BY DAVID OVER. $ D 111IJ. DISSOLVE THE UNION. Dissolve the Union ! Who would part The chain tbat binds us heart to heart t Each link wa3 forged by sainted sires, Amid tbe Revolution's fires ; And cool M—oh, where so rich a flood t In Warren's and in Sumpter's blood ! Dissolve the Union! Be like France, When ♦-Terror" rear'd her bloody lance, And man became destruction's child, And woman in her passions wild Danced in the life-blood of her Queen, Before the dreadful guillotine I Dissolve the Union ! Roll away The spangled flag of Glory's day ; Blot out the history of the brave. And desecrate each Patiiot's grave. And then above the wreck of years Quaff an eternity of tears ? Disscive the Union ! Can it be That they who speak such words are free ; Great God ! did any die to save Such sordid wretches from the grave— When breast to breast, and hand to hand Oar patriot fathers freed the land ? Dissolve tbe Union ' Ho! Forbear! The sword of Damocles is there; Cut but a hair and earth shall know A darker, deadlier tale of woe Than history's crimson page has told Since Nero's car in blood e'er roll'd. Dissolve the Union! Speak! ye hills! l'e everlasting mountains cry ! Shriek out t ye streams asd mingling rills, And ocean roar in agony ! Dead heroes ! leap from Glory's sod ! And shield the manor of your blood ! The Elediou of Lincoln iu England. Comments of the Condon Press [Front the London Times, Nov. 29.] The event which has occupied tbe attention of the United States for the last four years has at length come to pass, aud virtually, al though not as yet legally, Mr. Lincoln has been elected the President, and Mr. Hamlin the Vice President of the great American Confederacy. The event ha 9 been long fore seen, and will surprise nobody who has paid the least attention to American polities. It is tbe natural reaction against the outrages and excesses of 1855, and 1856, the protest of the freest and best educated part of tbe American people against tbe acts of high handed vio lence and oppression which preceded tbe ad vent of Mr. Buchanan to power. If tbe South has at length found that it is not omnipotent in the councils of the country, tbat unpleasant discovery is owing to the foolish and intemper ate use which the South has made of its pros perity. While demanding the most implicit respect for its own opinions, the South has beeo ever ostentatious iu proclaiming bitter and cynical contempt for tho opinions and the feelings of others. Slavery has been defend ed as tbe normal and perfect State of human society, and the North has been bitterly taunt ed with its honest industry, and tbe coarseness of manners which the fastidious Souther plant er traces to tba, cause. While claiming for itself the monopoly of the government of the United States tbe South has constantly held the language of disaffection, and tbe United Slates have beeo ruled by a party which was perpetually talking of disuniting them. So far from wondering that these things should have produced the result we have just witnessed, it h-s long appeared to be impossible thai they should not. .Mankind, if ruled at ail must be tulcd cither by force or persuasion.— The South could not employ the former, aud have long substituted the language of provo cation and defiance for tbe latter. But these and many other circumstances, while they ful ly account for the change which has taken place, tend very considerably to diminish its significance. Had tbe South been always rea sonable and conciliatory, we must have regard ed the election of Mr. Lincoln as evidence of an intolerance of tbe very institution of slave ry which might porteud results fatal to the stability of the Uuiou; but the South has realty t.ken so much pains to bring the present result to pass that it bas no right to be sur prised at iis own success. For ourselves, as far, as the immediate in terest of this country is concerned, we regard ibe accession to power of the Republican Pre sident without any very strong feelings of tii :>mpb. YVe have lived on good terms with his Democratic predecessor; we do not doubt that *c shall he able to maintain tbe same relations with the new Chief of tho Stato. But, although this may be all very plain and easy to us, there is a considerable uumber °f persons in America to whom, apart from mere political considerations, the change of Presidents is not a matter of indifference.— ♦ *rst, there are tbe employees, from tho Sec taries of State down to the sorter of letters br *i tide waiters. The vote that baa substitu- a Bcpublidao for a Democrat at the White Louse, i to them, and eaoh of them, a sen A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &c—Terms: One Dollar and Fifty Cents in Advance. tence of ruthless and indiscriminate proscrip tion. There is no need to affix tbe list of the proscribed in public places, after the fashion of tbe cynical Sylla. The proscription is ex actly coincidental with tho number of place holders. YVe canuot expect that any argu ment will reconcile these martyrs to their doom- Then there are the slave owners them selves whose acute sensibilities on the subject of their 'peculiar domestic institution,' whose hatred of the North, and whose fears of tbe masses of barbarism by which they have sur rounded themselves, have led them very much to over estimate the