BY DAVID OVER. From the London Times, December 3. The London Times on Gov- Ilrown, England and the Free States- At the great book sale which is going on at Paris a complete copy of Marat's Jin it du P'uple brought a large sum. M. solar was uurivalled in the diligence with which he col lected the fugitive literature of the French Revolution, aud many a pamphlet or broadside in bis collection, which was worth nothing sixty yc3rs ago, is now eagerly sought for by the curious. Nothing, indeed, is more inter esting than such specimens of political eccen tricity. To read ou the old origiual yellow paper the monstrous seotiuients of meu who at a time of commotion have gained power over toe minds of their contemporaries has a singu lar attraction. Should auy one at the present day be disposed to form such a collection for the benefit of posterity, he should certainly take care to include in it, the Message of Gov. Joseph E. Btown to the legislature of Georgia —a document which the future historian of the United States will hardly fail to quoto as il lustrating the height to which party madness reached at the rime of the great Presidential election of 1860. We have already alluded to this preposter ous composition, wbiob iu parts seem more like a burlesque of the Southern political stylo than a serious State paper , but it would be a vain attempt to convey a notion of its contents ex. cent by something like an abstract, which we will therefore give our readers. Governor Brown, though as pretentiously logical as a French pamphleteer, sets out with a principle which, if o.rried into action, wiil involve the Georgians tn war, not only with New EagUud, but with the British empire and every power in Europe. He bases the morality of retalia tion ou the fact that the Northerners are grossly dishonest in neglecting to capture fugitive slaves, inasmuch as they inherit the fot tunes made by Northern Slaveholders in old times, and also themselves make money by manufac turing and selling cotton which is the produce of slave labor. This argument is so conclusive ia the eyes of the Governor that he devotes something like a column of our type to its il lustration. Governor Brown's theory is, that in selling negroes sixty years ago the Northerners cove nanted fur the quiet possession of them and their progi-Gy for ever. To prevent the slave owners, therefore, from introducing their slaves ireely into the Northern States and carrying them back again is as great an invasion of Southern rights as if the Charleston or Savan nah authorities were to seize a Yankees trader's stock of goods. It has, of course, escaped tite zealous Governor that this theory applies *qt.liy to England. Our forefathers were l • slave traders, our fortunes have been in. cie -ed by selling negroes to tbo American p -rrtra, and jet we previously and dishonestly o that a Georgian gentleman's colored eerv ut becomes a free man directly he touch ed B l: r sh ground. Accordingly, every right of rst.-iiasion which the Southern States have *<M;n' t Massachusetts they have also against England. Should then, the mild wisdom of *.(. Governor prevail, and a Southern confed ctH y be established on Brownite principles, w . must expect to have some vevy peremptory dUi.. <sds made on us, and in case of refusal, to be treated even as the Northern Freetoilers. Whit measures are to be adopted against them, it may, therefore, be interesting to in quire. We are told that "probably the re cords of no State or nation in Christendom are more blackened with the deep stain of disgrace caused by a wilful violation of public faith" than those of Massachusetts through its ant'.-slavery legislation. "If our merohant goes there to trade, and carries with him his slave at a body servant (which be has as much natural right to do as a citizen of Massacbn. setts to carry bis baggage with him when ho travels through Georgia,} the laws of that State take from him his property, and refuse to permit him to briug it with him when he returns to bis home." The infamy of such conduct urges the Governor to seek a remedy, and he finds it in international law. "Ail writers on government" acquiesoe in the justice of reprisals when the citizens of one State are injured by the public acts of another. It is the duty of Georgia, therefore, whenever one of her citizens, no matter how humble, is rob bed of his property, to demsud prompt com pensation, and in default, "to make reprisals, by seizing the property of the offending State or nation, wherever it is to be found." The law of nations does not confine the injured state ts the seizure of the public properly of the offending state. In short, Gov. Brown recommends to the Legislature the passing of a law to empower the Governor to "seize such v mount of tuc money o? property of such of fending and faithless State which may be found withiu the limits of this State as may he amply ruffioient fully to indemnify"—the Governor is throughout rather redundant in style—"suoh citizen of this Stale who may have been robbed of his property by the failare of such Kith less St te to charge its constitutional obliga tions." But mis is not all. The Northerners are not only to he robbed every time a State rafus s to aid in catching a negro, but they are to he murdered with impunity. In the history of the French Convention nothing mor atrocious is recorded than the proposal of Gov. Brown, that the "Penal Code and all oilier laws of this State which protect the liberty and property of the citizens of other Slates wbde iu this State, be repealed," o far as regards any State wbioh refuses to r -- 'gii.Zi the owner's property in bis slave "u its limits. The only excuse lot him that be is probably writing a "sensation" m -" 'go, and kuowe that bis counsels will ne.:r he adopted. The people of Massachu ■ Vermont, Michigan, Main, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York and Wisconsin, as being A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &c —Terms: One Dollar and Fifty Cents in Advance. the principal offenders, would at onoa be de- f clared "without the protection of the laws of i this State," aud it would rest with the Gover nor to restore theui to sueh protection when ' their respective governments should have met the views of the Southern party. After this, even the mad scheme of prohib- j iiing trade with the Abolition States, by dis- j criminating duties in favor of those whose legislation is more satisfactory, seems quite natural. It is recommended that a differential ; duty of twenty.five per cent shall be laid on I the produetious of every Stite which neglects ; to carry out the principles of the Fugitive ! Slave law, and a system of inquisition is to be j established in order to discover what amouut of Northern goods is sold yearly iu the State, j If these remedies fat!, the Governor recom- j mends secession, seeming not to recognize that 1 his former proposals involve not ouly secession 1 but war. The act of secession, he thinks, | would be easy enough. Should the U. States government prosecutu any Georgian citizeD for treason and take his life. "I should retaliate promptly by seizing and hanging upon the nearest tree two of the subjects of sue'- gov ernment for each citizen of Georgia whose life should be thus illegally taken." The remain- i der of the message is devoted to a view of j Southern prospects, which the Governor thiuks j most cheering. England is depeudent on cot tou, and therefore would have to be friendly to the cotton States. As to negro insurrection, he docs not believe io it. "Our slaves are usually under the eyes of their masters and overseers. Few of them can read or write, j They are not permitted to travel oo our rail- j toads or other public conveyance. They have j no mail facilities, no means of communication j with each other at a distance." "They feel ! and recognize their inferiority as a race, and their depeudence on their owoers, whose smile j yf approbation constitutes their highest eu- j joyiueot." Hence a general rebellion is im passible, though, perhaps, occasionally there | might occur trifling disturbances, "whioh would oblige us promptly to execute the slaves who should have departed from the path of duty." On the other band, in the North there is like ly to be an insurrection of the poor white against the rich white. There the white man peiforms menial duties which in the South he shrinks front. Iu Georgia the white does not belong to the menial class. "The negro is in no sense of the term bis equal, lie bUcks no master's boots, and bows l,be knee to no oue, save God alone. Iu the North it is far otherwise, and at some future time the white laborers may require satisfaction for past in* justice and assert the principle recognized in the South, that the true aristocracy is not an : aristocracy of wealth, but of color and con- ! duet." Such are the auspices under which the Southern States are asked to destroy tho llnioD, which has lasted eighty years, and given them a place among the first nations of the earth. The world will judge for itself what are the chances of a federation in which Governor Btown shall be a leading spirit. South Carolina. This State, by her Convention, on Thursday, 20th uitimo, at about one o'clock P. M., voted herself out of the Union. The following is the Utdinanoe of SCCCSSIOB, Wth the remarks in connection with the aot: THE ORDINENCE OF SECESSION. Mr. Ingiis made the report of the committee to ptepare and draft an ordinance proper to be adopted by the Oouveution, as follows: An Ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of South Carolina and other States united with hei under the compact, entitled the Constitution oj I tie United Stales of ] America. "We the people of the State of South Oaro- i lina, in Convention, do declare and ordain, and • it is hereby declared and ordaiacd, That the ordinance adopted by us in Convention on the 23d day of May, A. 1). 1778, whereby the Constitution of the United States of America 1 was ratified, and also all aots aud parts of acta of the General Assembly of this State, ratify ing the amendments of the said Constitution, are beroby repealed, aud that the Union now 6ubststiug between south Carolina aud the other States, under the oame of the United States of America, is beieby dissolved." The ordinauoo was taken up, and passed by a unanimous vote of 169, votes, at a quarter past one o'clock. The vote was taken at 15 minutes past one o'clock. As soon as its passage was known without the doors of tne convention, it rapidly spread on the streets, and the large crowd there collected evidenced their approval with immense chceriDg. Mr. Miles moved that the olerk telegraph to the members of Congress representing the State at Washington j which was carried unani mously. Mr. I>e Sausure moved that the ordinance be engrossed on parobment, under the direc tions of the Attorney General, aud be signed by tbe president and members ibis oveniog. at Institute Hall, and that it be placed among the archives of the State. The hoar of baif past six o'clock was agreed upon as tho boar to proceed to Institute Hall for the purpose of signing tbe ordinance. DEBATE ON TBI PASSAEE OF THE ORDINANCE. Judge Magrath—l think the special matter of this ordinance should be immediately con sidered. To my understanding there is no col lector of the port, nor postmaster, now within the limits of South Carolina. What yon have done to-day has extinguished the authority of every man in South Carolina deriving his au thority from the general governmeut. law in favor of this body making such provisional ar rangements as may be necessary in the interval vhiob may exist between this moment and the BEDFORD. PA, FBIDAY, JANUARY 1861 time the Legislature may act. lam not. how ever, to be implicated as sanctioning the idea that there is no lawful authority withtiS tbe limits of the State except the general govern ment. Mr. Gregg —After South Carolina has abro gated tbe Constitution of the United States are its laws still in force? I think not. Ail tbe laws of Congress fall instantly to the ground on the passage of the act of Secession. Mr. Cheves—An immense chasm has been made in law. It is necessary that, t> avoid inconvenience to the people, we should make temporary arrangements to carry ou the gov eminent. * Mr. Gregg—Thero is no Uw on the subject of tbe collection of duties in South Carolina, now that we have accomplished the work of forty years. Mr. Hayne The Congress of the United States is no longer our government. It wiil be for our Legislature to say what laws of the United Slates shall be continued, and what not. The simple -act of secession does not abrogate all laws. We ha*ve a great many laws on our own statue books wbiob were passed by tbe Governor and Privy Council. Mr. Gregg—The congressional laws for ool lectiun of the revenue are for the support of tbe federal government at Washington. All the post office laws fall on our dissolution of that government. Mr. Miles—We have now to deal with stern facts and realties. We must prevent confusion and anarchy in the derangement of our govern ment affairs. Things most, for the present, re rnaiu in statu quo , or confusion wiil arise. Mr. Hayne—Sudden aotiou is injurious. Mr. Cbesuut— Two questions ato involved: Power and duty. We must preserve our po ple Dot ouly from inconvenk oca but troui chaotic condition. We must revivify such law-, as are best adapted to preserve us trom calam ities. As to our duty, will you turn the ship of State adrift? What becomes of her offi cers ? Mr. Maseyck—There ia no duty collector now for the port#. So too with the po.t offioe. All aro swept off by this aot. My upiuiou is that the present system of postal arrangements is a nuisance. The public woull bo better; served by private parties between tb ci'ios— ; like the system io Philadelphia and New York. Have a postage of ooe cent instead of three cants, and to less important {dace# make it ion cents or more. Mr. Ualhoao—We have pulled the temple down that has been built for three quarters of a century. We must now clear tho rubbish away and reconstruct another. We are now houseless, we must secure ourselves for stotms. Mr. Durkin.