoause of a good Government. And when we look out upon it and see it menaced shall we not exclaim: "Is this the land our fat hers loved 1 The freedom which they toiled to win ? Is this the soil on which they moved ? Are these the graves they slumber in ? Are we the sons en whom are borne The mantles which the dead have worn 7" And if this is the land of our fathers—if we are wearing their mantles—in the name of Heaven let us preserve what they have in suob generous patriotism bequeathed to us. How cowardly, how treacherous in us, if we were to dislocate or enable others te destroy this Government. Divide this Union! Commence by Jividing and all is lost! Sever the human frame and then ask the head and the lower limbs to perform their functioos as before. Let a great rebellion succeed, you must let lesser rebellions from every quarter sucoeed from State to State, from county to oountv, town to towD, dowa to your very school dis trict, until finally if you have a horso another wants he will go and take it. If you reward the great rebellion, you must the little one; you will find no good stopping place afterward. I do uot mean to give personal offense to any one, and regret that I find myself differing from old and early and valued personal and poiiC'cal friend", arraiging those who have act ed with main former limes. But it is no time for honeyed words or phrases—it is no time for sugar coated pills—you jimst give medicine that will take effect and operate pretty thor oughly, too. [Laughter.] * * Mr. Lincoln has been much complained of that he has suspended the habeas corpus, and has interfered with private right, and has cur tailed tho liberty of the Press, and has done various other things of which thoy complain. Now, as his opponent, Isuitaiu him most in the very acts they condemn. [Cheers.] His act that I approve of most is his suspending the habeas oorpus; and 1 have said and repeat, if be had suspended tho traitors it related to, in some cases, 1 would have been glad of it. I upheld him iu arresting the voice of a traitor ous press which was attempting to fostct and encourage and stimulate treason. [Cheers.] I agree to his arresting aud consigning to pris on those villains who arc acting as spies and are attempting to destroy our Government [Cheers, and cries of "Good, good."] I sus tain him rally and cheerfully in it. He has ample authority for it. It is a war power, nothing more nor less. A wioked, treasonable rebellion fastens a torrible war on the Govern ment, and then whiues itself and gets others to whimper for it, that they are arrested, that their treason is blocks!. Mr. Lincoln would have deserved impeachment if he had not exer cised these powers. They were exorcised by Geu. Jackson, end they have been exercised by every military commander who has had treachery aod treason to deal with in the his tory of the wnrld. What, pray, is the habeas corpus? It is a civil writ, aud nothing more; It takes a man before a Judge to sco if hu isun lawfully imprisoned; if he is unlawfully impris oned be is set at libet ty— if lawfully, he is sent back to prison. That is a civil wiit, and a civil remedy. But there is a power that is called a war power, that docs not rise up cut of the Constitution. When a Government is erected it is presupposed that that Government has all the powers of self-preservation; like an individual, it has the right of self-defence.— The Government is not obliged to lie beoause it cannot find a clause in the Constitution to authorize it to preserve existenoe. It is the first instinct of a Goveriiuit-ut, as an individ ual, to seek self-preservation. When a man is assaulted, does te mquire what particular statute and section authorizes him to protect himself? No; he uses every means that God and uature have put into his hands for defense. And when a Government is assailed, it defends itself, and if it does not defend itself it deserves to be overthrown. Now the war power of Government is as old as civilization. Smith, an early British Minister, on martial law, speaks thus of the power of war: "Martial law is the law of war,tbat]dcpends on the just but arbitrary power and pleasure of the King For, though he doth not make any laws but by common consent in Farliament, yet in time of war, by reason of the necessity of it, to guard against dangers that often arise, he useth absolute power; so that his word is a law." Now, when treason is stalking abroad, when corruption is on every band, when spies peer from every window, and lurk iu every fence oorner, what was Mr. Lincoln to do? Was he to pore through all the musty volumes and in vite District Attorneys to the same work to enable him to arrest aud keep a spy or to stop tbe dessemination of treason through a guilty press? No. If Mr.Lincoln had anted with groater vigor 1 would have commended him more. But I may say what is becoming from a fair and generous oppooeut, that when 1 criticise his shortcomings I find in tho condis tion of affairs great appology for him—he earna in when corruption was scathing, when treasoo was pooulaut