BY DAVID OVER.
$ D 111IJ.
DISSOLVE THE UNION.
Dissolve the Union ! Who would part
The chain tbat binds us heart to heart t
Each link wa3 forged by sainted sires,
Amid tbe Revolution's fires ;
And cool M—oh, where so rich a flood t
In Warren's and in Sumpter's blood !
Dissolve the Union! Be like France,
When ♦-Terror" rear'd her bloody lance,
And man became destruction's child,
And woman in her passions wild
Danced in the life-blood of her Queen,
Before the dreadful guillotine I
Dissolve the Union ! Roll away
The spangled flag of Glory's day ;
Blot out the history of the brave.
And desecrate each Patiiot's grave.
And then above the wreck of years
Quaff an eternity of tears ?
Disscive the Union ! Can it be
That they who speak such words are free ;
Great God ! did any die to save
Such sordid wretches from the grave—
When breast to breast, and hand to hand
Oar patriot fathers freed the land ?
Dissolve tbe Union ' Ho! Forbear!
The sword of Damocles is there;
Cut but a hair and earth shall know
A darker, deadlier tale of woe
Than history's crimson page has told
Since Nero's car in blood e'er roll'd.
Dissolve the Union! Speak! ye hills!
l'e everlasting mountains cry !
Shriek out t ye streams asd mingling rills,
And ocean roar in agony !
Dead heroes ! leap from Glory's sod !
And shield the manor of your blood !
The Elediou of Lincoln iu England.
Comments of the Condon Press
[Front the London Times, Nov. 29.]
The event which has occupied tbe attention
of the United States for the last four years
has at length come to pass, aud virtually, al
though not as yet legally, Mr. Lincoln has
been elected the President, and Mr. Hamlin
the Vice President of the great American
Confederacy. The event ha 9 been long fore
seen, and will surprise nobody who has paid
the least attention to American polities. It is
tbe natural reaction against the outrages and
excesses of 1855, and 1856, the protest of the
freest and best educated part of tbe American
people against tbe acts of high handed vio
lence and oppression which preceded tbe ad
vent of Mr. Buchanan to power. If tbe South
has at length found that it is not omnipotent
in the councils of the country, tbat unpleasant
discovery is owing to the foolish and intemper
ate use which the South has made of its pros
perity. While demanding the most implicit
respect for its own opinions, the South has
beeo ever ostentatious iu proclaiming bitter
and cynical contempt for tho opinions and the
feelings of others. Slavery has been defend
ed as tbe normal and perfect State of human
society, and the North has been bitterly taunt
ed with its honest industry, and tbe coarseness
of manners which the fastidious Souther plant
er traces to tba, cause. While claiming for
itself the monopoly of the government of the
United States tbe South has constantly held
the language of disaffection, and tbe United
Slates have beeo ruled by a party which was
perpetually talking of disuniting them.
So far from wondering that these things
should have produced the result we have just
witnessed, it h-s long appeared to be impossible
thai they should not. .Mankind, if ruled at ail
must be tulcd cither by force or persuasion.—
The South could not employ the former, aud
have long substituted the language of provo
cation and defiance for tbe latter. But these
and many other circumstances, while they ful
ly account for the change which has taken
place, tend very considerably to diminish its
significance. Had tbe South been always rea
sonable and conciliatory, we must have regard
ed the election of Mr. Lincoln as evidence of
an intolerance of tbe very institution of slave
ry which might porteud results fatal to the
stability of the Uuiou; but the South has
realty t.ken so much pains to bring the present
result to pass that it bas no right to be sur
prised at iis own success.
For ourselves, as far, as the immediate in
terest of this country is concerned, we regard
ibe accession to power of the Republican Pre
sident without any very strong feelings of tii
:>mpb. YVe have lived on good terms with his
Democratic predecessor; we do not doubt that
*c shall he able to maintain tbe same relations
with the new Chief of tho Stato.