—lf that ordinance of seces-ion be passed things will still go on in the custom bouse aud post office exactly as now until other arrangements are made by the convention.— There is nothing in the ordinance to effect the dignity, honor ot welfare of tbe Bute of South Carolina. We must keep the wheels of govern ment going, The constitution of the Un.tM States is not entirely abrogated by the ordi nance. What is the legal teuder for the pay ment of debts if it is uoi tho gold and silver oi the United States? Mr. Carvoilo said the present officers of rev enue would be continued till the act of the Leg islature authorized otherwise. Mr. Brown—Thero is no longer any oommu nioation with the government from which we are just separated. Mr. Durkin—The spirit of tho ordinance is temporarily suspended till we treat with the geuerai government. Mr. Gregg—The President of the Hatted States ba9 thrown down tbe gauntlet io his mes sage. He has said that it is his duty to col lect the revenue, aod he will do it. On one side the federal government claims tbe right aod declares tbe intention to execute the power of collecting the revenue io our ports. On the other side we have declared that we are free. I desire no compromise, it is necossary to main tain that from 15 to 30 per cent, of duties im posed by the Congress of the United States should be continued to be levied, otherwise our people will suffer terrible oalamity. As to the carrying of tbe mails, let a present ooutract be assumed by South Carolina instead of tbe Uui ted States. Mr. llhett—This great revolution must go on with as little damage as possible to the country. By making tbe federal agents ours, tbe machinery wtli move 00. The federal laws of taxation must not exist over us; we are now contending for the great principle of taxation. I trust the present system of taxation has faiicD forever. Mr. Barnwell—We have seceded from the United States and established oar independence. We can't allow tbe Uoited States to cxeroise authority over us any more. Let the postal convenience be sacrificed, if ceoesaary. Thero never was aoytbiog purchased worth haviDg un less at the cost of sacrifice. Mr. Maseyuk—ln regard to the mail, all restrictions must be removed. Lot ua appoint our own offioers. Let tbe oolleotor of tbe port battle witb tbe difficulties as they come. At 3.40 P. M. the convention took a rooesa to meet at Institute Hall, at 6.30, for tho pur pose of sigoing tbe ordinance. As the convention were leaving St. Aodrew'a Hail, the obime# of St. Miehael's Episcopal Church pealed forth 'Old Lang Syne* and other airs. The convention, whioh passed the above or dinance, consisted of 169 members, elected not by the people but by those who either own 50 Acres of land or a House and lot: for that State with all her boasted democracy, has never been democratic enough to do away with the proper ty qualifications for voters, and bsnoe denies to the poor man tbe privilege of sayiDg who ■hall rule over him. It will be #een thai the secedcra , after their action, were very tench frightened. They undertook to break up -uc government, but made no provision to insM'u'e another; showing conclusively that they v. governed by passion and had cut loote from dictates of reason. It will be found in af .v days that they have involved themselves >u 1 anarchy and confusion, and that dcsiuut-oa, liistress and misery will inevitably overwhelm ihern, sueh as no man can estimate. Four blinded fanatical Sonth Carolina. Iriicles froni Mr. Lincoln's ifomc Journal. Extrj"ts from the Chicago Democrat hive been freely circulated, North aud 3>wT, a from "Ur. Liocoln's home organ," and ;• they are uniformly of an ultra and violet)t stamp, i* has become accessary to d-. .w tbeiu. " ! hc Springfield Journal, which apeaii for Mr- Lincoln, says: "WerTthe character of tbe Chicago Demo crat understood at the South as it is here in illinois, Mr. Lincolu would not be held re-p.m sible for such sensation articles aa tbe a It is certain that during the eD'ire can vs.- whioh baa just closed, the Chicago D. 'O9ocr.it, if it did not openly oppose, did all it ci-ui't, by boldly and persistently misrepresenting to. principles of the Republican party, to defeat the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Proi L ti-'y It is hai iiy necessary for us to s.y, from whar wc kno" of Mr. Lincolu, that its insulting tone in ro manner reflects his feeiiugt or Si-u --timcnt- lie stands firmly and immovably no on the platform of tbe Republican party, and ; ia a beliover io the principles therein enuDo:* ted; hot in tho midst of the popular iritin; vbieh those principles have aohiovod, ueitnv . lie uor the Republicans aa a party, assume to indulge its any such strait of utfaisivo taut:; and ridii-ule. We feel satisfied tint he v do his doty fearle-sly in any emergency tl. ;. may art-.', bat he will do it with a consuut re gard to ail tbe rights which are guaranteed t.> the Beveral States under tho Constitution. Tim coarse language of the Democrat finds no sym pathy anywhere except among a few DeuaoerH'- te papers North, which are uupatriotic enough, by givitg circulation to such lutotuperate *r;i ri,-s -#ek i a io testify tho ptcseut exi-.t aieut at the South. We would only si-. 'Ti conclusion, that the fire caters of that section, who are now making use of it iu handb". form, as a pretext for attempting to carry oat their disunion tbteats, are sadly iu need of a rational argument for their incipient treason." STAND FIRM—BE TRUE. — Wo feel iadig uant, sometimes, when wa bear timid Republi cans counseling an abandonment iu part of Re publican ground. We aro asking for nothing that ia not clearly right. We have done no thing wrong—we have nothing to apologize for —noiaing to take back, as a party. Wc have fought a hard battle—we have come out of it victorious, aud shall wa now call back li<o routed flying enemy, and basely surrender all that we have gaiued? Never! Let us stand firtu as the eternal hills upou toe Republican platform, and "turn this Government back iu to the chaunel in which the fratuers of the Con stitution originally placed it." Some there are who are counseling Mr. Lincoln to t..ke into his Cabinet two or three gentlemen who do nut agree with him politically. They do not know the man. On the 17th of June, 1858, in a speech delivered in this eity, Mr. Liuooln said: •Our cause, then, must be entrusted to. and couuuoted by, its own undoubted friends — those whose hands aro free, whose heart* are iu the work, who do care for the result. Two ; years ago tho Republicans of the uatiuu mus ! tered over thirteen hundred thousand strong. | We did this under the single impulse of rc- I sistanee to a common danger, with every ex | terual circumstance against us. Of strange, I discordant, and even hostile elements, we gath ered from the four winds, and formed, and fought the battle through, uuder the constant, hot fire of a disciplined, proud and pampered eueuiy. Did we brave all then *o falter now? now, when that enemy is wavering, dissevered and belligerent* The result is not doubtful. We shall not fail—if we stand firm we shall not fail. Wise couusels may accelerate, or mistakes delay it, but sooner or later, the vic tory is sure to come." The viotory has come, brilliant, glorious, ovorwhclmiug. Mr. Lin colu hitnscif led the triumphant host. The people have intrusted their cause to him, know ing bis 'uanus to bo free,' his 'heart in the work,' and that he 'does care for the result.' Will bo entrust it now, think you, to those who are not 'its own undoubted friends?' Will he call around him a hostile Cabinet, and reward with office and honor the, very men whom the people have repudiated? We do not speak as one clothed with authority, but wo aro satis fied that ha will do BO sach thing. Abraham Lincolu uever betrayed a trust, never violated a premise, uever deceived a friend, and now, when a free aud mighty people have crowned him wtth tbe bigbest bouor of earth, wa do not think be will begin that work, tie will carry nut the pulioy of the Republican party, and tne two millions of freemen composing that party should rally around him, cheer aud sustain him. Let there be no wavering, no faltering uow, no treaoberous counsel, no base surrender of principle. Lot there be justioe, moderation, prudence, but unflinching firmuess. Wc have undertaken, iu the language of Mr. Lincolu, to 'turn this Governmeut back into tbe channel in whioh the framers of the Con stitution originally plaoed it.' Lot ua do it. TBE UNION, IT MOST BE PRESERVED— Thorn are not a few who seem to think that tbe Union will be dissolved whenever tbe South ( Carolina Secession Convention pisses a resolu tion to that eff>ct. Tbe Uotou can Dot be dis j solved by the passage of resolutions. South Carolina may resolve that she is no long u r a p it of this Union. She may hold secession meeting;#, mount disunion cockades, plaot pal lo-tin trees, make palmetto flags, trample un der foot the glorious flag of our country, and proclaim from the housetps her treason and her ahatnc, but all this will not dissolve the Union. She may compel her citizens to resign official place held %uder the Fed-ral Govern* nietit —she may close her courts and post of- i Sees, and put her own people to a great del oUioconvenicnoo and trouble, but -.be wiil still I he iu the Union, unmolested. She cannot get [ -.-lit of thi- union until sbo conquers this Gv- j •i> rent. The revenue must ar.d will be col- j I eted at her ports, and any resistance on her j part wiil lead to war. At the close of that - war we cart tell with certain y whether she is ' or out of the Union. While this Govern ment endures there can be no disunion. If i South Carolina does not obstruct the ooiiectioii j of 'be reveuuo at her ports, nor violate any ( odmr Feder d law, there will be no trouble, : -tod sue wilt nut be out of the Union. If she , violates tho laws, then cmues the tug of war. Toe President of the United State#, in such j ..<) emergency, has a plain duty to perform.— j Bu-baoau may shirk it, or the emergency tnay n-i during bis administration. If not h-u the Union will lost through his term of ; uthjc. If the overt act, eu the pert <*f South v,..roiifia, takes place on or alter ihe Ist of Match, 1861, then the duty o! executing ibe j I. s • will devolve upon Mr. Lincoln. The ■ • f the United States must be executed— President has no discretionary power on .i : s-O'-ject —his doty is emphatically pro i ai't ■i iu the Constitution. Mr. Lincoln will tti that duty. Disunion, by armed force, -.son, ami treason must and will be put i .. atl hozards. This Uuion will not and . • ;• tof dissolved until this Government is > vii !,y the traitors wbolcv? raised the ">d-.g. Can they ovotthrow it? We fu. a They uiay disturb its peace, they ' • in rapt tte coarse of its prosperity, ■•j may miiud its reputation for stability, but -it quihty will be restored, its prosperity J ..urn, and the statu upon its uational c i '..'i will be transferred aud remain an ■iert a; blot on the memory of those who caus- : disorder. Lot the secessionists under- i 'tin i u,lvt the pte'ss proclaim it, lot it fly on ;x? wings of the lightning, and fail like a | tl t>. lt amoDg those now plotting treason j l eutioß, that the Republican pvrtv. that ' the gr. at North, aided by hundreds of toons- | and- i patriotic men in the Siave States,; Lav. determined to preserve the Union—peace ably if tiiey can, forcibly if they must. Commerce cf Souili Carolina. A commercial writer in the New Yotk Her ald makes a pertinent reply to a late article in the Charleston Mercury in reference to the prospective commerce of South Carolina as an independent power. We extract as follows : j ' The Mercury commits some obvious, though not i'tinatural errors Vessels sailing from L't.arie-tou for Liverpool or Havre, after as before the 18th of December, will be required before they can discharge cargo in either of those ports, to present a proper clearance, signed by a United States officer. If they have no such clearance, they will probably be seized and detained as suspicious craft.— Neither tbe Government of Great Britain nor tout of France will recognize her. South Caro lina is not and will not for some time be known in Europe as an independent nation. And aoy vfssel which goes to sea under her flag, and with papers signed only by her officials, wiil be a lawful prizo by auy cruiser, and will not j be suffered to enter any commwcial port.— Until the Government of the United States snail recognize the independence of South Carolina, she cannot carry on auy foreign trade with any commercial nation under tho sun. . 4 The Mercury makes an appeal to the foroign j Consuls at Charleston. It is apparently un aware cf the fact that these Cousuls are ac credited to the United States, aud that their : functions eease the instant Charleston ceases to ' ibe a Uuitcd States port. From tbe hour of the secession of South Carolina, it will not , contain a single foreign Consul within its bor ders. If the United States Government should ; resolve to suffer the revenue laws to be avaded 1 with impunity at the port of Charleston, there will be nothing, after secession, to prevent a | smart import trade at that port. But the merchants of Charleston may as well under stand at once that, from the hour the United States Collectar resigns to the uay the Inde pendence of Sonth Carolina is recognized by i 'he United States and by the rest of the world, oot a bale of cotton or a dollar's worth of auy ! other produce can be exported from Cbarlea ; too." A GOOD CHARACTER. A good character in a young man ie w hat I a firm foundation is to the architect: whoever j proposes to erect a building on it can build with safety ; but let a single part of that be ; defective, and ten to one the edifice he erects | on it wiil tumble down at last, and mingle all thai was built on it in rnina. Without a good j character poverty is a curse; with it, it is ! scarcely evil. Ail that is bright in the hope of youth, all that ii calm and blissful in the sober scene of life, all that is soothing in the ; vale of years centers on and is derived from | good character. >• Yoang men particularly, should remember i that it is better to be alone than to be in bad i company. VOL. M, NO. 1. I Thf Census of Prnnsylranjfi, •r > ,j ?|5"!~ sT ?! 1 * * *5 ' S" I o I -s COVJSTIEJ. 1 j ( •? 55' I S= 1 i 2 p °! [_?_ Adams, 259*1 '2l <377 1996 7 Allegheny, 138280 18U074 41781 3 Armstrong, 2956.1 <76111 6554 22 Bearer, 26689 2.1-32! 2032 9 Be.lford, 23 i"2 20803 37.il 30 ' : -cir. 21777 2778-5 6i'f 27 Buiford, 42831 60046 721-5 16 Bueke, 66091 6:5803 77)2 13 Butler, 30346 337-53 3407 " Cambria, 17773 29318 11 .40 *i4 Carbon, 15686 2123a 5553 34 - Onto-, 23365 2708" 3732 15 Chester, 66438 74749 8311 12 Clarion, 23565 25575 2)10 8 Clearfield, 12586 18925 6-34.) 50 Clinton, 11207 17722 6515 58 Columbia. 17710 24608 Montour,* 13239 18110 f ~ l -Crawford, 87849 49041 11192 29 Cumberland, 84327 40402 6075 17 Dauphin, 35754 48640 12856 36 Delawaie, 24679 30015 6935 24 Klk, 3531 6848 2317 65 Brie, 38742 49697 10955 24 Fayette, 39112 40166 1054 2 Frank liu, 39904 42252 2-338 & Fulton, 7567 9140 1563 20 (r; eerie, 22136 24406 2270 10 Huntingdon, 24786 26167 1281 o Indiana, 27170 38869 6699 24 Jefferson, ( „ t 18414 4,-„ r Forreut.f \ 14-H8 1 889 p d Juniata. 13099 16300 3271 25 Lancaster, 98944 116621 17677 37 Lawrence, 21079 23213 2134 10 Lebanon, 26171 30030 3959 15 Lehigh, 82479 43932 11453 35 Luzerne, 56072 91089 3-5017 62 Lycoming, 26257 37550 11303 43 M'Kean, 5254 9000 3746 71 Mercer, 33172 37164 3992 12 Mifflin, 14930 16378 1398 9 Monro®, 13270 16805 3535 26 Montgomery, 68291 70494 12208 20 Northampton, 40235 47775 7540 18 Northumberland, 28272 29057 3785 24 Ferry, 20088 22940 2852 14 FhiU. City, 408762 568034 159272 38 Pike, _ 5881 7360 1479 25 Potter, 6048 11467 0419 89 Schuylkill, 60713 90173 29160 48 Somerset. 24416 26920 2504 10 Sullivan, 3694 4140 446 4 Susquehanna 28688 36665 7977 28 Tioga, 23978 3121< 7231 SO aSSL ! 26088 ! jn§ {• -a Y.nango, 18310 25189 6379 87 Warren, 13671 19299 5628 41 Washington, 44939 47319 2880 11 Wayne, 21800 31172 10182 45 Westmoreland, 51726 54020 2294 4 Wyoming, 10655 12644 198S 18 York, 57450 68088 10638 18 Total. 2,311,776 2,913,441 601665 26 SOTE3. •Part of Montour county was re-annexed to Co lumbia in 1853. fThe population of Forest was returned with that of Jefferson in 1850. jSnyder county was formed from Union in 1855. The Terms of Union.—We hare before alluded to the one sided compromises proposod to satisfy the South, They all look to conces sion to the South and not by it. The South demands all that is contained in the Breckin ridge platform, and will be content with noth ing less. As Wigfall says: "When two rido one horse, one must ride behind and that the South will not do." The quarrel between the two sections is to be settled upon the plan of reconciliation between the two Deacons. Dea con A. called on Deaeon 8., to whom he'had not spokeu for fourteen years, and said: 'Brother 8., I've coma to propose to you that we settle our difficulty, and be friends. We will com promise the matter, and live in peace hereafter, for I'm getting old ; and quarrels don't become Christian men. getting ready for the next world." "Very well, Brother A.," says 8., "what are the terms of the compromise you propose!" "Why," replied Deacon A., "you must gt'tw up, Jor 1 can't." President Buchanan Is again verifying the truth that 'no man can serve two masters.'— Hts wavering, shuffling policy is not only the worst that could be adopted for the country, but the most unwise he oould have adopted for himself. He is contriving to alienate the re spect of each section without gaining that of the other. Secretary Cobb leaves bim be cause he half promised to defend the Union, and Secretary Cass leaves him because be fails to keep even that half promise. He is throw ing away the greatest opportunity ever a President had of aehieving honorable position in history as tbe preserver of bis Country, and yet be so vacillates that even the traitors he encourages cannot respect him.— Alb. Evt. ! Journal. | A Nam* for the New Repcjblio. — A cor -1 respondent writing to tbe Columbia South Car olinian from "up countty" wants the true name of the new Republio "Columbia Rspublio," and says: "Give us the trne Columbus and the Yankees' may have the false A marie us Vespucius." The Louisville Journal says that if the "up coun try " writer wants the true name he must re member that Christovsl Colon discovered Amer ica, and so the "Colon Republic" would be i proper. It would also be judicious, for ahoald tbe new Republic, in the process of time, di vide, one fraction might be called the "Colon" and the other the "Semi-Colon." "Tbe Sooth does not intend to leave the Union," says Senator Johnson of Tenneiste. We have always said so, but nr. glad to have Mr! Johnson's endorsement of cur opinion.— Nobody knows better than he
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers