BY DAVID OYER.
SPEECH
OF
GEN. G. A. SCROGGS,
Delivered at Aurora, Erie Co.,N. F., Aug. 4.
MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN lam
much gratified to avail myself of the opportu
nity afforded me through your kind invitation,
to meet with you on this occasion, and, as an
Amoricanarid supporter of Fillmore and Don
elsoo in JBsG,join with my political friends and
coadjutors of Aurora and the adjacent towns in
a "free discussion (m the language of the call)
and consultation upon the principles and plat
forms of the different parties, and upon the
most judicious course te be adopted in support
of a Presidential candidate."
Before entering upon such a discussion and
consultation, it behooves us all to divest our
miuds of every prejudice and bias that may
tead to warp our judgments, and to havo an
eye single toward an honest inquiry concerning
the political obligations we owe to our country,
and in what way, at this juncture, we oan con
scientiously discharge them for its best welfare.
While 1 do not wish to obtrude my own views
or opinions upon any one for his inconsiderate
acquiescence, approval or adoption, nor state
my conclusions as irreversible finalities, 1 beg
leave to submit for your consideration and
judgmeut the result of a careful and earnest
endeavor made, I trust, in a patriotic spirit,
and with due regard for my own honor, to de
termine for myself a course of political action
under the present existing circumstances.
Tn-it. my views upon ibe questions under
consideration are widely different from the views
of many of you, I have no doubt. Whether
Or not they are concurred in by any of you I
have no means of knowing. But I do know
that they are honestly entertained, that in my
judgment they are patriotic, and, as I believe,
most consistent and honorable for any one who
claims to be an American to entertain and
adopt for his political government in the present
emergency.
That I have maintained an allegiance to the
American party parallel with any man iu the
land, no one 1 think will presume to dispute.
Aud I here declare my iutentiou to stand by
and maintain the principles of that party, in
the reasonable and conservative sense in which
I always have understood and maintained them,
discarding as I likewise always have, both in
theory and practice, such of its dogmas as soeui
ed to me to be usJioasonable, impracticable, of!
in-olerant. With this general allegation as to
my faith and practice concerning the principles
of the Amcxicau party, without detaining you
with an exposition of my views in detail touoh
ing them, which would bo out of place now, 1
will proceed to the discussion of the subjects
which are more immediately within the scope
of our investigation at the present time.
As Americans, wo aro under no obligations
of party allegiance to give our support to any
cne of the nominations for President. The
American party has not nominated any candi
dates for those offices. It has not called,
neither will it call, any Convention for or take
any steps toward making such nominations for
our support at the next election.
The only National Convention that Ameri
cans have participated in, even as individuals,
was the National Union Convention which met
in Baltimore in May last, and nominated Mr.
Bell for President and Mr. Everett for Vice-
President. But that was not au American
Convention. It was called by a committee of
gentlemen appointed by a number of Senators,
Members of Congress, and others, who met
from time to time duging the past Winter at
Washington City, for the purpose of takiug
measures to organize t a party under the name
of the National Union party.
One object of the organization of this new
party was to relieve some gentlemen, who
styled themselves Old-Line Whigs,from certain
prejudices which they were known to entertain
against the American party and its organiza
tion. Through the operation of this move
ment, the American party, in the name of which
many of us were so justly proud, was set aside
and its national organization abandoned.
In the outset, it seemed to me that the Na
tional Union-Party movement might be of some
efficacy in uniting the opposition to the Buch
anan Democracy throughout the country ;
consequently 1 gave it, to a certain extent, my
feeble cooperation. But tho proceedings of its
Natioual Convention at Baltimore, and certain
subsequent, as well as present proceedings of
those who assume to shape and direct its course
and policy, satisfy me that, at this juncture at
least it canuot be of any efficiency in settling
or reconciling the present conflicting moral and
political sentiment which is creating so much
disquiet and solicitude throughout the land.
And here 1 wish to call the attention of A
mericans to the fact that the National Uniou
Convention never uttered a syllable, either by
resolution, address, or otherwise, in any way
signifying that it indorsed or approved a single
principle or doctrine of the American party. —
Neither are its nominees representatives of the
American party. Mr. Bell is a Whig, and
never was anything else but a Whig. \V r hcn
the old Whig party gave up the ghost he, with
a great mass of the opposition to the Democra
cy in tho South, were designated by the name
of Americaus. Mr. Everett was never claim
ed, nor was he ever considered, anything else,
politically, than an old-iino Whig, ludeed,
from the antecedents ot both these gentlemen,
an American has no right to expect any more
consideration for his peculiar political dogmas
from them than he has from the other candi
dates.
Nevertheless, many Americans and Fillmore
men now look toward Mr. Dell as their first
choicofor the Presidency, and indulge the hope
that by some fortunate chance he may be
elected. By many such it is supposed that if
the election of President could bo thrown into
A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &e---Terms: One Dollar and Fifty Gents in Advance.
the Honse of Representatives, Mr. Bell's
chance of success there would be the best.—
And to that end it is proposed by some to form
an electoral ticket in this State, which shall
receivo the united rote of the Americans, Fill
more, and Douglas men, taking it for granted
that if Mr. Lincoln does not receive the electo
ral vote of this State, the electioo will go to
the House. It is not pretended, I believe,
that any other candidate than Lincoln stands
in aDy serious daDger of an election by the
Electoral College.
In the first place, let us examine into the
feasibility of the plan proposed to defeat Mr.
Lincoln
Who knows that the Douglas men are will
ing to enter into such an arrangement? lam
sure Ido not know it; neither have 1 been
able to find any oue who does. There may be
some who are in the secret •, I confess 1 am
not, though I have been very diligent in seek
ing for intelligence about the matter. 1 have
heard instated generally, that the Douglas men
are willing to enter into a kind of a copartner
ship with us iu forming an electoral ticket, but
1 have not been able to find any one who could
inform uie that it was positively so ; much less
give mo any idea of the amount of capital that
we or they were to have in the concern. True,
1 may be without the pale of the wire-workers
and rope-pullers iu this honorable enterprise,
and some knowing ones may shrug their show
ers, look wise, and say, "You are kept iu the
dark; you are not trusted with such importaut
political secrets." it may be so. Yet I as
sure you 1 do not believe that the Douglas men
will agree to any such arraugement, uuless they
can have such a proportion of the electoral
tickot in the Stato as will render it probable,
in case of suocess, that, with the States they
expect to carry tor tbeir caudidate beside, he
will be made the third highest in the Electoral
College.
What the Douglas men really mean to accom
plish by entering into such au arrangement (if
they ineau anything,) is to get their candidate
into the House, third best. They are convinc
ed that Breckinridge will carry a large majori
ty of the Slave States, and that be will be sec
ond highest in the Electoral College. They
have no idea of assisting Mr. Bell to the ex
clusion of Mr. Douglas. They hope that, as
between Lincoln, Breckiuridge, aud Douglas, a
combinatiou can be made in the House that will
elect Mr. Douglas. On any other baais Ido
not believe \hat the Douglas men will unite
with the Beli'tuoa iu forutuug au electoral ticket.
Aside from this they have nothing to gain, hut
necessarily much to loose. They do not pre
tend that there is any hope for the success of
their caudidate iu any other event. As a mere
demonstration of political strength, such a
movement can avail them nothing.
are known to weaken parties that form them,
and the Douglas uieu know that they would be
demoralized by such a coalitiou. They oould
not demonstrate their strength by it, bocau.se it
would not be definitely known. The Bell
strength would be exaggerated by the opponents
of the Douglas men to their disparagement,
while they would be subjected to the reproach
of uuitiog with men betwixt whom and them
there are no political affinities whatever. The
Douglas men have less political sagacity than
I give them credit for, if they enter iuto such
a bargain for auy other object than such as I
first suggested. And I need not add, i presume,
that 1 do uot believe that there are any Amer
icans, at least, who are willing to bo used for
the attainment of such an object.
In the Dext place, supposing there is such a
combination made on an electoral ticket, does
any man who can see au inch before his uose,
believe it cau succeed? Certainly it cannot
succeed. The Breckinridge party is increas
ing in strength, and it will continue to increase
while there is no gainiug to the Douglas ranks,
but on the contrary a constant losiog. Saga
cious Democrats begin to seo that the Breckin
ridgo party is destined to be the dominant Dem
ocratic party of thejcouutry, and that the man
who wishes to identify his political fortunes
with Democracy, must give iu his adhesiou to
the Breckinridge dynasty. If I were about to
enter the list as a mere political adventurer,
rogardless of principle, among tho Democracy,
I most certainly would enroll my name among
the Breckinridge men. The Douglas men must
succumb. After the next election, haviDg suf
fered an overwhelming defeat, they will dis
perse, and disappear before the ascending dy
nasty of Breckiuridge, like tho morning uiist
before the rising sun. And such as have any
conscientious scruples remaining, whereby they
arc restrained from approving and advocating
Slavery extension, a slave code, and the revi
val of the slave trade, will flee to the Republi
can ranks; while those who have no such re
straining scruples, but are prepared to yield
their necks to the yoke, and bow in unooudi
tional obsequiousness to tho slave power, will
seek admission into the rauks of tho Southern
Democracy.
It is very clear to me that the Democracy
must, for some time at least, depend mainly
upon the Slave States as the seat of its power,
and the source of its poiioy. The slave power
will quickly repair the breach, aud unite the
divided ranks of its friends.
/Ifcc theory of tho Pro-Slavery Democracy is
plain aud it is politic. It intends to entrench
itself in the slave States, and iu a Presidential
election make a foray into such Northern States
as may be doubtful, and by tact and money
carry enough to elect a Democratic President.
And in this way they intend to hold possession
of the National Administration, with its mil
lions of patronage, as well us the control of the
army, uavv, and treasury of the nation. Its
adherents iu the North will be rowatdcd for
their loyalty by appointments to the offices in
their various localities.
It is argued by some that the dootrine of
non-intervention concerning Slavery, of wbioh
Mr. Douglas is, improperly, proclaimed the
BEDFORD. PA., FRIDAY. AUGUST Si, 1860.
ohampion, is to bo the negative of the issue,
the affirmative of which is intervention, and
that the sentiment of the country is to he di
vided thus, on the Slavery question. Without
delaying to consider the merits of either posi
tion on this question, I maiutain that the sen
timent of the country is not to bo so divided.
Non-intervention is a question of policy merely,
not of law. It is a kind of middle or neutral
ground. It would be a source of congratula
tion nnd rejoicing, if the whole couutry would
acquiesce in tbat polioy and end the struggle.
But this will not bo done. The Slavery ques
tion cannot now be regulated by that policy.— j
The American party attempted to occupy a ,
middle, conciliatory ground on that perplexing !
question. It has been all in vain. We have j
been orjing peace, peace, but there is no peace.
The agitation of this question has increased!
and spread, until it now shakes the whole eoun- '
try from its center to its remotest borders.—
All other questions of principle or govemtaen- j
tal policy have sunk into insignificance, and it
alone has become the issue of a Presidential
campaign. Wc extended our lines and tared
our breasts in 1856 to meet and quell this agi
tation. What has beeu our fate? Our liues
have been broken on all sides—our rauks most
sorely thinned, and the shattered remnant of
our ouce gallaut baud is now so hemmed in by
the striving forces in the conflict, that it must
be ground to powder if it contiuuo to remain in
its present untenable position. What, then, is
to bo done? To me our course is plain. We
must choose between these striving forces. It
is useless to remain neutrai unless we retire
and wrap ourselves close in the uiautlo of in
difference Such as have a temperament adapt
ed to such a state of turpitude may congratu
late themselves. For nay part Ido not envy
them. I cannot look on iudiffereutly. For
myself I must take one side or the o.her. We
all must. The issue between these forcos must
be met and passed upon. Then let us, while
in the vigor of our physical and intellectual
strength, enter this coaflict, and, by determin
ing, end it. It would be unmanly to defer it
until the intirmides of age shall have disquali
fied us for the service, or to saddle our posteri
ty with a task which our procrastination shall
have rendered so much the more onerous.
Those opposing forces are uothiog more and
uothing less than the Slave Power on the one
side, striving agaiust its opponents on the omer
side for the ascendency. This slave power has
assumed within the past few ?>io-.'•mighty!
proportions. From a domestic institution, reg
ulated by local law, it has plunged to the very
foundation of our Government, and usurped
the place of Liberty, the ooraer-3tone on which
it was erected. It has soarod to the summit of
the arch which spans our Union, and proclaim
ed itself the key-stone. Verily, "the stone
which the builders rejected has become the bead
of the corner."
I suppose our Revolutionary struggle, which
"caused a throb iu every heart tout loved Lib
erty, aud wrung a reluotaut tribute even from
discomfitted oppression," bad been presided
over aud directed by a different genius than
the Slave Power would fain persuade us. I
supposed that when that struggle for Liberty
was ended, and our forefathers, with the smell
of the battle field yet ou their garments, laid
tho fouudatious of cur Government, aud reared
the superstructure thercou, which has been es
teemed the palladium of man's rights, meant
it for what it seemed, rather t'uau lor a citadel
of refuge for him who lived and thrived upon
mau's wrongs. So you have also supposed.—
Have we been mistaken? If we have, let us
submit aud euii this strife. If we have not,
let us maintain the integrity of the trust com
mitted to us by our forefathers, and show the
world that the allegations of tho Slave Power
are libels ou their memory, as base as its as
sumptions are false and groundless, by shearing
it of its high pretensions, curbing the range of
its power, and defining a boundary beyond which
it oauuot pass, lu fact, this Slave Power must
be made subordiuatc to toleration, rather than
suffered to be dominant over all restraint. A
Slave Code, may be necessary, but uot for the
encouragement of Slavery, but for its limita
tion and regulation within its present limits. —
It must be told plaiuly aud emphatically, so
that there may be no misunderstanding or mis
take, that within the States where it now exists,
it shall remain undisturbed by any interference
from the Free States, and that all the Consti
tutional rights aud immunities to which it is
legally aud justly entitled, shall be faithfully
euforoed and preserved; and that beyond this it
oauuot and will not be suffered to go.
Until the ascendeuoy of Slavery is perma
nently established, or its limits emphatically
and definitely defined, there will be no rest
from the agitation with which we are now af
flicted; neither can questions of the greatest
moment to our oountry'a welfare receive any
attention whatever, much less that attention
which their importance demauds. Then let us
meet it manfully, but in a spirit of kindness,
justice, patriotism, anil philanthropy. It may
sorely try the strength of our Union, hut soon
er or later it mu3t endose the test. If its en
durance will not bear the settlement of ques
tions which disturb aud distraot its harmony,
let us know its weakness and suffer the conse
quences. "It is better to dwell in a corner of
the housetop than with a brawling woman in a
wide house."
Bat to return to the subjoot of a coalition
of Amenoaus and Fillmore men with the Doug
las men. I have said that it could not be
formed satisfactorily, and if formed it oould
uot suooeeii. These objections to the forma
tion of such a coalition, to most miuds ought
to be satisfactory. The piobabiliiies of ob
taining the end sought by the meaus proposed,
are entirely too vague and uncertain to excuse
what, to me, seems to be suoh an unnatut&l al
| lianae. Stealing the livery of heaven to serve
I the devil in, baa been severely rebuked. —
1 do not see why stealing the livery of the dev
il to serve Heaven in, is not equally reprehen
sible.
1 have reflected much upon this subject of a
i coalition with the Douglas men, and however
; others may think of it, I cannot, with a due
! regard to a decent consistency with my hum
ble and brief political career, uor as a man of
honor, engage in what seems to me to be such
piooc of political sbysterism.—
• mericaas or Fillmore men who can sufficient
ly divest themselves of all considerations of
consistency, principle, and honor, so as to en
•. ige in such an enterprise, are welcome to the ;
laurels with which they Mull wear even the j
crown of success. I will Lave DO part nor lot J
hTtnc matter, and I assure you here, that but;
a wry beggarly account of the Americans in 1
the State of New York will. But suppose
that the election is sent to the House, let us :
see ahat i\lr. Bell's chances arc then. He has !
oup vote, and only one, to start with. He can j
depend only upon that one vote. It requires j
IT to elect. Where are the remaining 16 to
coiae from? The strength of each candidate '
in the House is thus estimated by the New •
York Express: Lincoln, 15; Breckinridge, 12;
Douglas, 1; Bell, 1; equally divided, 4. Now,
whore is Mr. Bell to get votes to elect him?—
N'ifte of the Breckinridge men will vote for
him, tor they confidently expect, in the event
of the election going to the House that Gen.
Lane will be the next President. Nothing is
to be counted on from the four equally divi
ded States. If Lincoln's fifteen and Douglas'
cea> be given to Boil, that will elect him. But
it is said that the Douglas State will vote for
Liotolo. This gives him 16. Now, this 16
go over to Bell to elect him, or the Bell
3u& must go for Lincoln and elect him, to
prevent the election of Gen. Lauc. What is
mo.. probable? What is most reasonable?— I
Will the mountain go to the prophet, or will
the prophet go to the mountain? Or will the
Beli State take the ground, and excuse its ob
stinacy as that juror did, whose reason for the
disagreement of tho jury of which ho was one,
was because there were eleven obstinate fel- ;
low: who would not agree with him? Is it
likely tbat fifteen or sixteen States will yield
thoir opinions and prejudices to one? No, it is
no? probable—hardly possible. Human na
ture is uMPue of sterner stuff- We have but
to took within our breasts to be conscious ot '
tbe fallacy cf such a supposition. Would fif- .
tc> or sixteen of you Americans yield tbe I
election'of the'dibsFlusighiti cant offioer'fo oa% j
Republican or Domoorat? You certainly !
would not. Much less would you yield the
election of so high a functionary as a Presi
dent ol the United States, under similar cir
cuumstances. Then would fifteen or sixteen
American States yield to tbe caprice of one j
Republican or ono Democratic State? They i
certainly would not. tjau wo expect coDces- j
Hons from other men that we would not make
ourselves? We must regard them as being as
tenacious of their opiuious as we are. But it !
is said the Republicans will not dare take tbe j
responsibility of suffertog an election to fail
in tbe House, in view of the election of Gen. [
Lane in the Senate. This is assuming too
much. There are men who act from conseien- I
tious motives sufficiently strong to justify them
in the performance of what they conceive to be
a present duty, eoDteut to abide the oonse
queuces with those who disagree with them.—
If it be such a calamity to have Gen. Lane
elected President, what an overwhelming re- j
spousibility a single State would assume in :
suffering it to be doue, when it could Drevent
it. It is plain, 1 think, which would be tbe ;
more culpable :u a ease where sixteen men re- !
fused to act with one, or one with sixteen, to ;
prevent what both esteemed an evil.
It is further urged in favor of this coalition !
tbat Bell and Everett will carry more States ,
than Breckinridge aud Lane, aud that if the j
election go to the House und it tail to elect, j
then the Senate will be compelled to choose
between Everett aud Hamlin, in which event
Mr. Everett would be elected. The conclusion
may be correct, however remote from the prem
ises. But I doubt the correctness of the pre
mises. Ido not believe that Mr. Everett will
get the uext highest vote to Mr. Hamlin.
There is no ovidence of any such prospect. —
All the evideuce 1 have been able to gather
leads me to a differeut conclusion. 1 have no
faith in believing in the Slave States voting for
Bell and Everett. Those States shametully
deceived us in 1856, and although somewhat
differently circumstanced now, I have no ex
pectation of any different result. 1 attach no
importance whatever in regard to tbo case,
which is urged as favorable to Mr. Everett's
j election.
If we should conclude to vote straight for
Bell and Everett, wo wouldhave the gratifi
cation of knowing that wo supported meu em
inently qualified for the offices, as well as for
meu who are the first choice of some, at least,
but of course without any hopes of suc
cess.
If, on the other hand, we should conclude
to act affirmatively and to a purpose, the way
is clear to me. There is a party whoso plat
form of principles, save one resolution, con
forms in all respects with my views as to what
should be the policy of this country in refer
ence to the subjects involved. Aud that res
olution 1 believe to have been inserted, rather
as a matter of policy for tho present, than as a
fundamental priuoiple. Therefore I am wil
ling to hold my objections to it in abeyance,
for the time beiug, as well as to forgive tho
spirit in which I suspect it to have been intro
duced.
Upon that platform I see gathcrod vastly the
greater number of my political friends, as
well as many of my personal friends—friends
by whose wisdom 1 have been instructed, and
by whose COUDSOI 1 have been profited. There
1 have no doubt we all would find more affini-
| ty on principle, than in any other political as
j sooiation without the pale of our own. That
| party has already inaugurated some of the re
! forms which were principles embraced in our
political creed, and it has given its sanotion to
others, which, if carried out, would go a great
length toward accomplishing the aims of our
political action. On the other hand, the op
posite of this party repudiates, denounces and
condemns these reforms, as well as every prin
ciple of our political faith; branding ps, as a
party, and as individuals, as intolerant, pre
scriptive, and radically wrong. We all, indi
vidually and collectively, as Americaus, are
marked by the orthodox Democracy as unwor
thy of confidence or respect, politically, and
consequently unfit f<>r any placo of public
trust. What kind of metamorphosis an Amer
ican can subject himself to, so as to find any
political affiuity there, I cannot imagine.
Let us take a hasty view of our own party
forces and position. Around the smoldoring
embers of our once glowing camp fires a faith
ful few still continue to gather. Here and
there a solitary sentinel is seen at bis post, re
minding us that there are yet a few Americans
on guard. And although all ia still through
out that once vast camp, where but lately the
feet of near a million trod, in that camp there
yet remains a small band, small in numbers
but efficient in service, and although impotent
in separate action, yet powerful as an ally.—
The gorgeous ensign of the Union still floats
from its flag staff. Without is heard the din
and roar of battle. The striving forces are in
view. Drawn up in formidable array, on one
side, is seen a mighty host, on whose banner
glares the startling motto— Slavery and Slave
ry Extension. Among tbat bost there may be
discerned, by close scrutiny, a band of fierce
and treasonable spirits, bearing, as yet but
half unfurled, the black flag of Disunion.—
On the other side may be seeu a more mighty
host, whose banners, waving in the breeze dis
close the motto—Slavery Restriction—Civil
and Religious Liberty. The conflict is about
to begin. Shall this patriot band remain with
in its camp, indifferent spectators, and reck
less of tbe issue? Or 6ball it sally forth, and
engage as allies on the side of justice, philan
thropy, and the right?
There was a time when your speaker's voice
wa3 listened to in that camp with some degree
of consideration, and hia counsel was regard"
ed of some avail ia doubtfa! questions; and,
whether you will hear oy whether you yill for
krar, h4 vn-no <Shußs<h now is, W seize
that gorgeous eusign of ours, lot it be high
advanced; rally around it all true American
hearts, ami in the van of the oppressed against
the oppressor, let the gathering cry be—God
and the Right—Lincoln and Victory !
PENNSYLVANIA.
"The Keystone of the Federal Arch" was
never overborne in a Presidential contest save
in 1824, when she went-(with a plurality of the
Electors throughout the Uniou) for Jackson,
but was beaten by the election of Adams in
the House. This hardly makes au exception
to the rule that "As goes Pennsylvania, so goes
the Union." She went for "Polk, Dallas, and
the Tariff of "42" in '44, and was rewarded
for it by the passage of the Tariff of '46 by
the party she thus elevated to power—Polk
recommending and signiug, and Dallas giving
his casting vote in the Senate to pass the bill,
lie luxuriates therefore in the best office the
country has to give, while Pennsylvania is to
day poorer by Hundreds of Millions in proper
ty, and Half a Million of Population, because
of that fatal vote. She will probably lose two,
if not three, Members of Congress by the new
Census, when she might have held her own, if
not gained, had that vote been reversed, and
the Tariff of '42 thus allowed to stand, secur
ing to ber immense mineral resources their
persistent and healthful development. We
believe the necessity for Protection to Iron
would by this time passed away, through the
gradual perfection and cheapening of our Iron
makiug processes under the stimulus of a secure
and expanding market, had the Tariff of '42
but stood unchanged to this day. '
Pennsylvania is slow, but she feels and re
members. She was only carried for Buohanau
by concerted and gigantic frauds at her preced
ing State Electiou—by trunks-full of forged
Naturalization Certificates distributed aloDg
her Cauals and Railroads, at the same that
her most conspicuous aud noisy Know-Nothings
were the bought and supple servitors of her
Democratic managers. Money taken indirectly
from tho Federal Treasury paid for these tune
ful patriots, whose loud vociferations that "the
should not be sold out," thinly
covered the sale they had already made of it
to the head-breakers of Buchanan Democracy.
This game was tried again in 'SB, but it
never does the second time. Thousands of
dollars—as were testified, most reluctantly,
bcloro the Covode and other Investigating
Committees last Winter,were spent by the Dem
ocratic wire-workers in getting up aud running
"Straight American" tickets in Philadelphia
and its vicinity, which did not receive one vote
for every ten dollars they invested. Mr. Jacob
Broom—who bad been an "American" Mem.
ber of the XXXIVth Congress, and been
beaten on the Fusion tioket in '56, DOW raD as
a "Straight American" in one of the Philadel
phia Districts, and received about one vote in
every sixty or seventy cast. He is now go
ing his length (ostensibly) for Bell and Ever
ett.
In spite of all the distraction that could be
made or bought, the united Opposition or
"People's party" carried Pennsplvania by over
Twenty-live Thousand majority, and carried it
again last year on a diminished vote —there
being neither Governor nor Members of Oou
greos to choose—by Seventeen Thousand.—
Never before was Pennsylvania carried two
years in succession against that which calls
YOL. 33, NO. 35.
itself Democracy. And the "People's party,'®
thus solidly triumphant, was invited by name
to send Delegates to the Chicago Convention,
and they were not only sent but heeded. They
did not obtain their first choice, but their sec
ond was conceded without hesitation. They
named Abraham Lincoln as a man for whom
their State would vote; and their choice did
much to secure his nomination. And their
constituents have heartily ratified their selec
tion.
If it wero possible to concentrate the votea
of the Breckinridge and Douglas factions on
one Electoral Ticket, and then add the five or
six thousand votes of those who pretend to be
supporting Bell, they might still make a re*
spectable contest. But the Douglas men havo
resolved that they will vote for none other than
a clean Douglas ticket, which the Breckinridge
men will no more support than they would one
pledged to vote for John Brown's ghost. They
are willing to sustain the Electoral Tioket set
tled last March, knowing that it is mainly for
their man, but this the Donglas men will not
touch, lhe upshot will be that the tailors
who have trusted the Bell fuglemen in Philaa
delpbia with new suits on the strength of the
sale of their stock and influence next October,
will have to wait for their pay at least a year
longer. There can be no transactions this
I'all, unless at ruinously low prices.
If the Election were to take place next week,
nobody doubts that Lincoln would carry Penn
sylvania by from fifty to one hundred thousand
majority, and time is quite as likely to inereaso
as reduce it. The October State Election will
prove little, as Foster for Governor is likely to
receive the votes of Breckinridge, Donglaß,
and Bell men together. He keeps mam as be
tween Breckinridge and Douglas, though his
sympathies are understood to be with the latter;
and the Bellringers must go for him in order
to prove that, like Sir Boyle Roche, they have
still 'a country to sell.' If Curtin carries the
State for Governor, who will waut to buy them?
We anticipate, therefore, a heavy vote for Fos
ter, yet not enough to elect him. The People
are for Lincoln; they think of the gallant fight
he made for Clay and Protection in '44, when
they were swindled into voting for"Poik, Dal
las, and the lariff of '42," and they will ren
der him their substantial thanks this Fall. His
majority will be overwhelming.
Meantime, we rejoice to hear that the proper
efforts are being made to call oat the full Op
position vote in Oetob<w Tk* St*„ being
thoroughly canvassed; our friends will bve %
better organization this Fall than ever before,
and will poll over Two Hundred Thousand
Votes for Curtin in Ootober, and at least Two
Hundred and Twenty-five Thousand for Lin
coln in November. The distractions of their'
triple-headed adversaries will probably give
theui l lie State, but they do not rely upon that.
It wi.l not satisfy them to beat the strongest
of the opposing tickets; they mean to beat the
aggregate vote cast for them all, and we believe
they will.—/ V*. Y. Tribune.
In regard to the recent menaces of disunion,
Horace Greeley, in a communication to the N.
Y. Independent, says: To fcs chosen Presi
dent must cease to be an honor, when it dem
onstrates, not the voters' confidence, but their
cowardice. It may como to furnish a good noted
scale, a thermometrio measure, of the profun
dity of tbeir tremor, like this:
If perfectly cool and fearless, tbeir choice
would be Lincoln; *
If moderately alarmed, tbey would take
Bell;
If seriously apprehensive, they would take
Douglas:
If fiTghtened all but to death, they would
take Breckinridge.
Oorwin wrote a letter to a Union meeting in
New York, on Monday evening week, in which
he said:
"There is not a single political principle ia
our Republican creed to which every old Whig
cannot subaoribe. Our ticket is the only one
that oan prevent the contingency of an elec
tion devolving ou Congress. Our candidates
have given to the world as full evidence of
tbeir ability and integrity as those supported
by any other party. Why, then, should any
friend of our principles fear or fail to vote
with us?"
The laud is filled with the roar of tho can
non and the scream of tho eagle.— Lebanon.
Democrat.
N wonder the poor old bird of our country
sorcams, when the Democratic party is pulling
all his tail feathers out!
Hon. Andrew Stewart ("Tariff Andy") has
been renominated for Congress on tho first bal
lot, for tbo twentieth district of Pennsylvania.
Tbis will make bis twenty-second year of ser
vioe in Congress.
Hon. William Pennington, Speaker of tho
House of Representatives, has declined a nom
ination for re-election to Congress. After
sewing out his preseDt term he wisbea to re
tire.
"Come, go to bed, Eddie, you see it is sun
down, and the little cbiokeu3 all go to roost at
that time." "Yes, Aunty, but the old heu
goes with them."
Why is Stephen A. Douglas, asks a Repub
lican, like a little boy who dislikes to learn the
alphabet l Because he is afraid of Abo be
sees. (A. B. Ca.)