and all the departments teeming with rascality, when he did uot know who to trust; when naval, military, civic, aud other officers, were committing robbery and perjury, and he kuew not who to confide iu. But wherever he has laid hishaod upon this wicked ness he is entitled to the thanks of the whole people.' And when the bistoriau comes to write and be written it will staud out like a page of fire, and be will be commended most [ where be has taken tbose rebels by the throat with tbe strong band of a government power, j [Cheers.] Every military commander hts the right to suspend tho writ of habeas corpus in emergencies, of which he is judge. Ho tells the one who oouies to take tho traitor and set him at liberty, Stand off—unless your tjngue is considerably longer tban my bayouet you I don't get this man. What about the liberty of tie press? It is like a good many i other liberties we enjoy, but has no right to commit treason. One has no more right to j commit treasob and destroy the Government i by a press, than he has by any other mode.— ' The rights and liberty of the press is one of : our greatest and most sacred blessings, to be guarded with watchful vigilance. But what I does that mean? In time of peace, to discuss i nil measures of Government freely and fear j lessly. But the one who has a press has no more right to overthrow A Government by | treasonable means in war, than one has by w riling treason without a press. There is no I charm about printed treason which gives it im punity. It will do well enough to bang up a parrot in a cage, to say, "Liberty of the press!" "Liberty of the press!" aod we have a parrot crying it now who needs caging, and some oth ors who ought to be caged. Suppose I was to wiite to Mr. A, or B, and sav—these Rebels are, after all, right; I hope tbey will succeed; 1 am glad they are fighting onr armies; and I hope tbey will be successful; I hope the Ad ministration will be overthrown, and I devise ineaDS and plans to aid rebellion. That would be treason in a privat-3 letter I woul bo liable to be imprisoned, because it would be affording aid and oomfort. And if in a private letter, how much more in an infernal Secession press, which sows its dragOD teeth broadcast to poison the miud of the country and urge on the rebellion. How much more should they be arrested? I approve of every ; strong act of the President. I would approve of more it he would do them. Individual rights is a great right and a great blessing; and we have a right to come and go where we please, and ecjoy liberty as we please; but if instead of going about our 'awful busi ness, our social and domestic enjoyment*, Vt£ go strolling from house to house, ftom caujjj to ; campus spies for the enemy, wc are liable to ! be imprisoned, and deserve to be. The right to enjoy 6re as an element of doui atle com- ! fort, to discharge the thousand offices,- is a j sacred right too, and au Administration that would interfere with that right would be ty- ; ranical indeed. But supp sc one takes his torch in lbs dark hour of midnight and plies it to every dwelling ha can ignite, how long will ho be allowed to enjoy that sacred right | of fire? He will be arraigned and imprisoned and deprived of this liberty. wLtch a lawful citizen might enjoy. And when you come to examine, you will find that the President has done no more thau bis duty iu laying his hind i upon these papers individually. The Day Book is one of them. It has had i:s day, like tvery dog, and gone to its account. The Journal of Commerce , wbieh undertook to skim along under cover with disguised treason, bus been obliged by public opinion to change editors and tack ship, and tho treason able Daily . Yews exists yet as a daiiygnuisanee, tut its day is not far off. Tho war power is a dangerous power, but it exists from necessity, and its exercise shows tho terrible dangers ot war, aud that it cannot be abolished with safu ty to national existence. These questions arc coming to be understood. Li t us 6ce what this Convention says about this very matter, for their viows are important, as 1 have shown: Resolved, That while we admit the necessity , of summary process aud martial law among insur gent populations [the grammcr is their own], and ! within the lines ot military operations, we protest against the doctrine that any power eicept the i tho representatives of the people can suspend the 1 writ of habeas corpus for civil offenses. [How if these offenses are committed when Congress is not ; in session?] We protest against the assumption of the Executive power to establish a system of ! passports; against the right ot the Federal Govern- j ment to organize systems of State Police, against , tho assumption of the Federal Executive to repress 1 the discussions of a free press by the refusal of mail facilities, or in any way except by the deci sions of the civil tribunals; and that, finally, we protest against the doctrine ot President Lincoln's message that the States derive their authority from tho Federal Government [President Lincoln has never claimed anything of the kind], as subver sive of the fundamental doctrine of American liberty.