But, although this may be all very plain
and easy to us, there is a considerable uumber
°f persons in America to whom, apart from
mere political considerations, the change of
Presidents is not a matter of indifference.—
♦ *rst, there are tbe employees, from tho Sec
taries of State down to the sorter of letters
br *i tide waiters. The vote that baa substitu-
a Bcpublidao for a Democrat at the White
Louse, i to them, and eaoh of them, a sen
A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &c—Terms: One Dollar and Fifty Cents in Advance.
tence of ruthless and indiscriminate proscrip
tion. There is no need to affix tbe list of the
proscribed in public places, after the fashion
of tbe cynical Sylla. The proscription is ex
actly coincidental with tho number of place
holders. YVe canuot expect that any argu
ment will reconcile these martyrs to their
doom- Then there are the slave owners them
selves whose acute sensibilities on the subject
of their 'peculiar domestic institution,' whose
hatred of the North, and whose fears of tbe
masses of barbarism by which they have sur
rounded themselves, have led them very much
to over estimate the real importance of tbe
chaoge. There cau be no slave so stupid and
ignorant as not to know that tbe blow which
bis master has been talking of and fearing so
long bas fallen at last and who will not derive
from it a far greater degree of confidence than
it ought really to inspire. The reign of terror
now prevailing in Texas is a sufficient proof of
the existence of this spirit of exaggeration,
and it may, perhaps, operate to call forth from
the slaves some manifestation of feeling, which
can have no other result than to rivet fetters
already too severe.
We may surmise that tbe disgraceful traffic
in slaves, sure, sooner or later, to follow tbe
institution of slavery itself, will be kept under
with a vigorous hand. We may expect to find
tbe Supreme Court of tbe United States re
stored, if not to impartiality, to sometbiog
more like a balance of opinion by the appoint
ment of emiueut Republican lawyers, and we
may expect to find in the administration of
the Territories a spirit which will render the
repetition or scenes like those of Kansas im
possible.
YVe know that the friends of the negro have
much more to expect from the new President.
His powers are very limited, and will be con
fined withiu a space much narrower than their
strictly legal extent by tho same necessity
which bas made Mr. Buchanan abstain from
auy attempt on Cuba, and tolerate the anarchy
aod even the aggressions of unhappy Mexico.
For the safety of tbe Uoion itself we confess
we* have no fear. Of course, it will take some
time before men can cool down from the blus
ter which has been so profusely used for elec
tioneering purposes to the language of moder
ation and truta.
Some men have said these things so often
that they are ashamed to show how little they
believe them, and some so often tbat they
have really learned to be.icve them themselves.
But when the cooler heads of tbe South begin
to consider how imagiuary is the injury which
they have sustained, how vast are the interests
involved, bow heavy would be the cost, how
considerable the danger of disuuion, and bow
impossible it would be for tbe Southern States
to maintain io the face of the world the strong
position they now bold as members of a great
American Confederacy, wo suspect tbat tne
South will think better of it, and turn its ao
tivity into the more practical channel of pro
viding Mr. Lincoln with a Democratic succes
sor in 1864.
From the London Saturday Review.
A SLAVEHOLDER REPUBLIC.
Nothing ean be more rational than the skep
ticism which leads men of experience to doubt
tbs occurrence of any very great event which
is very confidently predicted ; aud, if the event
be an American event, incredulity is increased
by the knowledge that the American people
have principles of barking which are entirely
distinct from their principles ot bitiug. Still
there are tooie symptoms which make it worth
while to attend to the contingency of a separa
tion between tbe Northern and Southern States
of the Union. If there is one sign which
clearly shows that ao American is genuinely
uneasy, it is tbe abatement of his commercial
confidence, and we new learn tbat, as soon as
it beoame more tbaD probable tbat Mr. Lincoln
would be elected to tbe Presidency, American
securities declined eeriously io ail parts of tbe
United States. It does not aeetu to be thought
for ODe moment tbat soy act of armed rebel
lion is meditated by tbe slaveholders, and they
appear to be too divided in opioion for there to
be much chance of their concerting a plau of
simultaneous resistance. Bat one or two
Southern States, peopled by bigots ot more
tbau ordinarily furious temper, have announced
that tbey mean to take a course which is cer
tainly alarming. They propose to instruct the
Senators who represent them in tbe Upper
House of L'ongress to resign their seats, and
then they intend to abstain from filling tbe va
cancies. The Senate, io which all States are
equally represented, is the knot of the Feder
al Union , but there do not seem to be any
menus of compelling an uowillioc State to
contribute delegates to it, nor is there any
knowu Uonstitutional fiction by which the empty
places oan be taken to be filled. Tbe with
drawal of a part of the Senators would amount
to a de Jacto seperation much more difficult to
deal with, and perhaps more dangerous, than
overt treason against the commonwealth.
As soon as it becomes worth while to disouss
tbe establishment of a seperate federation of
tbe Slaveowoiug States, the considerations
which suggest tncmselves are snob as to make
Ja wonder at tbe folly of the undertaking.—
The least drawback on it is its axpensiveness.
At piesent, the cost of tbe General Govern
ment is most unequally distributed between
the North and South ; and, though in the
Southern section these expenses are much larger
ttiao in tbe Northern, from the greater inao
cet-sibility of the oountry, the amount contri
buted by the Slave States to tbe revenue which
pays them is out of all proportion smaller than
tbe amount raised from tbe States of Free-
Soil. This, however, is a trilling reason for
raiuiog the Union, compared with others. Is
it possible tbat the planters do not peroeive
that their connection with tbe Northern States
has tbe effect, as it were, of insuring their pe. 1
BEDFORD. PA.. FRIDAY. DECEMBER 28, 1860.
culiar institution ! Looked at impartially, it is
much more like a contrivance for keeping up
Degro servitude than for weakening it. The
utmost outrage with which they are menaced
by Mr. Lincoln and the Republicans is a Con
gressional measure prohibiting the introduction
of Slavery into the North-Westcrn Territories
of the Union. Even this disadvantage is not
necessarily a consequence of the Republicans
carrying the Presidency ; for Congress is still
hostile to the Republicans, and the Southern
planters, who are unanimous themselves, and
allied with a powerful minority iu every State
of the North, have a reasonable prospect of
even now thwarting their antagonists' policy.
But if the Southern States once succeeded in
constituting a seperate Federation, it is surely
clear that every question now pending between
themselves and the North would beoorue at
once an international question. Every point
now at issue iu the domestic forum of Congress
would oome under the cognizance of the gen
eral society of nations. What sort of division
of the unsettled territory now belonging to the
United States would ever ho agreed upon be
tween the Northern and Southern Federations
nobody can pretend even to conceive ; und this
is the very difficulty which seems to show that
the severance could oever be effected without
bloodshed. It is plain, however, that every
attempt of the Southern States to expand be
yond tbe territory absolutely secured to theni
would be resisted, not simply by their Northern
neighbors, but by the whole strength of Eu
ropean civilization. The more reckless spirits
of the South are pushing on their quarrel iu
the belief that, if they were once embarrassed
of the Union, they could rend proviace after
province from Mexico, and fill each successive
acquisition with their slaves. But Europe
would btve a word iu the matter. It is simply
tbe incorporation of the North with tbe South
which preveu'.ii European statesmen from
treating the anucxatious of tbe United States
as avowed extensions of tbe area of Slavery.
They cannot now upbraid a Confederacy, of
which inoreHhau half the members have uo
slaves, with conquering and auuexing merely
in the luterest ot cotton and negroes, but there
would be ao scruple about taxing the Southern
Federation with designs which it would be at
no pains to ooaeeal. Nor is there, we take it,
the slightest doubt that the Free States would
rather assist than impede the efforts of Euro
pean diplomacy. The Monroe doctrine would
be destroyed by the very fact of seperation,
and a Northern Uaioo, oooe divided from the
South, would not be long in aiakiug the dis
couragement of Slavery tbe ourdiual principle
of its foreign policy. In short, the measure
of tbe dangers of separation is tbe advantage
now derived from disunion. Slavery is suffi
ciently unpopular in tbe world for a mere slave
holding Commonwealth to ruu no small risk of
becoming tbe victim of a geueral crusade.
But the actual connection of the Southern
States with the North has (ho effect of mask
ing their exclusive devotion to a hated system.
The Constitution of the Uoited as ex.
perieuce has abuudantly shown, caa often be
so managed as to promote the objects of the
slave-owners, and whenever advantige is gain
ed in this way, it is gained without incurring
danger, and almost without attracting attention.
The extravagant notious of their own prowess
entertained by the Americans of the Southern
States has persuaded them that-they would
lose nothing in military strength and resource
by casting off the bondage of ibo Constitution.
We can only say that England is the only
country which has had a serious struggle with
the Lnited Slates, and English experience
does not bear out the Southern pretensions.
During the Revolutionary War, the English
troops scarcely commanded a foot of ground
in tbe North which they did not actually oc
cupy. But, later in the struggb, the South
was all bat aabjaguted; and bad not tbe in
conceivable strategy of the English Generals
given a different torn to the issue, it seemed al
one time probable thai, even if Now-Eugland
and the Middle States obtained their indepen
dence, the mother country would be left iu
possession of Georgia and the Carolinas, just
as she was of Canada and Nova-Scotia.
Similarly, in tbe war of 1812, nobody iu Eng.-
land ever doubted that the Southern States
were ibe vulnerable parr ot the Federation ;
nor has the result changed this opinion. The
expedition to New-Orleans, though wilfully
given up to destruction by General Pakeabatn,
was exeeedtugly well planned ;. aud had not
the siguiug ot peace in Europe interrupted
hostilities, s second expedition on a larger
scale, aud under belter commanders, would as
suredly have ascended the Mississippi. It is
not, indeed, to be supposed that anybody in
England ever doubted, or doubts, the personal
gallantry of the Southern whites. Even if
the Southerner be somewhat of a bully he is a
poltroon. But we in Europe have recently
learned to distrust tbe strength of every system
which is bssed on the depression of a subject
population. There were brave men iu Italy
who were wedded to the cause of legitimacy
—such men, for example, as arc still grouped
around King Francis si Gaels. But tbe lesson
wa have received is, that it is never safe to
calculate on tbe abasement of subjects. The
Southerners oan hardly disdain tbe negro as a
rebel more than the local Italian despots des
pised their people as mutineers. If the negro
is considered half an animal, tbe Italian was
thought half a woman. "My people," wrote
King Ferdinand, "betid their necks andoboy."
Yet a ery slight assistance from without swept
away the Italuu tyraois ; and for our part we
do not euvy the {Southern whites when once a
nflgro Garibaldi is among their slaves.
Among the advertisements in a late London
paper, we read that'two ulsters want washing.'
When is a pugilist' eye like a cider keg!
When it it bunged op.
' From the Phila. Bulletin.
Hon. J. P. King.
The most sensible Southern utterance yel
made touching tbe orisis, is iu a communication
to the Georgia Constitutionalist , written, it it
understood, by the Hon. J. P. King. We have
j been waiting for the pressure to bring out souic
patriotic citizen of eminent talents, who should
explain to the South the rationale of secession.
So far it has been the blind madness of the
fCyclops after his eye was bored out. YVe say
advisely, blind madness. There has not beeo a
wise, business-like, comprehensive suggestion
from a solitary secessionist. It is the wisdom
of the hull who rushes at a red cloth, or the
Turk who shoots every man or woman who wears
jgreen.
At last, however, a man has spoken. He is
Southern enough to see more grievances than
really exist; but bis clear common sense and
knowledge of human nature and history, have
I not forsaken bim.
He shows that secession is evil and only evil;
i ihat the planters have already lost millions in
ebe deprcciaiion of their property; that the
equality in tho Territories is mainly an abstrac
tion: that the election of Mr. Lincoln does BO(
really touch one of their interests. As to the
Personal Liberty laws; he says that secession is
a Japanese remedy for it, by ripping opeu their
obit bowels.
He shows most powerfully that whatever tbeii
grievances, they are worse out of the Uuiou
ifian iu it. The Union itself was a gathering
; together of "jealous, faithless and sectional"
i bodies, which gave up the moat of 4he mischief
tbey were doing each other, by tjaoj&ing uni
ted. The jadges io tbe free States^lWaiwayß
! enforced the Fugitive Slave Law, and the very
thing the abolitionists want to do is to dissolve
; the Union. For the South to do it "is to give
up their bulwark without a single equiva
lent."
A most powerful part of this admirable arti
cle is tbe answer to the mquiry as to the reason
that tbe border slave States do not wish to dis
solve the Union. Mr. KiDg says it s because
they understand tbe matter better than the
cotton States. They know what border strug
j glee are, and they know ibe North. It is deeply
j significant that Virginia is not quarreling with
*/*t!uttsylvsnia nor Kentucky with Indiana,
Tennessee with Illinois. The effect oj a dis
solution of the Union would be to render slaves
valueless in tne border States. They would
become free States in self defence , and ihus tbe
dissolution of the Union would break up slavery
or drive it into the Suites where white mea cau
not labor.
Mr. King then shows that Mr. Lincoln has
no power to take away their rights, and that
the excitement among the slaves is caused by
the speeches of their own "imprudcut declaim
ed." He closes with Mr. Cobb's address, which
he styles, "Conjectures without reason, asser
tions without proof, conclusions without preuii
' ses. No revolutionary liarauge of Desmoulins,
Dautom or Couthon was ever better calculated
to stir up an excited population to anarchy and
j blood."
j Mr. King reminds us of the best days of the
Republic Once more, we bear one of those
voices which have so often delighted us in tbe
i South. The race of eloquent, clear-headed,
warm-hearted, silver-tongued, comprehensive
I Southerners bas uot died out. Tbe North was
' beginning to feel, under this Wigfall and lver
j son, Keitt aud Rbctt dispensation, as if the
; South would be no great loss; but Mr. King re
vives as. As long as there is such a man in
Georgia, we cannot afford to lose it.
CRUEL, CRUEL WOMAN.
The Marsville Democrat telis of a haudsome
young widow residing there, wbo, like all of her
class, is pestered with suitors. On Monday last
(washing day) oue came along. She was up to
the eibowa in suds, SDC! opened the door with a
determination to say something harsh, thought
better of it, and said to the handsome young
man:
♦Good morning, Mr. John Smith; 1 am very
glad to see you, aud should be glad to have you
eoiiiO in. but the fact is, I am busy in the kitchen
washing.'
'Ah, un matter,' he answered, 'I will sit a
little while in there; you can just go on with
your work the same; 1 delight to get into the
kitchen, it is so pleasant and homelike.'
If he was delighted, so was not the widow.
She gave hioi a chair, and chatted away quite
merrily; however, at the same time, seemingly
very much engaged with the work before her.
Presently she took up a large sized washbasin,
and filled full of hot suds from tbe boiler ou
tbe stove, aud stepping to a table, took up a
boquet that was laying thereon, and iu the most
innooeut manner concievable, asked tbe geutie
if he could tell the botanieal uame of one tbe
flowers coutained therein. Of course bo rais
ed from the chair and stepped forward to ex
amine it. The maheions woman adroitly set
down the hasiu iu the vacated seat. Then she
rivitod his gaze with one of her sweetest smiles,
and presented to bim the boquet and begged bo
would keep it for her sake—and bade him re
sume bis seat* He obeyed. Tbat widow has
uot had a caller in her kitchen aiuce.
The fcllowiog unique valentine was reoeived
by a lady:
"Soft is the douo on the butterfly'a wiDg,
it is so softe and meak,
Softu is the voys that my tru lov does aing
But softer yet is her crimson cheak."
Tbe following is the lady's reply:
"Soft is taturs all smashed up,
As soft as smash can be;
But softer yet is the silly swaiu.
That wroto that verse to me."
An Irish lover remarked that it is a great
pleasure to be alone, especially when your
♦swatehart is wid ye.'
THE RESIGNATION OF GEN. CASS.
This venerable man has resigned his position
in Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet. Let our past
differences with him in political opinions have
been what they may. we have ever been wil
ling to concede io hitn tbe po-scssion of great
natural ability, aud vast stores of information
He has resigned in consequence of the refusal
of President Buchanan to reinforce the gal
lant Coui oandaut of Fort Moultrie, and has
shown more pluck than we had given him cred
it for. The veteran statesman remembers well
the instructions he gave _Gcn. Scott in 1832,
when the latter was assigned the command of
the forts off tbe harbor of Charleston. By
the terms of those instructions, the hero of
Chippewa was empowered to draw unlimitedly
i upon the national army. Gen. Cass, by'his
resignation, has been true to his past record,
j and therefore true to himself.
Y\ r e presume this will be his last appearance
in public life. His age is too great and his j
health too feeble to perm t bim longer to par- j
ticipatc in the active trying scenes of public <
lite, it may not, therefore, be inappropriate to
i recall briefly tbe striking salient points of his
i career. Born in New Hampshire, he euaigra- j
j ted, about 1805 to the State of Ohio, aud set
tled at Chilicothe. His political career began
in the ranks of the Federalist*. Subsequent
ly he became United States Marshal. YV'o be
lieve this was the only position he ever held
| uutij Monroe appointed bim first Indian Oout
i missioner to settle treaties with some of tbe
I Northwest ludtan tribes, and subsequently
. Governor of the Territory of Michigan. This
>Ja*er he hold for many years. During
iGieneral Jackson's administration he served as
of YY'ar. Subsequently he went
: abroad as Minister to Paris.
SOOD after his return from this lat-er post ,
'he became a strong candidate for the Deiuo
| cra'ie nomination for the Presidency. By the
combination of bis friends with those of other
j aspirants, the celebrated two thirds rule was
adopted, and Van Buten's third nomination
was prevented, J-antes K. Polk being declared
tbe winnhig nag. About this time Geu. Cass
went into the Senate, where he remained, ta-'
king a conspicuous part iu its deliberations un
til he resigned in 1848, alter receiving the
Democratic nomination for tbe Presidency. j
Mr. Van Buren now repaid the debt of 1844
with terrible iuterest—running as a separate
candidate, and giving tbe electoral vote of
New York to Taylor. Geu. Oass returned to !
the Senate aud served another term. After
Mr. Buchanan's nomination, he was tendered
the pos' of Premier, accepted ir, and has serv
ied out nearly the term of his appoiutmeut.—
: Nothing but some overpowering necessity or
i stroug sense of self-respect, could have iudu
ced hiui with so short a period to run, to re
sign his place.
His present action, and the motive impelling
it, deserve the warmest commendation.— Daily
J\ews.
Femißine Devoteduess.
At Lyons wiioo that city became the theatre
of daily executions, a woman learned by chance
that her husband's uame was on the proscribed
list and instantly rati to avert tbe impending
destruction by securing his immediate flight.—
She compelled bim to assume her dress, gave
hiui her money and jewels, and had the im x
pressible happiness of seeing hiui pass unsua- ;
pecit-d. A iew hours afterwards the officer of j
justice came to seize hiui. She bad prepared j
j herself to receive them, by putting ou a suit of!
I her husband's clothes, aud answering also to i
I bis Dame. She was led before the Revolution- :
; ary Committee. Iu tbe course of the exami
j nation bcr disguise was discovered, and tbey
eetuauded of her, bcr husband. •
'My husband,' she answered, in a tone of
i exultitioc, 'is out of tbe reach of your power,
j I planned his escape, and I glory io risking my
| own life for tbe preservation of his.'
They displayed before ber tho instruments of
! punishment, aud charged her to reveal the route
her husband had .taken.
'Strike,' she replied: 'I am prepared.'
♦But it is for the interest of your country that
we command you to speak,' said one of the com
mittee.
♦Barbarians!' she aoswered, 'my country can
not command me to outrage the sacred laws of
j nature.'
Her dignity and firmness awed even the meat
| bers of the Revolutionary Commit tee, and a
noble aotton for ouce overcame their spirit of
desolating cruelty!
'Pat cau you tell me what is a virgin l '
•To be sure 1 ean, Jimuiy."
'Well, thin, will ye be atlher doin' it?'
•Yes, jist; its a woman that has never been
married at all.'
'Be ye in aim <t, Pail'
'Yea Jimmy.'
'The saints io heaven.be praised then! my
mutber is a virgin; my father niver married her
sure.'
Old Buok requests the South not to secede
while he is President. He sayq, as au Execu
tive officer, he cannot prevent it. His distrss
sed condition reminds us of a quatrain from one
of tbe neglected poets of America, in which the
poet addresses some boys wbo threaten to npset
his apple cart:
"Boys and gals got off behind,
This horse and cart, it are not mine;
And if this norse should chance to start,
He'd kick up h—II end break the cart."
•Were you ever cross-questioned l
'Yes, when questioned by my wife, after
spending the evening abroad—cross enough—
in all conscience.'
To get up tbe 'Coufliet of Ages,'
rival beauties-bow old they are.
VOL. 33, NO. 52.
WHO ARE DISUNIONISTS ?
The singular spectacle is now presented of
Dieunionists trying to paitu themselves off as
Union men, slid to fix upon the friends of tbe
Union the stigma of hostility to it.
Nearly all tbe democratic papers in the
North openly sympathize with and aid, as far
as they can, the Disaniouists of the
They gloat over every item of intelligence that
indicates tbe triumph of secession, and will he
awfully disappointed if tbe Union should by
any chance bo preserved. Yet tbey set them
selves op as the true and only friends of tbe
i Union.
. The Republican papers of tbe North, on the
contrary, are all for the Union. Tbey have
| taken every opportunity to demonstrate their
j attachment to it, and are prepared to defend
and sustain every constitutional effort for its
preservation. Their motto is, "Tbe Union, it
must and shall be preserved." Yet the Re
publican party and its presses are held up as
disunionists, tbe men who imperilling it
because tbty will not abandon the
| fruits of a hard-earned victory.
It i 9 a notorious fact that nearly every dia
: uoiooist in the country is a Democrat. Every
aatiele written and every speeoh made against
the Union has proceeded from a professed De*
j mocrat, nearly all of them from the Brtckin
ridge faction. Tbe disunion speeches fulmina
ted iu Congress during tbe present session,
| have been made by leading democrats, such as
i Joe Lane, Olinguian, Brown, Iverson and
j Wigfatl. They rivalled each other in declara
tions of enmity to tbe Union, and their deter
mination not to stay within it under present
i circumstances; and it is tbe democratic party,
, where alone that party has any vitality, which
is tbe backbone of tbe Disunion movement.
The Republican party occupies tbe opposite
position. It is emphatically tbe Uuion party.
It stands by the Union and will staud by it,
maintaining it against all odds and agaiust at
i tasks from all quarters. If the Democratic
party succeeds in severing the Union, it will
do it without aid from the Republican raaks,
and if the Uaion is dissolved at all, it will bo
through Democratic agency. It cannot es
cape from that responsibility by professing a
devotion to the Union it is trying its best to
j destroy, nor affix the stigma of disunion upon
' the party to whom the goVCTtTßient has been
entrusted, and through whom, alone, the Union
eau be preserved.— Pitts. Gazette
A MAN FLOGGED AND BRANDED.—The
West Baton Rouge Sugar Planter of Saturday
last has the following:
"Quite an excitement was raised at Grosse
Tete, a day or two since, by the apprehension
of two men who had been detected in tamper
ing with negroes. One of tbe individuals got
| clear of summary punishment from some little
extenuating circumstance in his favor, but the
other, said to be an Irishman, was tied up,
soundly flogged, branded on both cheeks, and
: ordered to leave—quick!
WELL CHARACTERIZED.—The New York
Evening Post's Washington correspondent
says:
"The Message wa9 playfully but quite hap
pily bit off by Mr. Seward, just after the read
iog, when some friends of the President asked
i him what ho thought of it. 'I think,' said th©
: New York Senator, 'the President has conclu
sively proved two things: 1. That no State has
' the right to secede —unless it wishes to: and
I 2. That it is the .President's duty to enforce
the laws—unless somebody opposes it."
LINCOLN AN INVESTOR.— We wera shown
at tbe U. S. Patent Office tbe model of a steam
er combining buoyant air chambers with a
steamboat or other vessel, for tbe purpose of
euabliug their draught of water to be readily
lessened, that they might pass over bars or
through shallow water without discharging their
cargoes,. This method of 'ifting vessels over
shoals was iuvented by Abraham Lincoln,
President elect, for which htreoeived a patent
May 22, 1349 Wash. Star.
The following is a statement of the entire
vote cast in the United Stales, after separating
and distributing tbe Fusion tickets:
Lincoln, 1,786.480
Douglas, 1,354,423
Breckinridge, 784,897
Bell, • 605,801
From this, it will be seen that Douglas was
the real competitor of Lincoln, and made an
amazing mo!
An Irishman meeting a countryman, inquired
his name.
'Walsh!' said tbe man.
•Walsh,' responded Paddy. Are yon from
Dublin? I knew two old maids there of that
uarne; was either of 'em yer mother}
'I go through my work,' aa the needle said
to tbe idle boy.
'But not till you are bard pushed,* as tbe
idle boy said to the needle.
- ——— ■ - -
Why is the first obieken of ft brood like the
foremast of a ship.
Because its a little forward of the main
batch.
Why is tbe man who marriea twice like tbe
Captain of a ship? Because he has a seooud
mate.
.• It is a pleasant thing to see rosea and lilies
growing upon a young lady's ehsek, but a bad
aign to see a man's faoe breakout in bleseoaia.
There is a man who walks so slow that they
say he weare a pair of spurs to keep bis abad
ow from teas ding on bis heels.