BY DAVID OYER. SPEECH OF GEN. G. A. SCROGGS, Delivered at Aurora, Erie Co.,N. F., Aug. 4. MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN lam much gratified to avail myself of the opportu nity afforded me through your kind invitation, to meet with you on this occasion, and, as an Amoricanarid supporter of Fillmore and Don elsoo in JBsG,join with my political friends and coadjutors of Aurora and the adjacent towns in a "free discussion (m the language of the call) and consultation upon the principles and plat forms of the different parties, and upon the most judicious course te be adopted in support of a Presidential candidate." Before entering upon such a discussion and consultation, it behooves us all to divest our miuds of every prejudice and bias that may tead to warp our judgments, and to havo an eye single toward an honest inquiry concerning the political obligations we owe to our country, and in what way, at this juncture, we oan con scientiously discharge them for its best welfare. While 1 do not wish to obtrude my own views or opinions upon any one for his inconsiderate acquiescence, approval or adoption, nor state my conclusions as irreversible finalities, 1 beg leave to submit for your consideration and judgmeut the result of a careful and earnest endeavor made, I trust, in a patriotic spirit, and with due regard for my own honor, to de termine for myself a course of political action under the present existing circumstances. Tn-it. my views upon ibe questions under consideration are widely different from the views of many of you, I have no doubt. Whether Or not they are concurred in by any of you I have no means of knowing. But I do know that they are honestly entertained, that in my judgment they are patriotic, and, as I believe, most consistent and honorable for any one who claims to be an American to entertain and adopt for his political government in the present emergency. That I have maintained an allegiance to the American party parallel with any man iu the land, no one 1 think will presume to dispute. Aud I here declare my iutentiou to stand by and maintain the principles of that party, in the reasonable and conservative sense in which I always have understood and maintained them, discarding as I likewise always have, both in theory and practice, such of its dogmas as soeui ed to me to be usJioasonable, impracticable, of! in-olerant. With this general allegation as to my faith and practice concerning the principles of the Amcxicau party, without detaining you with an exposition of my views in detail touoh ing them, which would bo out of place now, 1 will proceed to the discussion of the subjects which are more immediately within the scope of our investigation at the present time. As Americans, wo aro under no obligations of party allegiance to give our support to any cne of the nominations for President. The American party has not nominated any candi dates for those offices. It has not called, neither will it call, any Convention for or take any steps toward making such nominations for our support at the next election. The only National Convention that Ameri cans have participated in, even as individuals, was the National Union Convention which met in Baltimore in May last, and nominated Mr. Bell for President and Mr. Everett for Vice- President. But that was not au American Convention. It was called by a committee of gentlemen appointed by a number of Senators, Members of Congress, and others, who met from time to time duging the past Winter at Washington City, for the purpose of takiug measures to organize t a party under the name of the National Union party. One object of the organization of this new party was to relieve some gentlemen, who styled themselves Old-Line Whigs,from certain prejudices which they were known to entertain against the American party and its organiza tion. Through the operation of this move ment, the American party, in the name of which many of us were so justly proud, was set aside and its national organization abandoned. In the outset, it seemed to me that the Na tional Union-Party movement might be of some efficacy in uniting the opposition to the Buch anan Democracy throughout the country ; consequently 1 gave it, to a certain extent, my feeble cooperation. But tho proceedings of its Natioual Convention at Baltimore, and certain subsequent, as well as present proceedings of those who assume to shape and direct its course and policy, satisfy me that, at this juncture at least it canuot be of any efficiency in settling or reconciling the present conflicting moral and political sentiment which is creating so much disquiet and solicitude throughout the land. And here 1 wish to call the attention of A mericans to the fact that the National Uniou Convention never uttered a syllable, either by resolution, address, or otherwise, in any way signifying that it indorsed or approved a single principle or doctrine of the American party. — Neither are its nominees representatives of the American party. Mr. Bell is a Whig, and never was anything else but a Whig. \V r hcn the old Whig party gave up the ghost he, with a great mass of the opposition to the Democra cy in tho South, were designated by the name of Americaus. Mr. Everett was never claim ed, nor was he ever considered, anything else, politically, than an old-iino Whig, ludeed, from the antecedents ot both these gentlemen, an American has no right to expect any more consideration for his peculiar political dogmas from them than he has from the other candi dates. Nevertheless, many Americans and Fillmore men now look toward Mr. Dell as their first choicofor the Presidency, and indulge the hope that by some fortunate chance he may be elected. By many such it is supposed that if the election of President could bo thrown into A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &e---Terms: One Dollar and Fifty Gents in Advance. the Honse of Representatives, Mr. Bell's chance of success there would be the best.— And to that end it is proposed by some to form an electoral ticket in this State, which shall receivo the united rote of the Americans, Fill more, and Douglas men, taking it for granted that if Mr. Lincoln does not receive the electo ral vote of this State, the electioo will go to the House. It is not pretended, I believe, that any other candidate than Lincoln stands in aDy serious daDger of an election by the Electoral College. In the first place, let us examine into the feasibility of the plan proposed to defeat Mr. Lincoln Who knows that the Douglas men are will ing to enter into such an arrangement? lam sure Ido not know it; neither have 1 been able to find any oue who does. There may be some who are in the secret •, I confess 1 am not, though I have been very diligent in seek ing for intelligence about the matter. 1 have heard instated generally, that the Douglas men are willing to enter into a kind of a copartner ship with us iu forming an electoral ticket, but 1 have not been able to find any one who could inform uie that it was positively so ; much less give mo any idea of the amount of capital that we or they were to have in the concern. True, 1 may be without the pale of the wire-workers and rope-pullers iu this honorable enterprise, and some knowing ones may shrug their show ers, look wise, and say, "You are kept iu the dark; you are not trusted with such importaut political secrets." it may be so. Yet I as sure you 1 do not believe that the Douglas men will agree to any such arraugement, uuless they can have such a proportion of the electoral tickot in the Stato as will render it probable, in case of suocess, that, with the States they expect to carry tor tbeir caudidate beside, he will be made the third highest in the Electoral College. What the Douglas men really mean to accom plish by entering into such au arrangement (if they ineau anything,) is to get their candidate into the House, third best. They are convinc ed that Breckinridge will carry a large majori ty of the Slave States, and that be will be sec ond highest in the Electoral College. They have no idea of assisting Mr. Bell to the ex clusion of Mr. Douglas. They hope that, as between Lincoln, Breckiuridge, aud Douglas, a combinatiou can be made in the House that will elect Mr. Douglas. On any other baais Ido not believe \hat the Douglas men will unite with the Beli'tuoa iu forutuug au electoral ticket. Aside from this they have nothing to gain, hut necessarily much to loose. They do not pre tend that there is any hope for the success of their caudidate iu any other event. As a mere demonstration of political strength, such a movement can avail them nothing. are known to weaken parties that form them, and the Douglas uieu know that they would be demoralized by such a coalitiou. They oould not demonstrate their strength by it, bocau.se it would not be definitely known. The Bell strength would be exaggerated by the opponents of the Douglas men to their disparagement, while they would be subjected to the reproach of uuitiog with men betwixt whom and them there are no political affinities whatever. The Douglas men have less political sagacity than I give them credit for, if they enter iuto such a bargain for auy other object than such as I first suggested. And I need not add, i presume, that 1 do uot believe that there are any Amer icans, at least, who are willing to bo used for the attainment of such an object. In the Dext place, supposing there is such a combination made on an electoral ticket, does any man who can see au inch before his uose, believe it cau succeed? Certainly it cannot succeed. The Breckinridge party is increas ing in strength, and it will continue to increase while there is no gainiug to the Douglas ranks, but on the contrary a constant losiog. Saga cious Democrats begin to seo that the Breckin ridgo party is destined to be the dominant Dem ocratic party of thejcouutry, and that the man who wishes to identify his political fortunes with Democracy, must give iu his adhesiou to the Breckinridge dynasty. If I were about to enter the list as a mere political adventurer, rogardless of principle, among tho Democracy, I most certainly would enroll my name among the Breckinridge men. The Douglas men must succumb. After the next election, haviDg suf fered an overwhelming defeat, they will dis perse, and disappear before the ascending dy nasty of Breckiuridge, like tho morning uiist before the rising sun. And such as have any conscientious scruples remaining, whereby they arc restrained from approving and advocating Slavery extension, a slave code, and the revi val of the slave trade, will flee to the Republi can ranks; while those who have no such re straining scruples, but are prepared to yield their necks to the yoke, and bow in unooudi tional obsequiousness to tho slave power, will seek admission into the rauks of tho Southern Democracy. It is very clear to me that the Democracy must, for some time at least, depend mainly upon the Slave States as the seat of its power, and the source of its poiioy. The slave power will quickly repair the breach, aud unite the divided ranks of its friends. /Ifcc theory of tho Pro-Slavery Democracy is plain aud it is politic. It intends to entrench itself in the slave States, and iu a Presidential election make a foray into such Northern States as may be doubtful, and by tact and money carry enough to elect a Democratic President. And in this way they intend to hold possession of the National Administration, with its mil lions of patronage, as well us the control of the army, uavv, and treasury of the nation. Its adherents iu the North will be rowatdcd for their loyalty by appointments to the offices in their various localities. It is argued by some that the dootrine of non-intervention concerning Slavery, of wbioh Mr. Douglas is, improperly, proclaimed the BEDFORD. PA., FRIDAY. AUGUST Si, 1860. ohampion, is to bo the negative of the issue, the affirmative of which is intervention, and that the sentiment of the country is to he di vided thus, on the Slavery question. Without delaying to consider the merits of either posi tion on this question, I maiutain that the sen timent of the country is not to bo so divided. Non-intervention is a question of policy merely, not of law. It is a kind of middle or neutral ground. It would be a source of congratula tion nnd rejoicing, if the whole couutry would acquiesce in tbat polioy and end the struggle. But this will not bo done. The Slavery ques tion cannot now be regulated by that policy.— j The American party attempted to occupy a , middle, conciliatory ground on that perplexing ! question. It has been all in vain. We have j been orjing peace, peace, but there is no peace. The agitation of this question has increased! and spread, until it now shakes the whole eoun- ' try from its center to its remotest borders.— All other questions of principle or govemtaen- j tal policy have sunk into insignificance, and it alone has become the issue of a Presidential campaign. Wc extended our lines and tared our breasts in 1856 to meet and quell this agi tation. What has beeu our fate? Our liues have been broken on all sides—our rauks most sorely thinned, and the shattered remnant of our ouce gallaut baud is now so hemmed in by the striving forces in the conflict, that it must be ground to powder if it contiuuo to remain in its present untenable position. What, then, is to bo done? To me our course is plain. We must choose between these striving forces. It is useless to remain neutrai unless we retire and wrap ourselves close in the uiautlo of in difference Such as have a temperament adapt ed to such a state of turpitude may congratu late themselves. For nay part Ido not envy them. I cannot look on iudiffereutly. For myself I must take one side or the o.her. We all must. The issue between these forcos must be met and passed upon. Then let us, while in the vigor of our physical and intellectual strength, enter this coaflict, and, by determin ing, end it. It would be unmanly to defer it until the intirmides of age shall have disquali fied us for the service, or to saddle our posteri ty with a task which our procrastination shall have rendered so much the more onerous. Those opposing forces are uothiog more and uothing less than the Slave Power on the one side, striving agaiust its opponents on the omer side for the ascendency. This slave power has assumed within the past few ?>io-.'•mighty! proportions. From a domestic institution, reg ulated by local law, it has plunged to the very foundation of our Government, and usurped the place of Liberty, the ooraer-3tone on which it was erected. It has soarod to the summit of the arch which spans our Union, and proclaim ed itself the key-stone. Verily, "the stone which the builders rejected has become the bead of the corner." I suppose our Revolutionary struggle, which "caused a throb iu every heart tout loved Lib erty, aud wrung a reluotaut tribute even from discomfitted oppression," bad been presided over aud directed by a different genius than the Slave Power would fain persuade us. I supposed that when that struggle for Liberty was ended, and our forefathers, with the smell of the battle field yet ou their garments, laid tho fouudatious of cur Government, aud reared the superstructure thercou, which has been es teemed the palladium of man's rights, meant it for what it seemed, rather t'uau lor a citadel of refuge for him who lived and thrived upon mau's wrongs. So you have also supposed.— Have we been mistaken? If we have, let us submit aud euii this strife. If we have not, let us maintain the integrity of the trust com mitted to us by our forefathers, and show the world that the allegations of tho Slave Power are libels ou their memory, as base as its as sumptions are false and groundless, by shearing it of its high pretensions, curbing the range of its power, and defining a boundary beyond which it oauuot pass, lu fact, this Slave Power must be made subordiuatc to toleration, rather than suffered to be dominant over all restraint. A Slave Code, may be necessary, but uot for the encouragement of Slavery, but for its limita tion and regulation within its present limits. — It must be told plaiuly aud emphatically, so that there may be no misunderstanding or mis take, that within the States where it now exists, it shall remain undisturbed by any interference from the Free States, and that all the Consti tutional rights aud immunities to which it is legally aud justly entitled, shall be faithfully euforoed and preserved; and that beyond this it oauuot and will not be suffered to go. Until the ascendeuoy of Slavery is perma nently established, or its limits emphatically and definitely defined, there will be no rest from the agitation with which we are now af flicted; neither can questions of the greatest moment to our oountry'a welfare receive any attention whatever, much less that attention which their importance demauds. Then let us meet it manfully, but in a spirit of kindness, justice, patriotism, anil philanthropy. It may sorely try the strength of our Union, hut soon er or later it mu3t endose the test. If its en durance will not bear the settlement of ques tions which disturb aud distraot its harmony, let us know its weakness and suffer the conse quences. "It is better to dwell in a corner of the housetop than with a brawling woman in a wide house." Bat to return to the subjoot of a coalition of Amenoaus and Fillmore men with the Doug las men. I have said that it could not be formed satisfactorily, and if formed it oould uot suooeeii. These objections to the forma tion of such a coalition, to most miuds ought to be satisfactory. The piobabiliiies of ob taining the end sought by the meaus proposed, are entirely too vague and uncertain to excuse what, to me, seems to be suoh an unnatut&l al | lianae. Stealing the livery of heaven to serve I the devil in, baa been severely rebuked. — 1 do not see why stealing the livery of the dev il to serve Heaven in, is not equally reprehen sible. 1 have reflected much upon this subject of a i coalition with the Douglas men, and however ; others may think of it, I cannot, with a due ! regard to a decent consistency with my hum ble and brief political career, uor as a man of honor, engage in what seems to me to be such piooc of political sbysterism.— • mericaas or Fillmore men who can sufficient ly divest themselves of all considerations of consistency, principle, and honor, so as to en •. ige in such an enterprise, are welcome to the ; laurels with which they Mull wear even the j crown of success. I will Lave DO part nor lot J hTtnc matter, and I assure you here, that but; a wry beggarly account of the Americans in 1 the State of New York will. But suppose that the election is sent to the House, let us : see ahat i\lr. Bell's chances arc then. He has ! oup vote, and only one, to start with. He can j depend only upon that one vote. It requires j IT to elect. Where are the remaining 16 to coiae from? The strength of each candidate ' in the House is thus estimated by the New • York Express: Lincoln, 15; Breckinridge, 12; Douglas, 1; Bell, 1; equally divided, 4. Now, whore is Mr. Bell to get votes to elect him?— N'ifte of the Breckinridge men will vote for him, tor they confidently expect, in the event of the election going to the House that Gen. Lane will be the next President. Nothing is to be counted on from the four equally divi ded States. If Lincoln's fifteen and Douglas' cea> be given to Boil, that will elect him. But it is said that the Douglas State will vote for Liotolo. This gives him 16. Now, this 16 go over to Bell to elect him, or the Bell 3u& must go for Lincoln and elect him, to prevent the election of Gen. Lauc. What is mo.. probable? What is most reasonable?— I Will the mountain go to the prophet, or will the prophet go to the mountain? Or will the Beli State take the ground, and excuse its ob stinacy as that juror did, whose reason for the disagreement of tho jury of which ho was one, was because there were eleven obstinate fel- ; low: who would not agree with him? Is it likely tbat fifteen or sixteen States will yield thoir opinions and prejudices to one? No, it is no? probable—hardly possible. Human na ture is uMPue of sterner stuff- We have but to took within our breasts to be conscious ot ' tbe fallacy cf such a supposition. Would fif- . tc> or sixteen of you Americans yield tbe I election'of the'dibsFlusighiti cant offioer'fo oa% j Republican or Domoorat? You certainly ! would not. Much less would you yield the election of so high a functionary as a Presi dent ol the United States, under similar cir cuumstances. Then would fifteen or sixteen American States yield to tbe caprice of one j Republican or ono Democratic State? They i certainly would not. tjau wo expect coDces- j Hons from other men that we would not make ourselves? We must regard them as being as tenacious of their opiuious as we are. But it ! is said the Republicans will not dare take tbe j responsibility of suffertog an election to fail in tbe House, in view of the election of Gen. [ Lane in the Senate. This is assuming too much. There are men who act from conseien- I tious motives sufficiently strong to justify them in the performance of what they conceive to be a present duty, eoDteut to abide the oonse queuces with those who disagree with them.— If it be such a calamity to have Gen. Lane elected President, what an overwhelming re- j spousibility a single State would assume in : suffering it to be doue, when it could Drevent it. It is plain, 1 think, which would be tbe ; more culpable :u a ease where sixteen men re- ! fused to act with one, or one with sixteen, to ; prevent what both esteemed an evil. It is further urged in favor of this coalition ! tbat Bell and Everett will carry more States , than Breckinridge aud Lane, aud that if the j election go to the House und it tail to elect, j then the Senate will be compelled to choose between Everett aud Hamlin, in which event Mr. Everett would be elected. The conclusion may be correct, however remote from the prem ises. But I doubt the correctness of the pre mises. Ido not believe that Mr. Everett will get the uext highest vote to Mr. Hamlin. There is no ovidence of any such prospect. — All the evideuce 1 have been able to gather leads me to a differeut conclusion. 1 have no faith in believing in the Slave States voting for Bell and Everett. Those States shametully deceived us in 1856, and although somewhat differently circumstanced now, I have no ex pectation of any different result. 1 attach no importance whatever in regard to tbo case, which is urged as favorable to Mr. Everett's j election. If we should conclude to vote straight for Bell and Everett, wo wouldhave the gratifi cation of knowing that wo supported meu em inently qualified for the offices, as well as for meu who are the first choice of some, at least, but of course without any hopes of suc cess. If, on the other hand, we should conclude to act affirmatively and to a purpose, the way is clear to me. There is a party whoso plat form of principles, save one resolution, con forms in all respects with my views as to what should be the policy of this country in refer ence to the subjects involved. Aud that res olution 1 believe to have been inserted, rather as a matter of policy for tho present, than as a fundamental priuoiple. Therefore I am wil ling to hold my objections to it in abeyance, for the time beiug, as well as to forgive tho spirit in which I suspect it to have been intro duced. Upon that platform I see gathcrod vastly the greater number of my political friends, as well as many of my personal friends—friends by whose wisdom 1 have been instructed, and by whose COUDSOI 1 have been profited. There 1 have no doubt we all would find more affini- | ty on principle, than in any other political as j sooiation without the pale of our own. That | party has already inaugurated some of the re ! forms which were principles embraced in our political creed, and it has given its sanotion to others, which, if carried out, would go a great length toward accomplishing the aims of our political action. On the other hand, the op posite of this party repudiates, denounces and condemns these reforms, as well as every prin ciple of our political faith; branding ps, as a party, and as individuals, as intolerant, pre scriptive, and radically wrong. We all, indi vidually and collectively, as Americaus, are marked by the orthodox Democracy as unwor thy of confidence or respect, politically, and consequently unfit f<>r any placo of public trust. What kind of metamorphosis an Amer ican can subject himself to, so as to find any political affiuity there, I cannot imagine. Let us take a hasty view of our own party forces and position. Around the smoldoring embers of our once glowing camp fires a faith ful few still continue to gather. Here and there a solitary sentinel is seen at bis post, re minding us that there are yet a few Americans on guard. And although all ia still through out that once vast camp, where but lately the feet of near a million trod, in that camp there yet remains a small band, small in numbers but efficient in service, and although impotent in separate action, yet powerful as an ally.— The gorgeous ensign of the Union still floats from its flag staff. Without is heard the din and roar of battle. The striving forces are in view. Drawn up in formidable array, on one side, is seen a mighty host, on whose banner glares the startling motto— Slavery and Slave ry Extension. Among tbat bost there may be discerned, by close scrutiny, a band of fierce and treasonable spirits, bearing, as yet but half unfurled, the black flag of Disunion.— On the other side may be seeu a more mighty host, whose banners, waving in the breeze dis close the motto—Slavery Restriction—Civil and Religious Liberty. The conflict is about to begin. Shall this patriot band remain with in its camp, indifferent spectators, and reck less of tbe issue? Or 6ball it sally forth, and engage as allies on the side of justice, philan thropy, and the right? There was a time when your speaker's voice wa3 listened to in that camp with some degree of consideration, and hia counsel was regard" ed of some avail ia doubtfa! questions; and, whether you will hear oy whether you yill for krar, h4 vn-no