— Res. N. Y. Dem. Con. Now I propose to compromise [laughter ] that President Lincoln has the right to sus pend tbe habeas corpus as long as it takes to read that foggy resolution snd understand it. [Great laughter]. As tbe school boy sail, "It is pretty considerably difficult to under stand ideas wbich one is not possessed of.— Notwithstanding, peradventure, undoubtedly may be so, 1 guess it is." Most certainly! [Laughter.] Now 1 have read President Lin coln's messages carefully—aDd he doc 9 not say, so far as I have seeD, that the Stales do rive their powers from the Fedeiul Govern ment. If he doos, he is in error. That reso lution is remarkable, at any rate, for its length and its foggincss and is as clear as mad! There can be no doubt that the rights of the Executive, and of the peo ple, will be understoed hereafter—no matter whether thoy were before. It is very well that that resolution came into the Convention as it did. The members were dry and parch ed for the laok of some stroaui of liviug doc trine, when this modern Moses smote the rock, and oat gushed this refreshing, constitutional well-spring to gladden them as did the waters of old the wandering tribes of Isreal. But all this death-bed repeutauce is too late. You will remember a few years since, when Louis Philippe, with his stealthy usurpations, finally ranged his guns so that they would bear on the city of Paris, and relied upon bis mili tary arm to sustain himself and his family as tbe house of Orleans through all time—of a suddeD commouoed one of those revolutionary surges aod ground swells of tho French people. It swayed here and it swayed there; and at last it appeared that the people were going to rise against their Government by revolution in earnest. He first flew to his army of oofense, aud bis guns aud guards. They failed hiio.— He tbeD began to make concessions and apolo gies to the Freooh people; bat they cried out, "TooUtc! Too late." and ho was igoomioioasp ly driven from his kingdom. These men now come with these break-dt vn resolutions; they are half and half. They are mermaid pro portions, half woman ami half fish [cheers and iaughter], nd all scales. [Laughter.] But the voice of the people of New York is like that of the French, "Too "late! Too late!" [cheers.] The hand-writing was against the wall where they where sitting, like tielshaz zar at bis impious banquet, when bis kees smote together, and he was p*le and trembling.— They must fall, for their ueurped and abused reign, like that of the Babylonian king, is di vided and finished. A more corrupt and rots ten regency than any that has ever existed, a combination which lives and breathes and has its being in the lobbies of legislation and office brokerage, which fosters at every pore, which is spotted and leprous ill every feature and lineament, has been brought to the judgement ot the people finally. I* will be cursed by every American in the Union when known, and a whip be put in every honest hand, to lasb the caitiffs naked through the land. I am for a great popular movement during the existence of the war, not made up of Repub licans, Ameiioane, Demoorats, nor anything else except Union men from the people. lam for throwing off those shackles of worn-out organizations, and consigning them to the tomb of the Oapulcts, and letting afresh Union par ty rise up to prosecute this war* [cheer-]. for which I have eulisted ['Jrie9 of "Glood" "Gfood" and cheers.] It must not bo hitched to'any political organization, nor any organization to that; it must be made of true Union men and the only platform mast be tbo Constitution and the Union, and a vigorous proseoutioa of the wsr un- ! til rebellion is put down and the supremacy of ihn Government, of the Union and the Stirs and Stripes, are reestablished—with justice to rebe:s justice to loyal citizens and loyal States, lhisi ticket I will support, and it will be elected. I will j follow you in its prosecution, or you nny me, or ] we will go along together. Tbo day of party backs j is over. They have had their share and their day ; has come. Justice has been drowsy and nodding upon her seat; but she has finally waked up smd ( they have been tried and condemned, and are now | ready for execution, and away with them. [ Übeors.j They have uo principle, and never had. They are ' like the Vermont preacher I heard about. Ha had j agreed to preach so many Sundays for so many bushels of rye; when he preached his first sermon, ; he told them he would change and preach any i other doctrine tha* would suit them it that did not, for his rye. [Laughter.] Now, these men claim to he running the Democratic party of New York. There is no doctrine, from that of an Abolitionist so black that he would make Wendell Phillips turn pale by the side of it, aud no iVo-Si.ivery so rank that it would take the brass out of South C irofMa, but tliey would resolve in a moment, to hold their power. [Cries of "That is so."] In their reso lutions they