•j ~ BY DAVID OVER. f^oet-rij. For the Inquirer. TO MY MOTHER. All tby locks are fadiag, mother, And thy eyes are dimming too; Teaching me though still uuwilling That I soon must part with you. Oft by souvenirs awakoued, Rings the harp of memory, In a tone of melting sadness, Singing sougs of home and thee. Mother, I can ne'er repay thee For your kind and coustaut care; But I will in realms eternal Try fey- grace to meet yeu there. On the walls of Zion, mother, I believe I'm called to stand, And when done with earth, my mother May we meet at God's right hand. Huxtekstown, Jan. 7, 1361. J. M. A. RESIRKS or col. mmi s. wiiirton, On Senate Bill ,\ o. 1, relative to the mainten ance of the Constitution and the Union. DELIVERED JANUARY 11, 1860. The Clerk having lead the original bill No. 1, as read in pl toe by the Senator from Phila delphia, (Mr. Smith.) Mr. WHARTON moved to strike outali af ter the words ''whereas," and insert the follow ing,.viz; Whiuas, A crisis in oui natioual affairs has arisen out of seeming and imaginary rather than real difficulties, resulting from the long existing controversy between ambitious parti zsns in the north and south, and in relation to which the publio mind has become inflamed, hitter jealousies engendered, fraternal strife begotten and the permanency of the Union en dur.gered : And WHEBEAS, This crisis, although re sulting in our opinion from no adequate cause, has in the pro fe ress of unbridled passion and fanaticism assumed an aspect so threatening a= to demand an unqualified expression of opinion md prompt and decided action on the part of tuose who value and are impressed with the importance and necessity of preserving lor ourselves aud our posterity the blessings of this best of all the governments of earth, as transmitted to us by our patriotic futbers.— Therefote, Resolved by the Senate and House of Reprcs- uta ticet of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania in Cen tral Assembly met, That tfee people of Pennsylva nia earnestly desire by conciliation and compromise to bring back the working of the National Gov ernment to what it was iu the days of the lathers of the constitution, if it can be so effected, and thereby restore harmony to the country, re estab lish fraternal feeling and inculcate that love of the Union, always our pride and boast. Resolved, I. That recognizing ail our territorial possessions as the common heritage of the people, we, as a measure and means of conciliation, are willing to subdivide this domain into States, and admit them into our common brotherhood as such, with or without slavery therein, according as the wishes or interests of the citizens thereof may dictate, or that the Missouri Compromise line be restored, and south of that line the citizens be per niitted to choose between slavery and freedom, as t! ir interests may dictate, aad thus remove for -1 ei from the halls of our National Legislature this . rolific source of strife. j Resolved , 3. That to remove another cause of an- j ■ iy discussion and acrimony it is our opinion that | a i he hand all legislation in toe different free j States, which seems even to discountenance the re •aptuio of fugitive slaves, should las promptly le- j a led, and that on the other hand the fugitive slave w should he so amended, that an officious officer ' tnnot call upon citizens to act as a posse coiuita- j as unless violence or rescue be attempted. Resolved, 4. Th t as our sentiment upon the -tenerai subject of controversy, that while we will I try all reasonable efforts to m.iintaio and sustain ' uur southern fellow citizens in the enjoyment of all ! their constitutional rights, it is our belief that the northern sentiment is decidedly and unchangeably niposod to the extension of slavery, and that this sentiment has been greatly strengthened by the frequent indignities and outrages to the persons of .orthern people in the southern States inflicted foi I '..sual expression ot opinion, or upou mere suspicion; without tho forms of law, and which, al though borne hitherto almost without complaint, have in hundreds of instances afforded just grounds tor retaliation ; and aiso, because of the steady and , ersevering hostility c-i" the cotton States to a fair protection to free labor and the homestead bill. Rev /red. 6. That we are in favor of the Union of Oese States, and that we will sustain the Kxecu hye in maintaining the Constitution and the Union, d:h all their compromises and guaranties invio and that if all measures looking to concilia n and compromise should unfortunately fail, we w in favor of the stern enforcement of the Con- ' solution and laws of the United States at any cost u; "l ail ha&tida, believiug that tolerated secession '■'J nullification would he the destruction of this ' Y rnment, the surrender of all the sacred rights * uch the Constitution wisely administered, se eures, and protects, the