real importance of tbe chaoge. There cau be no slave so stupid and ignorant as not to know that tbe blow which bis master has been talking of and fearing so long bas fallen at last and who will not derive from it a far greater degree of confidence than it ought really to inspire. The reign of terror now prevailing in Texas is a sufficient proof of the existence of this spirit of exaggeration, and it may, perhaps, operate to call forth from the slaves some manifestation of feeling, which can have no other result than to rivet fetters already too severe. We may surmise that tbe disgraceful traffic in slaves, sure, sooner or later, to follow tbe institution of slavery itself, will be kept under with a vigorous hand. We may expect to find tbe Supreme Court of tbe United States re stored, if not to impartiality, to sometbiog more like a balance of opinion by the appoint ment of emiueut Republican lawyers, and we may expect to find in the administration of the Territories a spirit which will render the repetition or scenes like those of Kansas im possible. YVe know that the friends of the negro have much more to expect from the new President. His powers are very limited, and will be con fined withiu a space much narrower than their strictly legal extent by tho same necessity which bas made Mr. Buchanan abstain from auy attempt on Cuba, and tolerate the anarchy aod even the aggressions of unhappy Mexico. For the safety of tbe Uoion itself we confess we* have no fear. Of course, it will take some time before men can cool down from the blus ter which has been so profusely used for elec tioneering purposes to the language of moder ation and truta. Some men have said these things so often that they are ashamed to show how little they believe them, and some so often tbat they have really learned to be.icve them themselves. But when the cooler heads of tbe South begin to consider how imagiuary is the injury which they have sustained, how vast are the interests involved, bow heavy would be the cost, how considerable the danger of disuuion, and bow impossible it would be for tbe Southern States to maintain io the face of the world the strong position they now bold as members of a great American Confederacy, wo suspect tbat tne South will think better of it, and turn its ao tivity into the more practical channel of pro viding Mr. Lincoln with a Democratic succes sor in 1864. From the London Saturday Review. A SLAVEHOLDER REPUBLIC. Nothing ean be more rational than the skep ticism which leads men of experience to doubt tbs occurrence of any very great event which is very confidently predicted ; aud, if the event be an American event, incredulity is increased by the knowledge that the American people have principles of barking which are entirely distinct from their principles ot bitiug. Still there are tooie symptoms which make it worth while to attend to the contingency of a separa tion between tbe Northern and Southern States of the Union. If there is one sign which clearly shows that ao American is genuinely uneasy, it is tbe abatement of his commercial confidence, and we new learn tbat, as soon as it beoame more tbaD probable tbat Mr. Lincoln would be elected to tbe Presidency, American securities declined eeriously io ail parts of tbe United States. It does not aeetu to be thought for ODe moment tbat soy act of armed rebel lion is meditated by tbe slaveholders, and they appear to be too divided in opioion for there to be much chance of their concerting a plau of simultaneous resistance. Bat one or two Southern States, peopled by bigots ot more tbau ordinarily furious temper, have announced that tbey mean to take a course which is cer tainly alarming. They propose to instruct the Senators who represent them in tbe Upper House of L'ongress to resign their seats, and then they intend to abstain from filling tbe va cancies. The Senate, io which all States are equally represented, is the knot of the Feder al Union , but there do not seem to be any menus of compelling an uowillioc State to contribute delegates to it, nor is there any knowu Uonstitutional fiction by which the empty places oan be taken to be filled. Tbe with drawal of a part of the Senators would amount to a de Jacto seperation much more difficult to deal with, and perhaps more dangerous, than overt treason against the commonwealth. As soon as it becomes worth while to disouss tbe establishment of a seperate federation of tbe Slaveowoiug States, the considerations which suggest tncmselves are snob as to make Ja wonder at tbe folly of the undertaking.— The least drawback on it is its axpensiveness. At piesent, the cost of tbe General Govern ment is most unequally distributed between the North and South ; and, though in the Southern section these expenses are much larger ttiao in tbe Northern, from the greater inao cet-sibility of the oountry, the amount contri buted by the Slave States to tbe revenue which pays them is out of all proportion smaller than tbe amount raised from tbe States of Free- Soil. This, however, is a trilling reason for raiuiog the Union, compared with others. Is it possible tbat the planters do not peroeive that their connection with tbe Northern States has tbe effect, as it were, of insuring their pe. 1 BEDFORD. PA.. FRIDAY. DECEMBER 28, 1860. culiar institution ! Looked at impartially, it is much more like a contrivance for keeping up Degro servitude than for weakening it. The utmost outrage with which they are menaced by Mr. Lincoln and the Republicans is a Con gressional measure prohibiting the introduction of Slavery into the North-Westcrn Territories of the Union. Even this disadvantage is not necessarily a consequence of the Republicans carrying the Presidency ; for Congress is still hostile to the Republicans, and the Southern planters, who are unanimous themselves, and allied with a powerful minority iu every State of the North, have a reasonable prospect of even now thwarting their antagonists' policy. But if the Southern States once succeeded in constituting a seperate Federation, it is surely clear that every question now pending between themselves and the North would beoorue at once an international question. Every point now at issue iu the domestic forum of Congress would oome under the cognizance of the gen eral society of nations. What sort of division of the unsettled territory now belonging to the United States would ever ho agreed upon be tween the Northern and Southern Federations nobody can pretend even to conceive ; und this is the very difficulty which seems to show that the severance could oever be effected without bloodshed. It is plain, however, that every attempt of the Southern States to expand be yond tbe territory absolutely secured to theni would be resisted, not simply by their Northern neighbors, but by the whole strength of Eu ropean civilization. The more reckless spirits of the South are pushing on their quarrel iu the belief that, if they were once embarrassed of the Union, they could rend proviace after province from Mexico, and fill each successive acquisition with their slaves. But Europe would btve a word iu the matter. It is simply tbe incorporation of the North with tbe South which preveu'.ii European statesmen from treating the anucxatious of tbe United States as avowed extensions of tbe area of Slavery. They cannot now upbraid a Confederacy, of which inoreHhau half the members have uo slaves, with conquering and auuexing merely in the luterest ot cotton and negroes, but there would be ao scruple about taxing the Southern Federation with designs which it would be at no pains to ooaeeal. Nor is there, we take it, the slightest doubt that the Free States would rather assist than impede the efforts of Euro pean diplomacy. The Monroe doctrine would be destroyed by the very fact of seperation, and a Northern Uaioo, oooe divided from the South, would not be long in aiakiug the dis couragement of Slavery tbe ourdiual principle of its foreign policy. In short, the measure of tbe dangers of separation is tbe advantage now derived from disunion. Slavery is suffi ciently unpopular in tbe world for a mere slave holding Commonwealth to ruu no small risk of becoming tbe victim of a geueral crusade. But the actual connection of the Southern States with the North has (ho effect of mask ing their exclusive devotion to a hated system. The Constitution of the Uoited as ex. perieuce has abuudantly shown, caa often be so managed as to promote the objects of the slave-owners, and whenever advantige is gain ed in this way, it is gained without incurring danger, and almost without attracting attention. The extravagant notious of their own prowess entertained by the Americans of the Southern States has persuaded them that-they would lose nothing in military strength and resource by casting off the bondage of ibo Constitution. We can only say that England is the only country which has had a serious struggle with the Lnited Slates, and English experience does not bear out the Southern pretensions. During the Revolutionary War, the English troops scarcely commanded a foot of ground in tbe North which they did not actually oc cupy. But, later in the struggb, the South was all bat aabjaguted; and bad not tbe in conceivable strategy of the English Generals given a different torn to the issue, it seemed al one time probable thai, even if Now-Eugland and the Middle States obtained their indepen dence, the mother country would be left iu possession of Georgia and the Carolinas, just as she was of Canada and Nova-Scotia. Similarly, in tbe war of 1812, nobody iu Eng.- land ever doubted that the Southern States were ibe vulnerable parr ot the Federation ; nor has the result changed this opinion. The expedition to New-Orleans, though wilfully given up to destruction by General Pakeabatn, was exeeedtugly well planned ;. aud had not the siguiug ot peace in Europe interrupted hostilities, s second expedition on a larger scale, aud under belter commanders, would as suredly have ascended the Mississippi. It is not, indeed, to be supposed that anybody in England ever doubted, or doubts, the personal gallantry of the Southern whites. Even if the Southerner be somewhat of a bully he is a poltroon. But we in Europe have recently learned to distrust tbe strength of every system which is bssed on the depression of a subject population. There were brave men iu Italy who were wedded to the cause of legitimacy —such men, for example, as arc still grouped around King Francis si Gaels. But tbe lesson wa have received is, that it is never safe to calculate on tbe abasement of subjects. The Southerners oan hardly disdain tbe negro as a rebel more than the local Italian despots des pised their people as mutineers. If the negro is considered half an animal, tbe Italian was thought half a woman. "My people," wrote King Ferdinand, "betid their necks andoboy." Yet a ery slight assistance from without swept away the Italuu tyraois ; and for our part we do not euvy the {Southern whites when once a nflgro Garibaldi is among their slaves. Among the advertisements in a late London paper, we read that'two ulsters want washing.' When is a pugilist' eye like a cider keg! When it it bunged op. ' From the Phila. Bulletin. Hon. J. P. King. The most sensible Southern utterance yel made touching tbe orisis, is iu a communication to the Georgia Constitutionalist , written, it it understood, by the Hon. J. P. King. We have j been waiting for the pressure to bring out souic patriotic citizen of eminent talents, who should explain to the South the rationale of secession. So far it has been the blind madness of the fCyclops after his eye was bored out. YVe say advisely, blind madness. There has not beeo a wise, business-like, comprehensive suggestion from a solitary secessionist. It is the wisdom of the hull who rushes at a red cloth, or the Turk who shoots every man or woman who wears jgreen. At last, however, a man has spoken. He is Southern enough to see more grievances than really exist; but bis clear common sense and knowledge of human nature and history, have I not forsaken bim. He shows that secession is evil and only evil; i ihat the planters have already lost millions in ebe deprcciaiion of their property; that the equality in tho Territories is mainly an abstrac tion: that the election of Mr. Lincoln does BO( really touch one of their interests. As to the Personal Liberty laws; he says that secession is a Japanese remedy for it, by ripping opeu their obit bowels. He shows most powerfully that whatever tbeii grievances, they are worse out of the Uuiou ifian iu it. The Union itself was a gathering ; together of "jealous, faithless and sectional" i bodies, which gave up the moat of 4he mischief tbey were doing each other, by tjaoj&ing uni ted. The jadges io tbe free States^lWaiwayß ! enforced the Fugitive Slave Law, and the very thing the abolitionists want to do is to dissolve ; the Union. For the South to do it "is to give up their bulwark without a single equiva lent." A most powerful part of this admirable arti cle is tbe answer to the mquiry as to the reason that tbe border slave States do not wish to dis solve the Union. Mr. KiDg says it s because they understand tbe matter better than the cotton States. They know what border strug j glee are, and they know ibe North. It is deeply j significant that Virginia is not quarreling with */*t!uttsylvsnia nor Kentucky with Indiana, Tennessee with Illinois. The effect oj a dis solution of the Union would be to render slaves valueless in tne border States. They would become free States in self defence , and ihus tbe dissolution of the Union would break up slavery or drive it into the Suites where white mea cau not labor. Mr. King then shows that Mr. Lincoln has no power to take away their rights, and that the excitement among the slaves is caused by the speeches of their own "imprudcut declaim ed." He closes with Mr. Cobb's address, which he styles, "Conjectures without reason, asser tions without proof, conclusions without preuii ' ses. No revolutionary liarauge of Desmoulins, Dautom or Couthon was ever better calculated to stir up an excited population to anarchy and j blood." j Mr. King reminds us of the best days of the Republic Once more, we bear one of those voices which have so often delighted us in tbe i South. The race of eloquent, clear-headed, warm-hearted, silver-tongued, comprehensive I Southerners bas uot died out. Tbe North was ' beginning to feel, under this Wigfall and lver j son, Keitt aud Rbctt dispensation, as if the ; South would be no great loss; but Mr. King re vives as. As long as there is such a man in Georgia, we cannot afford to lose it. CRUEL, CRUEL WOMAN. The Marsville Democrat telis of a haudsome young widow residing there, wbo, like all of her class, is pestered with suitors. On Monday last (washing day) oue came along. She was up to the eibowa in suds, SDC! opened the door with a determination to say something harsh, thought better of it, and said to the handsome young man: ♦Good morning, Mr. John Smith; 1 am very glad to see you, aud should be glad to have you eoiiiO in. but the fact is, I am busy in the kitchen washing.' 'Ah, un matter,' he answered, 'I will sit a little while in there; you can just go on with your work the same; 1 delight to get into the kitchen, it is so pleasant and homelike.' If he was delighted, so was not the widow. She gave hioi a chair, and chatted away quite merrily; however, at the same time, seemingly very much engaged with the work before her. Presently she took up a large sized washbasin, and filled full of hot suds from tbe boiler ou tbe stove, aud stepping to a table, took up a boquet that was laying thereon, and iu the most innooeut manner concievable, asked tbe geutie if he could tell the botanieal uame of one tbe flowers coutained therein. Of course bo rais ed from the chair and stepped forward to ex amine it. The maheions woman adroitly set down the hasiu iu the vacated seat. Then she rivitod his gaze with one of her sweetest smiles, and presented to bim the boquet and begged bo would keep it for her sake—and bade him re sume bis seat* He obeyed. Tbat widow has uot had a caller in her kitchen aiuce. The fcllowiog unique valentine was reoeived by a lady: "Soft is the douo on the butterfly'a wiDg, it is so softe and meak, Softu is the voys that my tru lov does aing But softer yet is her crimson cheak." Tbe following is the lady's reply: "Soft is taturs all smashed up, As soft as smash can be; But softer yet is the silly swaiu. That wroto that verse to me." An Irish lover remarked that it is a great pleasure to be alone, especially when your ♦swatehart is wid ye.' THE RESIGNATION OF GEN. CASS. This venerable man has resigned his position in Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet. Let our past differences with him in political opinions have been what they may. we have ever been wil ling to concede io hitn tbe po-scssion of great natural ability, aud vast stores of information He has resigned in consequence of the refusal of President Buchanan to reinforce the gal lant Coui oandaut of Fort Moultrie, and has shown more pluck than we had given him cred it for. The veteran statesman remembers well the instructions he gave _Gcn. Scott in 1832, when the latter was assigned the command of the forts off tbe harbor of Charleston. By the terms of those instructions, the hero of Chippewa was empowered to draw unlimitedly i upon the national army. Gen. Cass, by'his resignation, has been true to his past record, j and therefore true to himself. Y\ r e presume this will be his last appearance in public life. His age is too great and his j health too feeble to perm t bim longer to par- j ticipatc in the active trying scenes of public < lite, it may not, therefore, be inappropriate to i recall briefly tbe striking salient points of his i career. Born in New Hampshire, he euaigra- j j ted, about 1805 to the State of Ohio, aud set tled at Chilicothe. His political career began in the ranks of the Federalist*. Subsequent ly he became United States Marshal. YV'o be lieve this was the only position he ever held | uutij Monroe appointed bim first Indian Oout i missioner to settle treaties with some of tbe I Northwest ludtan tribes, and subsequently . Governor of the Territory of Michigan. This >Ja*er he hold for many years. During iGieneral Jackson's administration he served as of YY'ar. Subsequently he went : abroad as Minister to Paris. SOOD after his return from this lat-er post , 'he became a strong candidate for the Deiuo | cra'ie nomination for the Presidency. By the combination of bis friends with those of other j aspirants, the celebrated two thirds rule was adopted, and Van Buten's third nomination was prevented, J-antes K. Polk being declared tbe winnhig nag. About this time Geu. Cass went into the Senate, where he remained, ta-' king a conspicuous part iu its deliberations un til he resigned in 1848, alter receiving the Democratic nomination for tbe Presidency. j Mr. Van Buren now repaid the debt of 1844 with terrible iuterest—running as a separate candidate, and giving tbe electoral vote of New York to Taylor. Geu. Oass returned to ! the Senate aud served another term. After Mr. Buchanan's nomination, he was tendered the pos' of Premier, accepted ir, and has serv ied out nearly the term of his appoiutmeut.— : Nothing but some overpowering necessity or i stroug sense of self-respect, could have iudu ced hiui with so short a period to run, to re sign his place. His present action, and the motive impelling it, deserve the warmest commendation.— Daily J\ews. Femißine Devoteduess. At Lyons wiioo that city became the theatre of daily executions, a woman learned by chance that her husband's uame was on the proscribed list and instantly rati to avert tbe impending destruction by securing his immediate flight.— She compelled bim to assume her dress, gave hiui her money and jewels, and had the im x pressible happiness of seeing hiui pass unsua- ; pecit-d. A iew hours afterwards the officer of j justice came to seize hiui. She bad prepared j j herself to receive them, by putting ou a suit of! I her husband's clothes, aud answering also to i I bis Dame. She was led before the Revolution- : ; ary Committee. Iu tbe course of the exami j nation bcr disguise was discovered, and tbey eetuauded of her, bcr husband. • 'My husband,' she answered, in a tone of i exultitioc, 'is out of tbe reach of your power, j I planned his escape, and I glory io risking my | own life for tbe preservation of his.' They displayed before ber tho instruments of ! punishment, aud charged her to reveal the route her husband had .taken. 'Strike,' she replied: 'I am prepared.' ♦But it is for the interest of your country that we command you to speak,' said one of the com mittee. ♦Barbarians!' she aoswered, 'my country can not command me to outrage the sacred laws of j nature.' Her dignity and firmness awed even the meat | bers of the Revolutionary Commit tee, and a noble aotton for ouce overcame their spirit of desolating cruelty! 'Pat cau you tell me what is a virgin l ' •To be sure 1 ean, Jimuiy." 'Well, thin, will ye be atlher doin' it?' •Yes, jist; its a woman that has never been married at all.' 'Be ye in aim