preteud to go for the salvation of the Union, but they go a few steps forward, and then a few steps backward, then a few steps sideways, and show their action to bo grudging and iusmctre, and give aid comfort to the nuemy by making up queru lous issues with the Administration,and charge upon it the origin of the war. When men are guilty and attempt to charge their own guilt upon otheis, it is well to look at their history. Those men went to Charleston and had control of the New-York de legation of the Convention there; and when the South insisted on a certain platform of principles —that is, they insisted that what was called Pop ular Sovereignty should not be incorpoiaied—they fought two weeks over it. These men, holding the balance of power, insisted on that particular de claration. While I think the Secessionists, some of them, were acting in bad faith, these men were acting in equally bad, and even worse. They were gamblers on each side, and understood, I hive no doubt, to some extent, the nods and winks of each other. But the Southern men said, because these men would have the Popular Sovereignty plank in ; their platform, that they would not agree. They ! withdrew from the Convention, and adjourned to Baltimore. They were foolish and wrong in going out, but they had a right to come back, and sought to do so in Baltimore. These same men had the balance of power there, and prevented their com- j ing into the adjourned Convention. If they hid been permitted to come in, probably the difficulties might have been and would have been healed. But j these went on and made a nomination in which I they knew the South would not concur. And then of their own motion adopt the very platform which j had been the subject of two weeks' controversy in | Charleston, and which had broken up the Conven- i tion there. That is a true history of the ca3e. It ■ is perfectly notorious that some ef these men had coriupt jobs and jiecuniary investments, that they were looking for investments made to be used in controlling the expected Administration, to secure which investments particular nominations must be procured. They pretend to account for the mode in which this difficulty arose. I have no doubt but many'of these Southern Rebels in arms meant Secession at the time. But tbo wind would have been taken out of their sails, arid popular feeling would have compelled them to a different course it the New-York delegation had not played their de testable game. And these men aro they who are afraid of getting mixed up with and contaminated by contact with the Administration. They will never be trustee again by the people of New York. They may run a ticket, some portion of it compo sed of very good men, and some of it quite too rank with Secession ; but a ticket unexceptionable would never be supported coming from such treacherous and corrupt leaderships. The Demo, cratic party is a great power, and has always been true. Like Rome, as the schoolboys say in their orations, it originated in the efforts of a -wolf suckled founder"—it gaiuedthcpopular confidence, and shaped the policy of this Government, and great blessings flowed from its adrafcusi.ratinn un der a Jefferson, a Jackson, and others. But, ir. an evil day. the Democratic party, like the hi.livHiual who went down from Jerusalem to Jurico, fell among thieves, who plundered it and kit it half dead [laughter;] to that you may trace in„re than to any one cause the demoralization of the party and downfall of the country. The Democratic party did sit like Rome upon her seven hills. But as with Rome, so with the Democratic party ; both were brought to the block of the auctioneer. But yesterday the name of the Democratic party miihi have stood against the world, now there aie low poor to do her reverence, because of her execrated and knavish loaders. But "Truth crushed to earth shall rise again, The eternal years of God are hers ; But error, wounded, writhes in pain, And dies amid her worslup-rs." Tbo Democratic party is strong in its popu-. lar element, but it never was strong enough to carry so much festering dead weight as it has upou its back now. [Laughter.] It has got to throw overboard its Jonah*, expel its Achius VOL. 34, NO. 38. from the camp, return to some priuciple besido the engineering of packing conventions, lobby corruptions, and the influence of anaconda railroad corporations. [Laughter and oheera.j I do not know what has become of these propo* eitioos for peace, ao recently prominent. They seem to have slunk completely oat of sigbt.— Is there not any one of this body of patriots to stand up for them? it was crime to let them go out of sigbt so suddenly. It ought to havo been taken down more graduallj; the peace party will take6ld. Tbey should bare done as did the Indian with his dog, whose tail he wished to out off, but he dido't like to hart the aoimal by cutting it all off at once, so he eat off a little piece every day until he had curtailed it sufficiently. Another thing I ob ject to. Ido not care so much about the big peace men at Syracuse as the little peace men over the country. Tbey thought there was to be a big peaoesgong sounded at Syracuse, and then they would ring all the little gongs, and they commenced in sdvaner. Tbey were pre pare 1 when they should hear the juusio of the Secession saekbut, psaltery, and harp, and other iutruoieots, to fall down and worship. But the peaco capital has been squandered, and hereafter when they make liberal propo sitions at peace meetings they will fight worse than they ate said to have done here the othor day. [Laughter ] We propose to meet the rebels, and put them dowo by the power and dignity of the Government, for I see no other way. I will illustrate our position by a story, not a new one, but uew to you. A lievolu* tionary soldier W-JS walking with bis espoutoon when he was attacked and bitten by a ferocious dog. He ran the dog through with the sharp en 3of the instrument and ki'led him. Theu came the owner, scarcely loss ferocious than the dog. "What it ado you kill u>y dog?" "Because he bit me, and thrca'ened my lite." ♦'Why did you not keep Liui off with the other end of ycur instrument? ' *lf he cirne at me with the other end," said the soldier, "I SbcnlJ." [Great laughter and appLuac.] So if Secession had conic to us with peace instead of war we might b<ve uiet it with peace in return. We are for liberal propositions of peace, tut they are with loyaLty aud not with treason; with fidelity and not rebellion.— Would tbey who stand tip and cry for peace burn thatGapitoi, destroy the archives of the country, dishonor the flig, murder ci'izens standing in its defense? Uhi no; we would uot do it i urselves. Why not co it your selves if you would encourage others to do it? It would be more tnaniy, ami cot less wicked, either in the sight of man or iu the sight of God. lie who encourages it —who wmka at it, and apologizes for it—is mtseh't vons and no less guilty than he who stands in arms against Lis country. Would you trcep like a savage, shielded by dirk; ess, and shoot down the seuttnil who is sanding in obedience to duty to gu ud the rights o; his it rightly done? r No, wo would not do that. Theu do not apol ogize for tho i fe ml viliians who do it, nor the devilish rebellion that inspires it. [Cheers aud a voice "Thit is righ f ."] W u d you lay plans to devastate this Uuion, to destroy it, to uiako Ui a tyword among the na'ioos of the earth, to overthrow the Government of Washington, which has cost so much blood and so many tears, and has it ought such great and manifold blca ings? No, WO do not ex actly say that. Then why apologize for these who da it? Tiiese are fair practical questions that are addressed t > every one who is sym-. pathiz ng with rebellion, and can be answered by every citizeu of the land. If 1 mice such miscreants propositions of pease, i ; them a line to begin with, with a noose at the end of it. And my negotiations ' should be through cannon of the largest caliber and of the 1 nger r-nge. [Cheers.] j This is the ouly way of doing it. It is dU viding the country into two parties, the one in ' favor of sustaining tho Government, and the | other willing, if not to aid in, to wink at its | destruction. Who is on the Lord's side?— j Let us ascertain. There is- no half-way plan about this matter. Couie up all yc who rally to the support of this Government, come up and sustain it iike men. And they that do not, lot them rango themselves off for treasons able peace. We want no cowar ls in our land, Who will our colors fly— We call for vali&nt-liearted men Wiio're not afraid to die. This is tin plav spell, no parade day, no general training, no political Contention. The surges go clear down to the very tremb ling foundations of the earth, and the battle ments rook under the agitation. It is the , great struggle for free government oa earth. This is the last resting place for liberty Wbo is disposed to tamper with such danger? I will seo ail political parties cast down on tim pavemeut of perdition before I will con !in to it. [Cheers.] i know that I owe all j that 1 am to our glorious Csnstitution, which \ permits men to rise from humble stations to the highest honor of the land. No other Gov ernment permits it. Aud sooner than permit myself to wink at this attempt to subvert it I would cast falsehood and curses on a venera ted mothor's grave. The euemios of the coun i try, open and secret, must come t> judgment. I ehul try them, uot before politiuiaus, but l before an indignant people, aed shall have ."hem arraiguod where they will cast fewer ; arporatioos oa this question involving the exigence of constitutional liberty. [Cheers.] —lt will cost a large amounted blood aud treasure. Already have cur sous gone forward to tho battle-field. How uiany aro | there altcady gone down with violenco and butchery to bloody graves! You have furnish ed brave sons here as elsewhere. Before this j dreadful war closes our land may be ono vaat . lliui&b of weeping and lamentatiou for oar | children. Some are cow languishing in rabel
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