extinguishment of every P- riot s hope, and the most direful event that -ouM happen this country or the world. ( -dr. M HARTON; The main objection which 4 thtariaiu to the adoption of fbe resolutions t.ted ty the geutieman froui Philadelphia, v J r. Smith} is th„t there is no distinct poiut | a thein. It I cast my veto in favor of their i' ltioo, i believe 1 would not act in a uian- Ti " r *hieh would tend to give that decided aud : ■ phatie expression of oar feelings, and the ■iwetita of be people of Pennsylvania to A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &c—Terms: One Dollar and Fifty Cents in Advance, the other Btates comprising the National Gov ernment, that I should like to do. I have presented a preamble and resolution for the consideration of this body which, 1 think do not infringe upon any party platform, neither upon our own or that of the Democratic party. \V must meet this question of our national difficulties fairly, as it ws in 1820, and again in 1833 by compromise and conciliation. I concur in the expression of tho Senator from Philadelphia, (Mr. Smith) whon he alledges that the great underlying question in the pre sent national controversy is not that of slave ry, but that of obedience to the revenue laws of our Government. The resolutions offered by myself recognize the fact of a resistance to the revenue laws of the Government, as the ocoasiou and first cause of the present irritated feeliugs of the country upou the ailedgeJ sub ject of slavery. The arguments nsed by members of our own party during the last political campaign, Were mostly designed to show that tho great object of the party to which I belong was to bring the Government back to its original purity—to what it was in the days of the Fathers of the Republic, and our orators did not fail to show to the people the indignities we have so fre quently suffered at the hands of our Southern fellow citizens, which were sufficient, iakintr a Soutberu view of the matter, to cau*e a rebel ious spirit on the part of the people of the North. 1 believe that the complaints made by the Northern people arc not simply imaginary, but are based upou such indignities to our citi zens as uo people can bear with complacency. Have not citizens from almost every portion of the North beeu maltreated and subjected to iusult for no other roason than that they were Northern men. 1 have set forth in the resolutions a justifi. cation, if such is needed by any section of this Uoufuderaay, of the course we have been pur suing in Pennsylvania. I firmly believe that our difficulties are political; that tbey have been caused by politicians and embittered par* 1 tiz.ns, both in the North and South. Much of the difficulty, which, as a nation, we tucet to day, is owing to the repeated misrepresenta ; tious of our political opponents. We wish to remove the erroo : -a belief entertained by the people of one sec.urn of this Union against the people of the North, who voted for the Repub lican candidates for President and Vice Pre sident of the United States, and to show them tnat wo are now, as we always have been, in favor of the compromises of the Constitution. Mr. Ltecoln wiil falsify every charge tuado against him by reckless politicians, both North and South, before one year of his Presidential life is past, it is my firm belief that we can not exist as one people without compromises being made, and we, as the representatives of the majority of the people, should be tho first to offer such compromises, as a great State, such us we represent, should offer to those States distracted by misrepresentation ot de signing politicians and bad men. We have prospered as no nation on earth his done for more than three-quarters of a century by cam- i promises on the part of all nations ; and, Mr. i fcPKAKER, if we do not present some measures ot compromises here, the representatives of the ; people at Washington will. There aro in our country, two systems of la bor, the interests of which always have aud will continue to run counter to each other. — j Oue of these systems can get along without ! protection, the other cannot; and, we there- i tore, honestly and unhesitatingly say to the ! South ttmt we cannot get along without such ! protection as our necessities demand. This being the state of the case we should give mutual protection to each great sectional in terest, and wo have but to look hick to the past of the republic to sec that as matters wot 3 harmoniously conducted then, so should tb.y he now; ami to do this we must Lave tht Missouri Coiupromiso line re-established. We must have the territories which are the com mon heritage of us all, so arranged as to sot tie this question which is creating such utii- ! versal excitement over the entire laud. No ! government can long stand while such an ex- I citement over the cut re land. No govern-; ment can long stand while such an excitement j as thai wuiub we now witness, is prevalent I witiiiu her borders. When the Missouri Com promise line was in existence the country was at peace, aud remained so until the repeal of that measure by the Democratic party, whom 1 charge wita causing all the difficulties which arc threatening tho permaneucy of the Union. Tne misrepresentations of the Democratic lead, era iu 185G elected Mr. Buchanan by falsely representing the policy and doctrine of thatr opponents. Tbey tbeu unscrupulously assured the people that uuless their candidate was suc cessful, there would be a dissolution of the Uuiuu. The same assertion was made during the canvas last year, but it failed in its effect.— 'The people wee determined that the Democra. cy should uot dtssoivu tbe Uuion at every Pre sidential elecfiuu. But the Northern Democ racy in their extreme efforts to carry the election by a Southern sectional vote, repre sented the Northern seotimeut so unfairly to the people ot the South that they became alarmed tor the safety of their iostitution*, baviug iifeeu falsely assured that the Northern people were a uutt for aggression upou their Constitutional rtgbts. Tbe North has now to make the choice of two alternative*, compromise or war ; aud 1 believe thai it i our duty as sensible uieu, and as the representatives of a patriotic aud christian pi ople who prefer compromise to war, when such compromise oau be made with our South ern follow-ettiajHJ, which do not involve the sacrifice of auy principle, or of our own honor. The people of this State are not iu favor of w.r; and I Assure gentlemen, the man who will not go as far as be cau go without the ios* of principle or of houor to himself to BEDFORD. PA.. FRIDAY. FEBRUARY 1, 1861. avert the dira calamities of war ; is doing that for which he will bo held responsible. This whole diffijulty has arisen from party preju dice, but we must meet tho question now, and show to our Southern fellow-citizena our entire willingness to act fairly towards all sections of this Union, and to keep our promises with a religious sincerity to the people, to carry out the very spirit of tho Constitution. We have seen the Democratic party in the pride of its power, with an organization around which men gathered, and to which they looked up because of its integrity. It was irresistable ; yet that organization bccam3 corrupt. And the leaders had so long promised pro tection to the people of the Noith ;bat their promises were finally receivod with suspicion and at length totally disbelieved; and hence their utter destruction. Let us not follow in their footsteps, but come up manfully aud pro poso to tbo South what wo will do; aDd hav ing done that, if we should be unfortunate as not to arrive at any conciliatory measures, then we will sustain, as tuy resolutions avow, ail measures instituted by tho Chief Executjve of the whole uation for the preservation of the Union, the enforcement of the Constitution and of the luws. This is the duty of Penn sylvanians, and the Republican party of our State can afford to say aDd do just what is ! right and liberal in the eyes of our fellow cit izens in every seotion of tho Uuion. 1 was i sorry to hear Senators talk of rolling tu tho | dirt and running under beds, whioLt was pro claimed here to-day. Such talk might gratify the tolly of youth, but it does not become aravo Senators. Because some of the south ern States have gravely erred, and 6et the Constitution aud laws at defiance, is that a reason for us to bo less just than we would 1 under other circumvtauces? Surely no". If | becauso the South does wroDg, is that a reason for us committing an error? if such dootriaes arc held here, we will eventually place our selves iu no better position than that of South Carolina. It is mere folly for us to talk about staudiag upon our dignity, aud about fighting a few misguided whites aud degraded blacks iu South Carolina, after having lived for eighty years io peace and prosperity under the com promises of the Constitution of the country. The principles endorsed bj the people at j the last election cannot be misunderstood and they cannot be changed. The South cannot alter or abridge them, nor can we fail to advo cate them as heretofore, because the necessi ties of our people require that we should have protection for our labor. The people of our own State are determined to protect free labor, and if the sixty or eighty millions of dollars annually expended to carry on the Government of this country, he judiciously levied on our imports, the North will obtain all the protec tion she desires. The cotton States may get along without that protection by which wc are so greatly benefitted, because their labor rcoetves no compensation, but that of scanty clothes and coarse food. In the northern portion of the confederacy the poorest mao we have amougst us looks for ward to a day wheu he may accumulate some thing of a competency for old age aod decrep itude. Tho sUvo makei no such provision; old ago either finds him in the hands of a kind mister who cares for his warns,or in the hands of a oruel oue, who soon puts old age and de crepitude to rest where the lash will not be re quired to performtits task. It does not in re ality affect the interests of the cottou States adversely to allow us this protection, for it ntikes both New England aud Old England market- for tneir products. As it was not my attention, when I arose, to make a long speech 1 will merely ruu over the few routainiug points I intend to make in advooacy of the resolu tions wuich I have offered. \V hen the Missouri Compromise Line was "stablished, out northern people pressed it up ou tho south, aud when the Democratic paity repealed it, a large portion of the south hesi tated & long time oefore they ueceded to rite proposition. Mr. SMITH. Under winch king does the Senator figut? —in favor of the Douglas doc trtuo cf Squatter Sovereignty, or the Missouri Couiproun.ie? Mr. WHARTON. I answer the Seuator by saying that I am in favor of any honorable compromise which will restore peace aud har mony to our distracted country, and prevent civil war aud disunion. The quostiou of squatter sovereignty is not cutortained iu tho resolutions offered. Tbe doctrine of Mr. Douglas allows one hundred or one thousand people to go into a territory aud regulate the question of slavery there.— My resolutions contemplate tho lormation of the territories into States; and tuat wbeu taey come into the Union as such, the people may have the right to say whether tbey shrll choose slavery or freedom. Abraham Lincoln, the President elect, in his auswers to Stephen A. Douglas during the canvass for United States Senator ot Illinois, stated that if the people of a State wautud slavery, he would vote for its admission into the Union; he would not at tempt to annul tueir wishes. I hold that this is tne doctrine of the Republican or People's party of Pennsylvania. Such is the doctrine of popular rights. It is an easy matter for us to talk of war, but we will fiud it a different matter when wc come to vote supplies in order to maintain au army. Now whilst the excite ment in the country is at fever htat, men may go to great lougihs iu their declarations of war and ut whi<*u tuey may regret tu their tiiouuut* of sober second thought. 1 believe it to be the duty of the Democracy ou this floor to vote fifr the resoluttous I have offered, and ther oby show to the country that they will sustain the Executive of the National Government, and that they aro opposed to the treaohery of tho Govemuiout officers who have lately re<igued their much abused official positions. | Ic conclusion, I assert that, when the time I comes for decisive action—when all oornpro ; mises fail—i will stand here iu my place arid vote for as great an appropriation to defray tho~eflst of maintaining the unity of theso States as any man here, and I will go as far . 3 any man, because it is tbe duty of Fodd j sylvantana to the people cf thi9 country to ' sustain the government thereof, by all the mewss in their power. A man who would not do to, even though he be not the representa tive of a conservative, Union-loving constitu ency, is not true to the interests of the country in vfrbich-he lives. In regard to the subject of the Fugitive Slave law, and the repeal of the sections of the Penal Code, alluded to by the resolutions of the Senator from York, 1 know that the Governor appointed his own party friends under an act of Assembly providing for the appointment of a commission ; and that those gentlemen havo ■'ulfiilcd their duties , and they alone are chargeable with all the wrong resulting tbore | from. But if there is anythiog iu those sections which affects the rights of the South, I sot willing that it should be repealed. I can vote for such repeal upon the saae principle that 1 would vote for the resolutions of my frieird from Philadelphia, (Mr. SMITH,) because j they oontain nothing that could possibly do , wrohg or injustice. From the London Times Jan. 5. The Southern States Have Sinned More than the Northern. ■ *, r * Nobody, either on tfce one side or ! the pthei—neither Mr. Lincoln, the President j elect, nor Mr. Buchanan, tbe President in of fice—has condescended to bestow a single ar gument on that proposition from which the Free goilers originally set out. They started from the principle that Slavery was, in its very nature and essence, a disgrace to~a Christian people and a civilized land. At that time there were- hardly two opiaions on the abstract pro position. Wtat was said for tho South w;; not that Slavery was a defensible institution in itael j tut that it wae an existing ODe, that it had ieen inherited from the earliest times of tbe Uonjmonwealth, and encouraged by a long cuii; aof Jegi.-Uiiou; that the abrupt enfran dhMdioiif"#?*totfftoift of Slaves was a thing impossible, aud that the work of abolitiou must be most carefuily considered, even if it wore not remitted, in default of eny practicable scheme, to the insensible operation of time iiseif. Nobody, however, denied that Slavery was an evil, or that certain citizens ot the Union might justifiably exert themselves to the removal of such an evil from their eotatuon country. Foremost arnoDg these proposals stood naturally their resolution to prevent the evil from growing. If they could not, for the pres ent, make Slavery any better, at least they might take care that it grew no worse. They might keep the blot front spreading, and so provide by timely legislation that no new State of the Union should be infected with the disorder which had beeu inherited by the old onus.— That wa3 the original theory of the Abolit ou ists, and we reproduce it for the sake cf show ing its moderation and its justice. Consider ing what slavery is, and must bo—considering the iufiuito evils which it necessarily engenders, will any one say that the people of New Eng land tiad not a right to deoUro that it ought uot to exist wilhiu the Territories of the Ameri can Uuion; that the soil of a free people should he a free soil to all, and that an tustitution which blemished the Uuion in the sight of tho world should be abolished as soou as prudeuoe wouia permit, aud confined to the uarrowo-t iiuitis possible unt'i the time of that consumma tion suould arrive? Nevertheless, that position of tha Northern States is now utterly overlooked- The char acter of Slavery, as a national institutiun, is left without a word of comment. Ail t'ue ar guments proceed on the assumption that the controversy is one between the North and the South.-iu which the South holds ocg opinion aud the North uuotber, aDd eaoh with equal justice. No one thinks ef asking whether the principles for which South (Jarolttia is uontend iug are admissible tu tucmscdves Mr. Buch anan, especially, addresses himself to the sub ject as if eueh a view ol it never entered his rniud. lie argues as if tha difference between tne Northern and Southern States ot the Uuion was simply a differen se of tariff, or a disputed boundary, or a contested junsdiotiou. He never gives a thought to tue fact that what the Free States require tbey are morally justified in requiring, while what the Slave States de maud they can demand ouly at the cost of hu manity aud right. He eveu goes to the.length of affirming— so strangely ha tbe ooutest de generated—that the New Englatjders have no right to discuss the question of Southern Sla very at all. lie says that the usages ot tbe CaroiiDas are no more to them than tbe iasti tutious of Russia or Brazil, aud that their med dling with such matters partakes of imperii neuce. If this be so, we can ouly say that tha "Uuion" of America mast be so utterly unsub stantial that it may as well bo dissolved at once, if the people of Massachusetts are so absolutely without iuterest or coucern in tbe affairs of Georgia that tbey bave no tide even to discuss the question of Georgian Slavery, tbe separation ot tbe two States cauuot be much widened by a rupture of the Federal (Jnsou.— If tue South reuily stands to tbe North in the relation only of Brazil or Russia, matters will uot be tuauged by the dissotut.on ut a nomi nal soutederacy, for the States could not well become more strange to eacb other than this tacory would represent them to be already.— But, of course, we uispute tbe fact. The peo ple of the American Uoion are to the eyes of int. world one people—not only as springing from the same stoek, speaking tho same lan guage, and owning the same blood, but as act ing through the same Government, an 1 sailing under fbe satno flag. Whatever affects one State in the way of national reputation affects all. Europe does not discriminate between provinces, whether for praise or Mam". When America's greatness is spoken of, Massachu setts and Mississippi share alike in tho respect which ts commanded, and when stories of sla very are circulated it is on the national stars and stripes that the discredit falls. To say that one portion of the American people have no title to eoneern themselves with the acts of another portion, on a question touching not only the eternal instincts of morality, but the character of the whole, is to -Assert what it would be impossible to unintain. | As we have taken up this case for an irapar ! tial though friendly judgment, wo must in bon : estv go one step further, and declare our con j vietion that even in the political agitation of | the question the Soufhoru States have sinned more than the Northern. No stretch of fauat ieism on the part of the North has been so ex travagant as the doctrines now openly avowed by the South. The Sieve States have long ceased to be content with sufferance, lu their j passionate effrontery they have loudly deolared | that Slavery, so far from being a blemish, is a positive blessing to a country. That it is the : only true basis of labor, and the best cement :of social institutions. They have claimed the | right, not only of preserving it for the present, j but of perpetuating it for all time, and of ex ; tending it into every Territory annexed to the American Union. One by one tbey have de stroyed or set aside all barriers in the shape of limits or compromises, and have driven their principles by sheer force down the throats of their opponents. As*a last resource they are preparing, apparently, to carry ont a menance of long standing, and to destroy the very fabric of the Union rather than reoognizo the fact that any other views than their own tnay prevail in the council of Government. They cannot pro fess to apprehend any interference with their "property." What they claim is that no man should be President of the United States who does not regard this "property" exactly as tbey | do—that is, who does not acknowledge that "a ; black servant and a black portmanteau aro chatties coming under exactly the same cate gory and description. In this country we cannot so entirely over- Idhk toe original question as is done on the other ide of the Atlantic. We look at Slavery as unlawful and abominable. We know, and have repeatedly acknowledged, what can be said, if ont precisely on its behalf, at auyrato, against the views of fanatical Abolitionists:— We can understand that it would be hard for an independent and spirited community to hold their institutions under safferanca, and by the tolerance, as it were, of others. Wc can ima gine that the Southern Slates were ied on step by step, and under the impulse of unexpected j successes, to change their ground and raise j their terms till the present bight of extrava- ; canoe was reached. All this we can well sup- I pose and admit, and tue Americans in*y con- ! fideotly assure themselves that '.here is no party j in this Kingdom which desires anything hut the maintenance an] prosperity of the Union. We aro more disposed, indeed, to advocate conciliation even at the expense of principle than io stand up for principle in the face of such high political peril. But, for all this, we cannot disguise from ourselves that, apart from ali political complications, thero is u right aud a wrong in this question, and thnt the right he longs, with all its advantages, to too States of ' the North. j LOUIS NAPOLEON ON THE UNION. HIS CONVERSATION WITH FAULKNER— HE DEPRECATES SECESSION. The Paris correspondent of The Newark Duly Advertiser, rafter describing the New Year's Reception of the French Emperor of the various Foreign Ministers, speaks of bis interview with the American Ambassador.— He says: It now devolves upon yout correspondent to describe an incident of the diplomatic recep tion, occurring a few moments after their for mal address had been pronouuccii, which, at the present momcutous juncture in the affairs of our own oouatry, will excite a deep interest iu tbo United States. Tho statement lam about to make may be relied upou as exact iu every particular. \\ hen tho collective recep tion of the diplomatic body was over, the Em peror passed slowly along tbo line "of Embas sadors and Ministers, speaking a few words to each in person. After a moment's conversa tion with the Persian Embaaoador, who stood at the right of the Minister of the United States, the Emperor approached Mr. Faulkner and cordially shook his hand. The usual words of greeting were then exchanged, after which the Emperor asked, in English: ''What is tho latest intelligence you have received from tbe United States? Not so alarming, 1 trust, as the papers represont it." "Like most nations, Sire," replied Mr. Faulkner, "we have our troubles, whiob have lost none of their ooloring, as described in iZo European press." The Emperor—"l hope it is not true that any of the Btites have sepatated from the Gen eral Confederation." iMr. Faulkner—"The States still form one common Government, as heretofore. There L excitement iu portions of tho Confederacy, aud there are indications of extreme measures be ing adopted by ouo or two of the States. But wo are familiar with the excitement, as we are familiar with the exciteincut, as we are with the vigor which beloDg to the institutions of a tree people. We have already more than once passed through commotions which would have shattered into fragmcuta any other Govern ment on earth, and this fact justifies the infer ence that the strength of tho Union wilt now he found equaljto the strain upon it." "The Emperor—"l sincerely hope it may be so; aud that you may long continue a uni ted and prosperous people." VOL. M. NO. 5. Mr. Faulkner thou asked permission of the 1 Emperor to present to htm Mr. J. G. Clarke, acting Secretary of Legation, and Mr. E. Boyd I Faulkner, acting assistant Seorctary, to whom i bis Majesty made a few kind remarks, and then ; posted od to the Minister of Denmark. i repeat that the account given of this ia portant conversation between Naftoleou 111. and the Minister of* the Uuited States may be relied upon fully. I have it from a gentleman who was present, ami who heard every word pronounced ou both sides. ludeed, the cir cunistanoes are now very generally known among the Americans in Paris, who comment upon the affair, according to their individual political sentiments; hut all, I believe, concur ring in the opinion the interrogations and ob servaiious of tire Emperor were inspired by a sincere regret at our unhappy internecino di visions, threatening a disaster which will not be attributed, in Europe, to its real sources, aud which could not fail to indict a terrible blow upon the struggling populations of Eu rope, looking to our country as a model of po litical liberty, and to our unexampled material prosperity as the most signal evidence of the success aud stability of republican institu tions. AN ENGLISH GALL TO US TO BE FIRM. trom the London jS'eics, Jan. 4. We oucht o consider also that wben tha bulk ef the Amerioan nation has condemned and adjured Slavery, tbo public opinion which the collective nation could uot withstand must be crushing to any severed portion of it; and again, that there is both a disagreement among the slaveholders about the policy of secession, and a refusal of the landless whites to bo dis posed of by their aristocratic neighbors and oppressors: and, again, that the respective States in the South are already jealous of each other's attempts at a port; and, again, that the Republican spirit which alone cau form a federal association in America exists only among that portion of the population which alone cm form a federal association ic Arneri* ca exists ooly among that portion of the popu lation which abhor 3 Slavery, and will never go into opposition to the North for its sake. In shun, the proposal of secession is m wild, so absurd, that it could uot be put forth by men sensible enough to conduct public af fairs unless they were so dishonest as to bo unworthy of the trust. The threat is either an outbreak oi mad passion, or a deviee to.ob tain concessions from the fears and affections ot the North. If tfit citizens of the Free Sidles re firm, J rank and steady, there will be no secession , organized and actual, or there wiii presently be applications for readmission to the I mon. \\ e, at a distance, can see how steadiness and patience on the part of the vic torious party might convert this 'Revolution' into u Reformation; and, though we can hard ly expeot so pure a result of the present fer mentation of passions, we may refuse tides pair of it. Ralph Farohatn, the last survivor of the bat | tie of Bunker Hill, died on the 26th ult., iu j Aoton, Maine, at the age of 104 yeara, 5 months, :19 days. On the afternoon preceding his de | mise, he asked his daughter-in-law, "Ain't ; there ar.gela in the room!" She replied, "Father Ido yeu think there are?" "Oh, yes," said he , "the room is full of them, aud they have come ;to a-sist me borne!" Speaking of his recent trip to BostoD, where he met the Prince of ; \\ ales and the Massachusetts State officers, he said: "Ou day Gov. Batiks and iMrs. Bauks ; came to see me, and each of them made me a i present. Mrs. Banks kissed me, and 1 don't recollect that 1 ever felt so embarrassed in all . my 1 ito as 1 did when 1 found the Governor's ! wife was going to kiss mo." ICY Her heart is like a frozen Uke, On whose cold brink I stand , Oh, hackle on my spirit's skate, And take me by the hand, x\od lead thou, loving saint, the was, To where the ido is thin, That it may break beneath my fact, And let a lover in. A facetious boy asked one of his playmate* how a hardware dealer differed from a shoema ker. The Latter somewhat puzzied, g*vo it up. "Why," said she other, "beeante the one sold nails, and the other nailed soles." Within two days after the delivery of bis great Union epeeoh, cienator Johnson, of Ten nessee, roceived one hundred and sixty-three letters of approval from Maryland and Vir ginia. Mrs. Partington says that she has noticed that whether flour was dear or cheap, she bad invariably to pay the same money for half a dollars worth. If you wish to learn all your defects, quar rel with your best friend, and yon will be sur prised to fiad what a villain you ate even io the estimation of a friend. son, i dislike yoar low ways." "Pray, father, would you have tn> turn high' wayman ?" A shop closed ou Thanksgiving Hay with the following sad announcement: "Closed on account of the death of n'turkey in the family. Baring 1854, throe timos as many emigrants cauio to this country its in iB6O. Gen. Scott was burnt in effigy on Saturday night by lue students of the University of Vir ginia.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers